The intelligent public that has been watching the erratic courses which
the Russian ship of state has been sailing during the last few years
suspected that something was wrong with it, but not until after
the March revolution did it become fully known what incompetent and
irresponsible officers were in command. It was then learned that a great
part of the time the Emperor was either drunk or doped, that the Empress
was hysterical and on the verge of a mental breakdown, and that they
were assisted by senile Sturmer, mentally unbalanced Protopopov, and
profligate Rasputin, none of whom could read a compass nor lay out a
course and steered the ship as they willed. All the passengers, first,
second, and third class, grand dukes, intelligentsia, and laborers saw
the danger and shouted warning but the officers neither saw nor heard.
In order to save themselves and the vessel each class of passengers,
quite independent of the other, resolved that at the first opportune
moment it would throw the officers overboard and take charge of the
ship; but while they were plotting the crew mutinied, arrested the
officers, and left the ship to drift in sight of the breakers.
Nicholas Romanov is to blame for the plight of his country and for his
own misfortunes. He was warned, he was given his chances, but he abused
them all. When he entered on his reign he was popular and had the good
will of his people with him. For some reason or other it was assumed
that he was liberal minded and that under him the people would breathe
a little more freely than under his autocratic father. This hope was so
strong that it was unconsciously accepted as a fact. Stories were told
that the Tsar fraternized with students and workmen and that he was
determined to destroy the bureaucratic wall which kept the people from
him. It was on the strength of this report that the Zemstvo of Tver
petitioned him that in the future it might have direct access to him and
have a say in the government. Here was a great opportunity but he turned
it against himself. His reply was, "It has come to my attention that
recently some people have been carried away by senseless dreams that the
representatives of the zemstvos should take part in internal affairs.
Let it be known to all that I shall guard the autocracy as firmly as did
my father." This was his program and it deeply disappointed the
people. On the top of this came the tragedy at Moscow on the day of his
coronation when hundreds of people lost their lives in the attempt to
obtain a loving cup which was promised them in commemoration of the
event. Then followed the wholesale killing of the factory hands at
Iaroslav, of the peasants in Kharkov, the miners on the Lena, and other
such massacres and pogroms. Nicholas himself withdrew to his palaces and
left the affairs of state in the hands of the court clique which dragged
Russia into the Japanese war and brought on the revolution of 1905.
Before it was over the Emperor promised a constitution but as soon as
the disturbance was quelled he went back on his word.
It was known that he was weak and he now proved that he was also a liar.
He dismissed one Duma after another, he created an upper house to act as
a brake, he juggled with the electoral laws so that whereas according to
the law of December 24, 1905 the working classes and the peasants were
entitled to 68 per cent of the Duma's representation, by the law of June
14, 1907 they were allowed only 36 per cent, Poland's delegation was cut
down from 37 to 12 per cent, Caucasus' from 29 to 9, Siberia's from 21
to 14, and Central Asia's from 23 to 1. In fact he did everything to
make the Duma ineffective and a laughing stock. But that was not enough,
his pride was hurt and he wanted to be revenged, and the number of
people arrested, imprisoned, exiled, and executed for political crimes
was greater than before.
It has been said that Nicholas was not cruel and the blame for the
bloody deeds in his reign was laid to his ministers. Indeed, there
is something in his face that is kindly and makes a very good first
impression. But those who knew him better had learned to distrust that
smile. When the Emperor was most gracious to one of his ministers it was
a sign that his resignation would be called for the next day. In this
respect Nicholas II was like Alexander I. The following story tells
something of the real character of the man who had the lives of millions
of people at his mercy. The committee appointed by the Duma to take
charge of the papers of the Tsar found that many important documents
of state, such as reports from the commanders-in-chief, ministers, and
others, he had never read, and some he had not even looked at. They
did, however, come across a notebook which had been carefully kept and
guarded. On opening it they noted that Nicholas, with his own hand,
wrote down the names of those revolutionists who, in 1905-06, were
executed, the kind of execution, and other such details. [FN:
This story was told to the writer by a member of the committee.] That
interested him, but matters of state he left to his time servers, to
his hysterical wife, yes, to Grigory Rasputin, a dirty, ignorant, and
licentious peasant, until the country blushed with shame and it became a
saying, "Now we have Grigory I [Rasputin] as tsar."
The present war was declared by the Tsar but the people approved it
because they hoped that the defeat of Germany would mean the defeat of
the German reactionary influence in Russia, especially about the court,
and a closer union with democratic England and France. I was present at
the capital at the time that the war broke out and heard the cheers when
the Emperor made the declaration. It seemed as if Nicholas by coming out
against Germany had redeemed himself in the eyes of his people who were
willing to wipe out the past, and give him another chance. During the
first months of the war he was as popular as during the first weeks of
his reign. It was not like the Japanese war when the soldiers refused
service; in this German war, the men called to colors went without a
murmur, they hoped that something good would come out of it. Offers of
help from individuals as well as commercial and civic bodies poured in
on the Government. The ministers said that everything was ready, that in
a few months the Russians would be in Berlin. At first, all went
well, but soon news came of the catastrophe in eastern Prussia, of
the traitorous acts of the Minister of War, of the campaign in the
Carpathians where the Russians were slaughtered like sheep because they
had no guns, no ammunition, and no supplies. Again the poor people were
betrayed and a cry of horror and vengeance went up as on January 9,
1905, Bloody Sunday. The Tsar would probably have been overthrown there
and then had it not been for the war and the hatred of Germany. The
liberals and patriots of all kinds thought that all was not yet lost
and they went to work with a will, giving themselves, their money, their
strength, and their lives, but they soon became convinced that it was
all in vain so long as Rasputin, the Empress, and their clique ran the
government.
[FN: Several months before the revolution the following
confidential conversation took place between Alexeiev, the
Russian commander-in-chief, and a journalist:
ALEXEIEV: I can get nothing from them [ministers]. My
supplies are decreasing.... It is even necessary to think.
Through the Duma they begged the Emperor to put in ministers
whom the people could trust, but he, as if to show his
contempt for public opinion, selected men of low character,
one worse than the other, men with whom even decent
monarchists would not shake hands, and in shame withdrew
from court.]
[FN: about bread. We are already cutting down the allowance.
They have forgotten about food for the horses....]
JOURNALIST: What are you going to do about it?
A. What shall I do? With these people there is nothing that can be done.
J. Have you said anything to the Tsar about it?
A. I have... but it does no good.
J. Why?
A. While you talk to him he pays attention, gets worked up, is eager to
do something... but as soon as he leaves you he forgets about it. All
kinds of pressure are brought to bear upon him, he is not a free man.
J. Is it true that the Tsarina has much influence?
A. It is only too true. Her influence is irresistible. What is worse she
never comes out in the open. She interferes with everybody, but works
behind their backs. You never can tell what she will do next. Every time
she comes here she makes new trouble.
J. Do the ministers ever consult you?
A. They come, they talk. What can they do? The honest ministers leave
and the worthless remain.... If it were not for the war I would resign
too. If I should leave what would not they do with the army? Do I not
understand that Sturmer and Company are thinking only of an alliance
with Germany?... The home situation is serious. They [ministers]
are purposely instigating hunger disturbances in order to provoke a
revolution so as to have an excuse for breaking away from the Allies and
end the war. Our army is now in condition to crush Germany and without
that there can be no real peace in Europe. But a permanent peace is not
wanted by Sturmer and Protopopov, they wish to keep the people under
the heel of a strong Germany. Apart from the Germans no one will protect
them from the revolution. The pity of it all is that at the head of
the government there still are men who are interested in crushing the
people.]
[FN: Princess Vasilchikov, a prominent court lady, became
convinced that the Empress and her ministers were ruining
the country and therefore wrote her a courteous letter,
pleading with her to save Russia. For her pains she received
an order to retire to her estate, and her husband, who held
a very prominent position, left the capital with her.
(_Novoe Vremia_, March 11-24, 1917.)]
Members of the royal family and the grand dukes urged the Tsar to change
his course and not ruin the country and the dynasty but he, drugged by
Dr. Badmaev and duped by Rasputin, Protopopov and Company, sent them all
out of the capital with orders not to return until sent for. They became
so desperate that they murdered Rasputin but the Empress remained and
the government policy became more reactionary than ever and as Prince
Iusupov said the country was drifting to destruction or to a state of
anarchy. It was quite evident that the only way to save the country was
through a revolution and it was merely a question whether it would come
first from the top or from the bottom and when.
[FN: As late as October, 1916, the old Empress saw her son
at Kiev and pointed to him that Rasputin and the other
members of the court circle would overthrow the dynasty and
destroy the country but it did no good. Only a few days
before the outbreak of the revolution his own brother,
Mikhail Alexandrovich, pleaded with him along the same lines
and with the same success. (_Rech_, March 7-20, 1917.)]
[FN: The old and scholarly Grand Duke Nicholas
Mikhailovich went to see the Emperor about November 1, 1916,
and in order to impress him with the critical situation of
the country he wrote out his ideas so as to leave them. He
was received in a kindly manner by the Tsar who listened to
the reading of the letter and then took it over so as to
read it to the Empress. When he came to the place where her
name was mentioned she snatched it from him and tore it up.
In the course of the conversation that followed the old Duke
said some sharp things but he could not get anything but
smiles from the Tsar, and when the old man's cigarette went
out the Tsar lighted it for him. It was impossible to get an
out and out talk, or satisfaction of any kind, and Nicholas
Mikhailovich left the court in disgust. Two days later he
was requested to retire to his estate for two months. Here
is the Grand Duke's letter:
"You have said more than once that you would carry on the
war to a successful finish. Do you believe that with the
conditions as they exist at present in the rear this can be
done? Are you acquainted with the internal situation, not
only in the interior of the Empire but also on the outskirts
(Siberia, Turkestan, Caucasus)? Are you told all the truth
or is some of it concealed from you? Where is the root of
the evil? Allow me to tell you briefly the essentials of the
case.
"So long as your method of selecting ministers was known to
a limited circle only affairs went on somehow, but from the
moment your system became generally known it is stupid to
govern Russia in that way. Repeatedly you have told me that
you could trust no one, that you were being deceived. If
that is true then the same influences are at work on your
wife, dearly beloved by you, who is led astray by [--].
[FN: the evil circle that surrounds her. You trust Alexandra
Fedorovna--that is easy to understand. But that which comes
out of her mouth is the result of clever fabrication and not
the truth. If you are not strong enough to remove these
influences from her, at least put yourself on guard against
this steady and systematic interference of those who act
through your beloved. If your persuasion is ineffective, and
I am certain that you have more than once fought against
this influence, try some other means so as to end with this
system once for all. Your first impulses and decisions are
always unusually true and to the point, but as soon as
another influence comes in you begin to hesitate and end up
by doing something different from what you originally
decided. If you should succeed in removing this continuous
invasion of the dark forces there would take place at once
the birth of a new Russia, and there would return to you the
confidence of the greater number of your subjects. All other
matters would soon settle themselves. You would find people
who under different conditions would be willing to work
under your personal leadership. At the proper time, and that
is not far distant, you can of your own free will organize a
ministry which should be responsible to you and to
constitutional institutions. This can be done very simply,
without any force from outside as was the case with the act
of October 17, 1905. I hesitated a long time before
venturing to tell you this truth, and I finally consented
when your mother and sister urged me to do so. You are at
the beginning of a new era of disturbances, I will go
farther, at the beginning of a new era of attempts at
assassination. Believe me that in trying to loosen you from
the chains that bind you I do it from no motives of personal
interest and of this you and Her Majesty are convinced, but
in the hope and in the expectation of saving you, your
throne, and our dear native land from some very serious and
irreparable consequences." (_Rech_, March 9-22, 1917.)
[FN: "An important role was played at court by Dr. Badmaev,
Rasputin's friend. There were many rumors afloat in court
and it is difficult to tell the truth. But this I can say
that Nicholas Alexandrovich was drugged with different drugs
from Thibet. In this Rasputin took part. During the last
days they brought the Emperor to a state of almost total
insanity and his will power was completely gone. In all
matters of state he consulted the Empress who led him to the
edge of the precipice." Interview given out by Prince
Iusupov, in _Novoe Vremia_, March 14-27, 1917.]
[FN: One of the editors of the _Novoe Vremia_ who has large
acquaintance in the aristocratic circles of the capital told
the writer that for months before the revolution it was
commonly talked about in the homes of military leaders and
fashionable circles that for the good of Russia the Empress
must be killed. Last fall (1916) there came to his home one
of his friends, an aide-de-camp of one of the grand dukes,
and confided to him that he was meditating an act of
terrorism in order to get a certain person out of the way.
Another topic of conversation was the revolution after the
war.]
[FN: "I will say this--at court there reigned a kind of
nightmare, each day fewer and fewer people remained there.
If the revolution had not broken out from the bottom it
would have from the top." Interview given out by Prince
Iusupov, in _Novoe Vremia_, March 14-27, 1917.]
It is only since the political upheaval that the activities and plans of
the grand dukes have become public, but the cry for a revolution on
the part of the great mass of intelligent people was heard before and
everywhere. On my return to Russia, in February, 1916, after an absence
of a little more than two years, I noticed many changes but none greater
than in the public opinion in regard to the administration. On the
way across Siberia, I met with many Russians, some of whom were army
officers, and one and all bitterly criticized the government for its
mismanagement of the war, for the betrayal of Russia as they called it,
for its incompetency, and general worthlessness. At the capital, it was
the same, everywhere, street, car, and public places, the government was
denounced; there was no attempt at concealment. In the archives where I
worked, which are almost under the very nose of the imperial family,
the criticism was as open as in private homes. In fact there was no
exception. When mention was made of the Court, of Rasputin, and of the
Empress, there was a kind of a painful smile; it was not a subject that
self-respecting patriotic Russians liked to talk about in public or
before strangers; it was like dirty linen that ought not to be hung out
for public view.
There was reason enough and suffering enough to justify the complaining.
Petrograd was overcrowded owing to the thousands of refugees who had
been driven there, rooms and apartments were difficult to find and very
expensive, and the cost of living had gone up so high that it was hard
for the poor to make ends meet. It was almost impossible to get about in
the city, as the war had reduced the number of cabs and the few that did
business asked such exorbitant fares that only the rich could afford to
ride in them. The street car situation was in a hopeless tangle. Even
before the war there were not enough accommodations for the public, but
since the opening of hostilities many of the cars had broken down and
there were no mechanics to repair them and no new cars to replace them.
At a time when the population increased, the transportation facilities
decreased. Passengers poured into the cars like a stream, filled the
seats, blocked the aisles, jammed the entrance, stood on the steps, hung
on behind, and clung to anything that might bear them along. Difficult
as it was to get into the car, it was worse to get out, and it is easier
to imagine than to describe the pushing, swearing, tearing, and fighting
that one witnessed. The railways were in an equally bad condition. One
had to wait weeks for a ticket. Men and women were crowded into the same
coupes; the cars were packed so full of human beings that they suggested
cattle cars, except that they were not so sanitary, for they contained
people suffering from contagious diseases and were without fresh air.
The food situation was very serious. For many years, Russia had been
the granary of Europe but during the winter of 1916-17 suffered from
shortage of food. Passengers told how in southern Russia grain and flour
were rotting and yet in northern Russia the inhabitants were starving
owing to the breakdown of the transportation system. It was pointed out
that while the railway officials refused to give cars for bringing in
the necessities of life, yet articles of luxury, expensive fruits, and
such things did come into the city--a state of affairs which meant,
of course, that some one was grafting. Sugar could be obtained only by
cards and in very limited quantities; flour could not be bought at all,
and black, sour bread could often be had only by standing in long lines
and for hours at a time. There were no shoes and people asked what
became of the hides of the thousands of animals that were annually
slaughtered and shot. It was said that these, like other things, were
sold to Germany.
As usual the poorer classes suffered the most. The well-to-do sent their
servants who after a time returned with bread; at the worst it was only
an inconvenience, but the workman had no servants to run his errands.
In the morning, the laborer left his home for his work with little or
no breakfast, at noon there was no luncheon for him because his wife was
standing in the bread or sugar line, and when he returned in the evening
there may have been bread enough but little else. The wife was tired and
discouraged, the children crying and hungry, and life became a burden.
We may say that the conditions in Russia were no worse than in France
or Germany. This is doubtless true, but there is this difference:
the people of France and Germany had confidence in their leaders and
realized that they were doing the best that they could, while the
Russians knew they could put no trust in their Government, that the
suffering was unnecessary and was due to corruption, favoritism, and
incompetency. The Russians have as much patriotism and patience as any
other people, but when they saw themselves abused and imposed upon they
had a right to complain.
In addition to the criticism of the Government the other favorite topic
of conversation was the revolution that would come after the war. This
was discussed as openly as the problems of war; the two were bound up
together, first a successful ending of the war, and then a change in
government.
This public denunciation and open discussion of a _coup d'etat_ came
as a shock to me, for I remembered quite vividly how the same people
cheered the Emperor when he declared war. Three years ago no one would
have dared to talk like that. To be sure enough was said then of
the desirability of a more liberal government, but it was a far-off
question, one that the next generation might have to deal with. Now the
talk was of an overturn immediately after the war.
The court circle was not ignorant of what was being said for the spies
kept them fully informed. In conversation with a journalist two months
before the outbreak of the revolution, the Minister of the Interior,
Protopopov, a protege of Rasputin, said that he was aware of the
revolutionary propaganda and that he was ready to face any attempt that
might be made to overthrow the government.
"I will not stop at anything," he remarked,... "the first thing that I
shall do is to send them [revolutionaries] from the capital by the car
loads. But I will strangle the revolution no matter what the cost may
be." [FN: _Novoe Vremia_, March 19-April 1, 1917.] He had no doubt
that he could handle the situation and he inspired those about him with
the same confidence, particularly the Emperor whom he assured that the
discontent was confined chiefly to the intelligentsia and to a small
number of the gentry, and that the common people and the army were
devoted to the autocracy.
To the question that arises why the revolution, which was expected after
the war, came off before its conclusion, the answer is that the present
revolution was not planned nor desired by any one of importance; it came
as a surprise to all. It just happened. If some one must have the credit
or blame, it is Protopopov who was at the time suspected of being queer
mentally and who has since lost his reason entirely. He was so sure of
himself and of his ability to put down the uprising and thereby
show himself a real statesman that he concluded not to wait for the
revolution to come in the ordinary course of events, but to hurry it a
bit. Although there is no conclusive proof for this statement, there
is plenty of convincing circumstantial evidence. We know that it was
proposed to have the workmen of Petrograd strike on February 27, the day
of the opening of the Duma, as a protest against the government; we
know also that to meet this situation, the Minister of the Interior had
placed machine guns in the garrets, in steeples, on housetops, and other
such places where they could command the important streets and shoot
down the mob. The rising did not take place because Miliukov, the great
liberal leader, learned that the Government was behind this move and
that preparations had been made to slaughter the unsuspecting workmen.
He, therefore, addressed them in an open letter calling on them not to
make any demonstration, and they did not. For the time being the strike
was off, but the air was full of discontent and restlessness, and it was
difficult to say when trouble would break out again. With this in view,
a number of representatives of various organizations met to discuss
the situation and to determine what attitude they should take and what
counsel they should give to the labor leaders. Miliukov and a few
others urged that all uprisings should be discouraged because they would
interfere with the war, would cost the lives of many innocent persons,
and would accomplish nothing. There were, however, others, especially
Anisimov, who argued strongly in favor of a strike, saying that this was
the opportune time to overthrow the present regime and to establish a
democratic government.[FN: I have this story from Miliukov.] When
the revolution came off and the papers of the secret police were seized,
it was discovered that Anisimov, who urged the revolt, was the paid
agent of the Government and was doubtless doing its bidding. This shows
that the Government instigated and abetted the uprising. But this is not
all the evidence. Between February 27 and the outbreak of the revolution
men impersonating Miliukov went to the factories, calling on the
workmen to rise against the Government.[FN: I have this story from
Miliukov.] There is still another bit of evidence. In order to give
the laboring classes cause for revolt, the food supply in the factory
districts was reduced and many people suffered from hunger and in their
desperation came out into the streets. During the revolutionary week
little, if any, food came in, but immediately after it the soldiers
found 250,000 "puds" of flour, [FN: _Russkaia Svoboda_, 1917. No.
3, p. 24.] enough to last Petrograd ten days, meat, besides other food
hidden in police stations and elsewhere out of reach of the public. It
has been said that the Government instigated the uprising in order to
bring about a separate peace with Germany. No direct proof has as yet
been produced to substantiate this charge, and the only testimony that
I have bearing on this case is the statement made by commander-in-chief
Alexeiev in a confidential interview with a journalist already quoted.
[FN: There is not the least bit of evidence to show that the
Emperor himself was mixed up in these intrigues. Among the papers of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs there is but one document that throws
any light on the question of a separate peace during the time of the
monarchy. It is a letter from the minister of the German Court to the
minister of the Russian Court insinuating a separate peace. This letter
was shown, as was intended, to the Tsar, who read it, put it aside, and
did not answer it. This, however, does not mean that Sturmer, Protopopov
and the clique of the Empress were not planning to bring about a
situation which would compel a separate peace.]
These four points--the encouragement of a revolt by the secret agents,
the impersonation of Miliukov, the concealment of food in the factory
districts, the desire of a separate peace with Germany--make out a
fairly good case to show that the Government was behind the disturbance.
Aside from the reason already given for the desire of a separate peace,
the other reason for the action of the ministry was this: It feared that
the revolutionary movement, if permitted to take its natural course,
would develop such strength that it could not be put down when it broke
out, and, therefore, the Minister of the Interior decided to take it in
hand and at the right moment crush it with such force that it would be
a long time before it could raise its head again. Before it was over he
hoped to drag in prominent members of the Duma (or the Duma itself) and
other revolutionary leaders, and make an end of them. This plan need not
astonish us, for this method, in one form or another, had been made use
of by the autocracy time and again. Protopopov overreached himself, his
scheme miscarried, the soldiers about the capital went back on him, and
the little comedy that he had staged in which he was to play the leading
part became a tragedy and the shot which was intended for the revolution
hit his royal master and brought autocracy to the ground. In view of the
fact that Protopopov has since become insane, one wonders whether the
man was mentally well balanced at the time that he was in office. But
the Tsar has only himself to blame for his plight; he was warned against
this nominee of Rasputin, but he would not take advice.
Early in the week of March 5-12, 1917, the trouble began in the factory
districts. There were bread riots, car stoning, window smashing, and
other such acts, which are more or less common and no one paid much
attention to them. On Thursday, the disturbances spread to other parts
of the city and crowds began to gather on the Nevski, but the throng was
orderly and the police seemed to have little difficulty in keeping it
on the move. Friday the crowd was more bold: it marched up and down
the streets, calling for bread, singing revolutionary songs, and
occasionally waving a red flag and quickly snatching it back again.
This, too, did not make much impression for it is well known that
in Russia strikes and disturbances have in view political as well as
economic betterment. Late Friday afternoon, while I was walking on
the Nevski, a company of mounted police and a large number of Cossacks
dashed by on the way to disperse a procession that was coming towards
me. When I came up to the Fontanka Bridge I noticed the crowd was
gathered about the Cossacks; it patted the horses and cheered their
riders, while the police were nowhere in sight. I listened to what was
being said and heard that the police tried to use their whips and swords
on the people and this angered the Cossacks so much that they attacked
the police, killed the captain, and drove them all away. It was no
secret that there was bad blood between the soldiers and the police;
the former complained that while they were suffering and fighting at
the front, the latter were having an easy time, enriching themselves
by graft, and oppressing the soldiers' families. The soldiers and the
strikers started out with one idea--hatred of the police. When the
police had been dispersed, the Cossacks and soldiers begged the people
to move on, but they, especially the young women students who were
numerous, went up to them and pleaded with them to espouse their cause.
"Comrades," they would say, "come over on our side, our cause is your
cause." The rough, ignorant warriors were disturbed; they did not like
their jobs, and in a kindly way begged the men and women to go home,
but, as it did no good, for they massed again, the Cossacks rode in a
body into their midst and kept turning and turning until the crowd
was forced from the street onto the sidewalk. In the meantime, another
company of Cossacks formed a line across the street, from wall to
wall, and swept everybody before it into stores, courtyards, and other
openings. Even this did not do much good, for as soon as the horsemen
passed, the mob fell in behind and cheered the Cossacks. There was no
roughness, but at the same time it was easy to see that the crowd did
not yet know to what extent the army could be trusted.
By Saturday the inhabitants of the city began to feel the effect of
the disorder; cars were not running, telephones were barely working,
factories and shops were closed, banks and stores were locked, there was
little to eat, for the only provision on hand was water; every one who
could filled the tubs for fear the water mains would be blown up.
The crowd on the streets was larger than ever, more red flags were in
evidence, but all this failed to give the impression of a revolution.
Such demonstrations had been seen before; revolutionary talk was cheap
and was not taken seriously. As on the day before, the soldiers and
Cossacks tried by gentle means to disperse the crowd, but failed, for
the men and women in the crowd complained that they were hungry and
pleaded with the military for the sake of their own families to stand by
the people. It was easy to see that these guardians of the peace were in
trouble, they knew that every word said was true, and what was more to
the purpose, members of their own families were in the crowd. An officer
who was sent with his company to shoot on the people told how that same
morning his own sister took part in the demonstration and called for
bread for her children. This was no exceptional case. But as soldiers
they must do their duty and keep order. Realizing that the stratagems of
the day before failed in their purpose, the Cossacks tried other tactics
on this day. They fell behind the procession, and discharged their
pistols in the air and dashed at full speed into the mob. Woe unto him
who did not get out of the way. But they all did; in a second there was
not a person on the street. It is still a wonder how it was all done so
quickly. As soon as the horsemen passed, the crowd dropped behind them
and raising their hats cheered them. "Comrades," they said, "come over
to us, you know that the government is bad, you know how the soldiers
have been killed through its incompetency, you know that our wives and
children are hungry," and more such pleas. The Cossacks and the other
soldiers who tried to keep order were caught, they begged the crowd to
break up and go home, they pointed out that they had to do their duty
and that somebody might get hurt. It was reported that in some places
the soldiers did fire and kill several persons. During Saturday, men
were sent, it is not clear by whom, to the different factories to
persuade the workers to join in a great demonstration on Sunday. The
military commander of the city telegraphed to the Emperor for orders
and the latter sent word to shoot, if necessary, and to put down the
uprising at any cost, and that accounts for the posters that were put up
on Sunday morning warning the inhabitants not to gather in the streets
because the soldiers would shoot to kill. This had happened before and
was no joke, and many people would not leave their homes that day.
Those who did had to walk; there was no other way of getting about. Few
people, on the whole, were on the street that morning aside from the
soldiers and Cossacks who were guarding the bridges and keeping an eye
out for disturbances. After luncheon I started to make a call and as
I passed the barracks of the Volynski regiment, situated near where I
lived, I saw a company of soldiers lined up, heard the command to load,
to shoulder arms, to march, and off they went to the Nevski. I followed
them for a distance and then turned aside and went my way. In returning
I had to cross the Nevski and found that all avenues thither were
guarded and that no one was allowed to go in that direction. I managed,
however, by showing my American passport, to get through the line and
reach the street. Excited people were moving up and down and from them I
learned that about three o'clock a number of people forced their way to
the Nevski and were fired upon by the soldiers and the machine guns that
were concealed. Among the killed of the day was a captain of police who
was knocked down by a Cossack.
Sunday night was full of excitement and fear and there were not many
who slept soundly. Firing was heard at different times but what it
portended, none of us could tell. It became evident that the situation
was becoming serious, yet we all felt that the Government could handle
it. When I went out on the street Monday morning, the first thing I saw
was the placard of the military commander announcing that unless the
workmen went to the shops, they would be sent to the front the following
day. Groups of people were talking excitedly and from them I learned
that the Volynski regiment had revolted and had killed its officers,
because the day before they had commanded the soldiers to shoot on the
people. It seems that the soldiers returned home much excited over
their deed and full of remorse. In the course of the night some of
the revolutionary soldiers from the city upbraided them and they were
greatly incensed with their officers and the Government. They, as well
as other regiments, were particularly worked up over the report that
hirelings of the secret police dressed in soldiers' uniforms went about
firing on the crowd and that the new recruits, under penalty of death,
were commanded to shoot on the people in the streets. When in the
morning the officers congratulated the men on their deed of yesterday,
they jumped on them and murdered them. I heard that other regiments had
also revolted; but there were so many rumors afloat that it was not easy
to know what to believe. About four in the afternoon, I started for home
and found the Nevski full of frightened and nervous people, and hardly
any soldiers. No one seemed to know what to expect. Sounds of shooting
were heard and they were explained as the battle between the regiments
that had revolted and those that had remained loyal. In the distance
columns of smoke were seen and report had it that palaces were burning.
Again it was difficult to know the truth. As I proceeded on my way, I
was joined by the little minister of the British American Church, where
I had attended services the day before, where he had prayed fervently
for the Tsar and his family and asked God to put down the anarchists,
and other lawless men. We were discussing the situation, not knowing
exactly what to make of it. Perhaps the word revolution passed our lips
but neither of us nor those about us took it seriously. Near the Liteiny
a gate opened and about two dozen armed soldiers led by a petty officer
stepped out and marched towards the center of the street. Immediately
the crowd, excited and scared, scattered and ran for their lives but
the soldiers motioned for them to stop and told them that they would
not shoot. We left them, and proceeded on our way, trying as before
to interpret what we saw. While in the midst of our discussion we were
struck by a new and unfamiliar sound--tra-ta-ta, tra-ta-ta, and we
instinctively knew that a machine gun was firing. In a flash the streets
were cleared and my minister and I found ourselves sticking like posters
against the wall. It was my first "baptism of fire" and I had enough
presence of mind to observe its effect upon myself and others.
Physically there was no effect for no one seemed hit. I tried to locate
the gun and the man behind it, but did not succeed. When the firing
ceased, I went on my way. As I neared the Nicholas station, there came
rushing forth from around the corner a crowd of hoodlums and soldiers,
with drawn swords, which they had taken from the officers, and
such other weapons as they could pick up, shouting, "Down with the
Government!" Then it dawned upon me that the revolution was on in
earnest, that the anarchists of yesterday's prayer had become the heroes
of a great cause. What struck me most of all was the kind of men and
women who made this world event. I watched them during the week, and
they seemed to be in great part boys and girls, hoodlums, students,
poorly dressed men and women, without organization, plans, or leaders.
It is difficult to analyze the various motives that brought them out
into the street. Not one of the so-called revolutionists was seen,
heard, shot, or wounded. When it was all over they appeared on the
scene, rushing from Switzerland, the United States, France, and other
parts of the world, to make speeches and to divide the spoils. It was
a revolution without revolutionists, unless you call the soldiers that,
but they were not consciously making a revolution, and when it was done,
they were thoroughly surprised and frightened. There are a number
of reasons why the Government collapsed so easily. It was not really
overthrown but it toppled over like a rotten tree, and until it fell,
the people did not realize how decayed it actually was. Its misconduct
of the war, scandals like that of Rasputin, ministers such as Protopopov
discredited and disgraced the dynasty and when the end came, it had few
friends who shed tears.
Another important factor in helping the revolution was the large number
of students and liberals who served in the army. To fill the ranks
and to provide educated men for officers, it was necessary to call on
university students, experts in various fields of engineering, all of
whom, more or less, desired a liberal government. These men worked among
the soldiers and officers with a view to creating a feeling of distrust
in the Emperor, and the Government, and its incompetence and corruption
gave plenty of material for the propagandists. Loyalty to the dynasty
was undermined and as soon as one prop was removed, as soon as one
company of soldiers went over, the others followed and the whole edifice
came tumbling down.
Still another factor was the large number of new recruits that were
stationed in the capital; they were as yet not well disciplined,
obedience had not yet become a second nature to them. Many of them had
come from the factories, some of them were personally acquainted with
the men and women who were in the demonstrations and therefore would not
fire on them. Had there been at the time in the city three or four old
and well-disciplined regiments, or had the Cossacks who were on hand not
interfered with the police, the uprising would have been crushed quickly
and effectively as similar affairs had been before.
Yet one other factor contributed to the success of the revolution and
that was the over-confidence of the Government. The soldiers had been
loyal until now and it never occurred to those in power that they might
not always be so. They made no special preparations other than placing
machine guns on roofs. They did not even make use of the armored cars.
When they realized that the army in the city could not be trusted, they
called for troops from the front but they came too late.
From the point of view of the monarchy it was unfortunate that
Protopopov sent the Emperor to the front after having secured from him
a signed blank to dismiss the Duma; for if the Tsar had been at Tsarskoe
Selo, he might have been prevailed upon to make some concessions and
saved the dynasty for a time at least.
By Tuesday morning, March 13, the revolution was generally accepted as
a _fait accompli_; it was believed that the old despotism was gone never
to return. This was followed by an outburst of idealism and patriotism
such as comes but once or twice in the life of a nation. Every Russian
was bubbling over with enthusiasm over the glorious future of his
country. Liberty so greatly desired, so long worked for, so much
suffered for had at last come. The intelligent and persecuted Russians,
they who had spent years under the shadow of the police, in prison,
in exile, and in Siberia, had their day at last and they were eager
to realize their Utopia. Their first demand was that all prison doors
should be opened and that the oppressed the world over should be freed.
The Russian Revolution was not a class revolution, it was brought about
neither by the proletariat nor by the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy;
all classes contributed, it was a national revolution. So worthless had
the monarchy become that all the people were glad to get rid of it and
see it go. They who helped to bring about its ruin were the first to
deny it and seek safety; and even the Synod, in an almost unseemly
haste, took out the names of the imperial family from the prayer book.
The revolution was picturesque and full of color. Nearly every morning
one could see regiment after regiment, soldiers, Cossacks, and sailors,
with their regimental colors, and bands, and revolutionary flags,
marching to the Duma to take the new oath of allegiance. They were
cheered, they were blessed, handerchiefs were waved, hats were raised,
cigarettes were distributed as mark of appreciation and gratitude to
these men, without whose help there would have been no revolution. The
enthusiasm became so contagious that men and women, young and old,
high and low, fell in alongside or behind, joined in the singing of the
Marseillaise, and walked to the Duma to take the oath of allegiance and
having taken it they felt as purified as if they had partaken of the
communion. Another picturesque sight was the army trucks filled with
armed soldiers, red handkerchiefs tied to their bayonets, dashing up and
down the streets, ostensibly for the purpose of protecting the citizens
but really for the mere joy of riding about and being cheered. One of
these trucks stands out vividly in my mind: it contained about twenty
soldiers, having in their midst a beautiful young woman with a red
banner, and a young hoodlum astride the engine, a cigarette in one
hand and a sword in the other. The streets were full of people, or
"tovarishchi" (comrades), as they called one another, not only the
sidewalks but in the very center, for the tramways were not running.
Great events were transpiring and every one who could came out to hear
and to see what was going on. There were no newspapers and the street
was the news center. Automobiles came dashing through scattering
proclamations and copies of the _Izvestiia_ (a news-sheet published by
a committee of newspaper men with the authority of the Duma); and as
the crowd made a rush to pick these up it looked for a moment as if the
whole world was walking on its head and feet at the same time. Those who
were fortunate enough to seize a paper ran home with it to read it to
the family, those who were not gathered around one of the many bonfires,
made from the wooden imperial eagles, crowns, and other insignia of
royalty, to listen to the reading of the news, usually by a student. The
part played by the students during the revolution has not received the
attention it deserves. When all others were hiding or excited it was
the students who took charge of the leaderless soldiers, found food for
them, collected money for their welfare, and told them what to do. It
was interesting to watch with what deference the soldiers looked up to
them and hung upon their words. This importance was not wholly lost upon
the students, both men and women, and they read the proclamations as if
they were tablets of law handed down from heaven. After the reading
came the discussion. One of the favorite topics was the comparative
bloodlessness of the revolution (something like 169 killed and 1264
wounded) which proved that the Russian Revolution was superior to the
French or any other. Having started in this vein the discussion turned
on the mighty and noble deeds Russia was going to do now. Just as it
once freed Europe from the yoke of Napoleon so will it now liberate her
from the militarism and barbarism of William and give freedom to all the
world, to all nationalities, races, and creeds. The light of the world
is to come from Russia. The crowd meant it. The soldiers were in earnest
and patriotic--the praise showered upon them and the responsibility
placed upon them seemed to uplift them--the man with the hoe became a
free citizen and behaved as such. On Wednesday, March 14, the soldiers
posted bulletins in different parts of the city calling on their
comrades to abstain from liquor and violence and to prevent others from
committing lawless deeds. Not satisfied with mere words small companies
of militia visited the places where drinks were sold and emptied the
barrels and bottles into the gutter. For days the Astoria Hotel looked
and smelled like a wrecked saloon after Carrie Nation and her associates
had stoned it.
For some time the whereabouts and intentions of the Tsar were unknown
and numerous rumors were afloat. Some said that he had committed
suicide, that he was in the city, that he was on the way, that he was
under arrest, that he had fled the country. Another interesting question
was the form of the new government, should it be a republic or a
constitutional monarchy. Many of the educated classes and members of
the Duma advocated a constitutional monarchy of the English type, while
others, particularly the socialistic groups, favored a republic, a
democratic republic; whatever they meant by that is not clear. Needless
to say the great mass of people did not know the difference between one
kind of government and another but they shouted as loudly as those who
knew. One soldier demanded a republic like that of England, another
insisted on a republic with a tsar at the head, the wife of the porter
of the house where I lived cried as if her heart would break because
"they wanted a republic," and some of the peasant women in the country
clamored for the tsar because "if they take away the tsar they will also
take away God and what will then become of the muzhik." In one place at
the front several regiments almost came to blows over this question. An
orator ended his eloquent speech by saying that "from now on Russia
will have but one monarch, the revolutionary proletariat." This phrase
puzzled the soldiers, they also misunderstood the word "monarch" which
they thought to be "monakh" (monk). They therefore concluded that it was
planned to put a monk on the throne, and an argument arose whether they
would have a monk or not. Some were in favor and others opposed. By the
time it got to the next regiment the question was whether they would
have the monk Iliodor as their ruler. It was no longer a question
whether Russia was to have a tsar but whether the tsar should be a monk
or not, and whether it should be Iliodor or some other one.
Strange to say, as evening came a kind of fear seized the population,
particularly the more ignorant. It was difficult for them to shake
off the terror of the old police; all the time that they were talking
against the tsar they had a feeling that they were doing wrong, and that
some one was denouncing them. It was hard for them to believe that all
that they saw and heard during the day was real and that the old regime
was powerless. Some one would start a rumor that a monarchist general
with an army was marching on the city and that he would kill and burn.
Early Friday evening, March 16, as I was walking down the street,
soldiers ran by me shouting for every one to get under cover for several
hundred police from Tsarskoe Selo were coming and that there would
be street fighting. Frightened mothers grabbed their little ones and
hurried home, storekeepers closed the shops, porters barricaded the
gates, housewives extinguished the lights, and the streets became as
dark and as silent as a cemetery. This lasted for an hour or more and
then came more soldiers announcing that all was well, that the supposed
policemen were revolutionary soldiers who had come to take the oath of
allegiance.
The exultation reached its highest point when the first temporary
government, with Prince Lvov at the head, was announced. Every one
was pleased with the men selected, they were without doubt the ablest
leaders of the country, men who had always fought for the cause of
liberty and for the interests of the public. There was nothing but
praise for them and assurances of support. The fact that there was a
"pravitelstvo" (government) calmed the people and they gradually went
back to their old occupations, but as new men, with broader outlooks and
with higher aspirations.
The taking of the oath of office by the new Ministry was the last act of
that wonderful week to be unanimously approved by the people. When the
temporary government attempted to govern it was interfered with by the
Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies; the cry was raised by the
Socialist groups that it was they who had won the revolution and that
they, therefore, should have all the power. Since then the country has
become more and more divided against itself, love has turned into hate,
joy into sorrow.