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* * * * *
The Greville Memoirs
A JOURNAL OF THE REIGNS
of
KING GEORGE IV.
and
KING WILLIAM IV.
By the Late
CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, Esq.
Clerk of the Council to Those Sovereigns
Edited by
HENRY REEVE
Registrar of the Privy Council
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. III.
Second Edition
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1874
Contents of the Third Volume
CHAPTER XXI.
Dinner at Greenwich--Monk Lewis--The King's Letter--Lord
Althorp's Finance--Salutes to the Royal Family--Death of Lord
Dover--His Character--Lyndhurst and Brougham on the Local
Courts Bill--Charles Napier captures the Miguelite Fleet--The
Irish Church Bill--The Duke of Wellington and the Bonapartes--
Blount's Preaching--Sir Robert Peel on Political Unions--Mr.
George Villiers appointed to Madrid--Duke of Richmond--
Suspension Clause in Irish Church Bill--Apprenticeship Clause
in West India Bill--State of House of Commons--Lucien and
Joseph Bonaparte--Lord Plunket--Denis Lemarchant--Brougham and
Sugden--Princess Lieven--Anecdotes of the Emperor Nicholas--
Affairs of Portugal--Don Miguel at Strathfieldsaye--Prorogation
of Parliament--Results of the Reform Bill.
Page 1
CHAPTER XXII.
The Speaker a Knight of the Bath--Lord Wellesley Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland--M. Thiers in England--Prince Esterhazy's Opinion of
the State of England--Queen of Portugal at Windsor--The Duke of
Leuchtenberg--Macaulay and Sydney Smith--Brougham's Anecdotes
of Queen Caroline--Judicial Committee of the Privy Council--Sir
Stratford Canning and M. Dedel--Sydney Smith and the 'Siege of
Saragossa'--Edward Irving--The Unknown Tongues--Tribute to Lord
Eldon--W. J. Fox--Lord Tavistock on the Prospects of his
Party--Moore at the State Paper Office--Russia and England--
Belvoir Castle--The Duke of Wellington at Belvoir--Visit to
Mrs. Arkwright--Sir Thomas Lawrence and the Misses Siddons--A
Murder at Runton--Sandon--Lord and Lady Harrowby--Burghley--
Railroads talked of--Gloomy Tory Prognostications--State of
Spain--Parliament opens--Quarrel of Sheil and Lord Althorp--
Unpopularity of Lord Palmerston--Mrs. Somerville--O'Connell's
Attack on Baron Smith--Lord Althorp's Budget--The Pension
List--Lord Althorp as Leader of the House--Sir R. Peel's
Position in the House--Meeting of Supporters of Government--Mr.
Villiers on the State of Spain--Predicament of Horne, the
Attorney-General.
Page 30
CHAPTER XXIII.
Spain--Russia and Turkey--Sir R. Peel's Pictures--Peel and
Stanley--Lord Brougham's Judicial Changes--Lord Brougham's
Defence--Admission of Dissenters to the Universities--Lord
Denman's Peerage--Growing Ascendancy of Peel--An Apology for
Lord Brougham--Personal Reflections--Crime in Dorsetshire--
Spain and Portugal--Procession of the Trades' Unions--Lady
Hertford's Funeral--Petition of the London University for a
Charter--Repeal of the Union--Excitement of the King--Brougham
and Eldon at the Privy Council--Duke of Wellington's Aversion
to the Whigs--Lord Brougham and Lord Wynford--Fete at
Petworth--Lord Brougham's Conduct on the Pluralities Bill--
Crisis in the Cabinet--Prince Lieven recalled--Stanley, Graham,
and the Duke of Richmond resign on the Irish Church Bill--
History of the Crisis--Ward's Motion defeated by moving the
previous Question--Affairs of Portugal--Effects of the late
Change--Oxford Commemoration--Peel's Declaration--Festival in
Westminster Abbey--Don Carlos on his way to Spain--Stanley's
'Thimble-rig' Speech--Resignation of Lord Grey--Mr. Greville's
account of the Causes of his Retirement--The Government
reconstituted by Lord Melbourne--Lord Duncannon Secretary of
State.
Page 68
CHAPTER XXIV.
Taylor's 'Philip Van Artevelde'--Goodwood--Earl Bathurst's
Death--Death of Mrs. Arbuthnot--Overtures to O'Connell--Irish
Tithe Bill--Theodore Hook's Improvisation--Lord Westmeath's
Case in the Privy Council--First Council of Lord Melbourne's
Government and Prorogation--Brougham's Vagaries--Lord Durham's
Exclusion--The Edinburgh Dinner--Windsor and Meiningen--Spencer
Perceval--Lord Grey's Retirement--The Westmeath Case again--The
Queen's Return--Melbourne and Tom Young--Holland House--
Reflections--Conversation on the Poets--Miscellaneous Chat--
Lord Melbourne's Literary Attainments--Lord Holland's Anecdotes
of Great Orators--Execution of Charles I.--Lord Melbourne's
Opinion of Henry VIII.--The 'Times' attacks Lord Brougham--His
Tour in Scotland--His Unpopularity--Cowper's Secret--Canning on
Reform--Lord Melbourne on Palmerston and Brougham--Canning and
Brougham in 1827--Senior--Lord Melbourne and the Benthamites--
His Theology--Spanish Eloquence--The Harley Papers--The Turf--
Death of Lord Spencer--The Westmeath Case heard--Law
Appointments--Bickersteth--Louis Philippe's Position.
Page 114
CHAPTER XXV.
Fall of Lord Melbourne's Government--History and Causes of this
Event--An Intrigue--Effect of the _Coup_ at Holland House--The
Change of Government--The two Camps--The King's Address to the
New Ministers--The Duke's Account of the Transaction--And Lord
Lyndhurst's--Difficult Position of the Tories--Their Policy--
The Duke in all the Offices--Negotiation with Mr. Barnes--Power
of the 'Times'--Another Address of the King--Brougham offers to
be Lord Chief Baron--Mr. Barnes dines with Lord Lyndhurst--Whig
View of the Recent Change--Liberal Views of the Tory
Ministers--The King resolved to support them--Another Account
of the Interview between the King and Lord Melbourne--Lord
Stanley's Position--Sydney Smith's Preaching at St. Paul's--
Lord Duncannon and Lord Melbourne--Relations of the four
Seceders to Peel--Young Disraeli--Lord Melbourne's Speeches at
Derby--Lord John Russell's Speech at Totness--The Duke of
Wellington's Inconsistencies and Conduct.
Page 143
CHAPTER XXVI.
Sir R. Peel arrives--The First Council--The King's Address--Lord
Stanley and Sir J. Graham decline to join the Government--Lord
Wharncliffe and Sir E. Knatchbull join--The Ministers sworn
in--Peel's Address to his Constituents--Dinner at the Mansion
House--Offer to Lord Roden--Prospects of the Election--
Stanley's Want of Influence--Pozzo di Borgo's Views--Russia and
England--Nomination of Lord Londonderry to St. Petersburg--
Parliament dissolved--State of the Constituencies--A
Governor-General for India--Sebastiani and St. Aulaire--Anecdote
of Princess Metternich--The City Elections--Lord Lyndhurst's View
of the Government--Violence of the Opposition--Close Contest at
Rochester--Sydney Herbert--Sir John Hobhouse's Views--
Anecdotes--County Elections--The Queen supposed to be with
Child--Church Reform--Dinner of Ministers--Story of La
Ronciere--The King's Crotchets.
Page 174
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Speakership--Temporary Houses of Parliament--Church Reform--
Dissenters' Marriage Bill--Peel's False Position--Burke--
Palmerston's Talents as a Man of Business and Unpopularity--
Sympathy of Continental Courts with the Tories--Abercromby
elected Speaker--Defeat of the Government--Tactics of the
Opposition--The Speaker does not dine with Peel--Meeting of
Stanley's Friends--Debate on the Address--Lord John Russell
leads the Opposition--The Stanley Party--Second Defeat of the
Government--Peel's Ability--The Lichfield House Meeting--Debate
on Lord Londonderry's Appointment--His Speech in the Lords and
Resignation--Sir E. Sugden resigns the Great Seal of Ireland--
Lady Canterbury--Brougham in the House of Lords--Peel's
Readiness and Courage--Lord Canterbury and Stratford Canning
proposed for Canada--Approaching Fall of the Peel Government--
Meetings of the Opposition--Further Defeat--Sir Robert Peel's
own View of the State of Affairs--He resigns.
Page 204
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Lord Grey and Sir James Graham express Conservative Views--
Opinions of Lord Stanley--Lord Grey sees the King, but is not
asked to resume Office--Lord Melbourne's Second
Administration--His Moderation--A Difficulty--Spring Rice--A
Joyless Victory--Exclusion of Brougham--The New Cabinet--Lord
John Russell defeated in Devonshire--Lord Alvanley and
O'Connell--Duel with Morgan O'Connell--Lord Wellesley resigns
the Lord Stewardship--The Eliot Convention--Swift _v._ Kelly--
The Kembles--London University Charter discussed at the Privy
Council--Corporation Reform--Formation of the Conservative
Party--The King's Habits--Secretaryship of Jamaica--Lord
Melbourne's Tithe Bill--The Pope rejects the Recommendation of
the British Government--Relations with Rome--Carlists and
Christinos in Spain--Walcheren--The King's Address to Sir
Charles Grey--Stanley and Graham cross the House--Failure of
Stanley's Tactics--Alava and the Duke of Cumberland--A Sinecure
Placeman--Lord Glenelg and the King--Concert at Stafford
House--The King's Aversion to his Ministers and to the
Speaker--Decision on the Secretaryship of Jamaica--Archbishop
Whateley--Irish Church Bill--Payment of Catholic Clergy--Peel
and Lord John Russell--Factious Conduct of Tory Peers--The
King's Violence--Debate on the Corporation Bill.
Page 248
CHAPTER XXIX.
Resistance of the Lords--Duke of Richmond--Happiness--Struggle
between Lords and Commons--Peel keeps aloof--Inconsistency of
the Whigs on the Irish Church Bill--Violent Language in the
Lords--Lord John Russell and Peel pass the Corporation Bill--
Dissolution of the Tory Party foreseen--Meeting of Peers to
consider the Amendments--King's Speech in Council on the
Militia--Lord Howick's Bitterness against the Lords--Lord
Lyndhurst's Opinion of the Corporation Bill--The King's
Language on the Regency--Talleyrand's View of the English
Alliance--Comparison of Burke and Mackintosh--The St. Leger--
Visit of Princess Victoria to Burghley--O'Connell's Progress
through Scotland--Mackintosh's Life.
Page 290
CHAPTER XXX.
Emperor Nicholas's Speech at Warsaw--His Respect for Opinion in
England--Burdett proposes the Expulsion of O'Connell from
Brooks's--Club Law--George Villiers at Madrid--Lord Segrave
Lord-Lieutenant of Gloucestershire--Dispute between France and
America--Allen's Account of Mackintosh and Melbourne--
Prolongation of a Patent--Should Dr. Arnold be made a Bishop?--
Frederic Elliot--O'Connell's mischievous Influence--Bretby--
Chesterfield MSS.--The Portfolio--Lord Cottenham and Lord
Langdale--Opening of Parliament--The Judicial Committee--
Poulett Thomson at the Board of Trade--Mr. Perceval's
Interviews with the Ministers--Prospects of the Tories--Lord
Stanley's Relations to them--Holland House Anecdotes--
Mischievous Effects of the Division on his Address--The Youth
of Macaulay--Brougham and Macaulay--Lord William Bentinck--
Review of Sir R. Peel's Conduct--Dr. Hampden's Appointment--The
Orange Lodges.
Page 319
CHAPTER XXXI.
Moore and O'Connell--Defeat of the Opposition--The Carlow
Election--Lord Alvanley's Speech to the Tory Peers--Norton _v._
Lord Melbourne--Catastrophe after Epsom--Mendizabal and Queen
Christina--Lord John Russell's Moderation in the Ecclesiastical
Commission--Theatricals at Bridgewater House--Irish Church--
Ministerial Difficulties--Deplorable State of Spain--What was
thought of Lord Palmerston in 1836--Weakness of Government--
Lord Lyndhurst's Summary of the Session--Balance of Parties--
Lady Augusta Kennedy's Marriage--King's Speech to Princess
Victoria--Revolution of La Granja--Rudeness of the King to
Ministers--Irritation of the King at the Duchess of Kent--Scene
at Windsor on the King's Birthday--Prince Esterhazy's View of
the Affairs of Europe--Emperor Nicholas at Vienna--A Crisis in
Trade--State of the Court at Vienna--Duc de Reichstadt.
Page 346
CHAPTER XXXII.
Crisis in the City--The Chancellor of the Exchequer--A Journey to
Paris--Lord Lyndhurst in Paris--Princess Lieven--Parties in
France--Berryer--The Strasburg Conspirators--Rotten State of
France--Presentation at the Tuileries--Ball at the Tuileries--
Bal Musard--Lord Granville--The Due de Broglie--Position of the
Duc d'Orleans--Return to England--Conservative Reaction--
Sheil's Tirade against Lord Lyndhurst--Lyndhurst as a Tory
Leader--Angry Debate on Church Rates--The Government on the
Brink of Resignation--Sir R. Peel's Prospects--The King and
Lord Aylmer--Death of Mrs. Fitzherbert--Ministerial
Compromise--Westminster Election--Majority of the Princess
Victoria--The King's Illness--The King's Letter to the
Princess--Preparations for the Council--Sir E. Peel on the
Prospects of the New Reign--Prayers ordered for the King's
Recovery--Affairs of Lord Ponsonby--Death of King William IV.--
First Council of Queen Victoria--The Queen proclaimed--
Character of William IV.
Page 376
A JOURNAL
of the
REIGN OF KING WILLIAM THE FOURTH
CHAPTER XXI.
Dinner at Greenwich--Monk Lewis--The King's Letter--Lord
Althorp's Finance--Salutes to the Royal Family--Death of Lord
Dover--His Character--Lyndhurst and Brougham on the Local
Courts Bill--Charles Napier captures the Miguelite Fleet--The
Irish Church Bill--The Duke of Wellington and the Bonapartes--
Blount's preaching--Sir Robert Peel on Political Unions--Mr.
George Villiers appointed to Madrid--Duke of Richmond--
Suspension Clause in Irish Church Bill--Apprenticeship Clause
in West India Bill--State of House of Commons--Lucien and
Joseph Bonaparte--Lord Plunket--Denis Lemarchant--Brougham and
Sugden--Princess Lieven--Anecdotes of the Emperor Nicholas--
Affairs of Portugal--Don Miguel at Strathfieldsaye--Prorogation
of Parliament--Results of the Reform Bill.
June 29th, 1833 {p.001}
I am going, if not too lazy, to note down the everyday nothings
of my life, and see what it looks like.
We dined yesterday at Greenwich, the dinner given by Sefton, who
took the whole party in his omnibus, and his great open carriage;
Talleyrand, Madame de Dino, Standish, Neumann, and the Molyneux
family; dined in a room called 'the Apollo' at the Crown and
Sceptre. I thought we should never get Talleyrand up two narrow
perpendicular staircases, but he sidles and wriggles himself
somehow into every place he pleases. A capital dinner, tolerably
pleasant, and a divine evening. Went afterwards to the 'Travellers,'
and played at whist, and read the new edition of 'Horace Walpole's
Letters to Sir Horace Mann.' There is something I don't like in
his style; his letters don't amuse me so much as they ought to do.
A letter this morning from Sir Henry Lushington about Monk Lewis.
He is rather averse to a biographical sketch, because he thinks a
true account of his life and character would not do him credit,
and adds a sketch of the latter, which is not flattering. Lord
Melbourne told me the other day a queer trait of Lewis. He had a
long-standing quarrel with Lushington. Having occasion to go to
Naples, he wrote beforehand to him, to say that their quarrel had
better be _suspended_, and he went and lived with him and his
sister (Lady L.) in perfect cordiality during his stay. When he
departed he wrote to Lushington to say that now they should
resume their quarrel, and put matters in the 'status quo ante
pacem,' and accordingly he did resume it, with rather more
_acharnement_ than before.
Charles Wood came into my room yesterday, and talked of the King's
letter, said he understood the Archbishop had imparted it to the
seven Bishops who had voted, that nothing would come of it, for it
was a private letter which nobody had a right to take up. I see
the Government are not displeased at such an evidence of the
King's goodwill. The King and Taylor both love letter-writing, and
both are voluminously inclined. Wood told me that last year Lord
Grey got one letter from them (for Taylor writes and the King
approves) of seven sheets; what a mass of silly verbiage there
must have been to wade through.[1]
[1] [This is not just. The published correspondence of King
William IV. and Earl Grey proves that the King's
letters were written by Sir Herbert Taylor with the
greatest ability.]
July 3rd, 1833 {p.002}
Nothing to put down these last two days, unless I go back to my
old practice of recording what I read, and which I rather think I
left off because I read nothing, and had nothing to put down; but
in the last two days I have read a little of Cicero's 'Second
Philippic,' Voltaire's 'Siecle de Louis XIV.,' Coleridge's
'Journey to the West Indies;' bought some books, went to the opera
to hear Bellini's 'Norma,' and thought it heavy, Pasta's voice not
what it was. Everybody talking yesterday of Althorp's exhibition
in the House of Commons the night before (for particulars of which
see newspapers and Parliamentary debates). It is too ludicrous,
too melancholy, to think of the finances of this country being
_managed_ by such a man: what will not people endure? What a
strange medley politics produce: a wretched clerk in an office who
makes some unimportant blunder, some clerical error, or who
exhibits signs of incapacity for work, which it does not much
signify whether it be well or ill done, is got rid of, and here
this man, this good-natured, popular, liked-and-laughed-at good
fellow, more of a grazier than a statesman, blurts out his utter
ignorance before a Reformed Parliament, and people lift up their
eyes, shrug their shoulders, and laugh and chuckle, but still on
he goes.
July 4th, 1833 {p.003}
[Page Head: SALUTES TO THE ROYAL FAMILY.]
At Court yesterday, and Council for a foolish business. The King
has been (not unnaturally) disgusted at the Duchess of Kent's
progresses with her daughter through the kingdom, and amongst the
rest with her sailings at the Isle of Wight, and the continual
popping in the shape of salutes to Her Royal Highness. He did not
choose that this latter practice should go on, and he signified
his pleasure to Sir James Graham and Lord Hill, for salutes are
matter of general order, both to army and navy. They (and Lord
Grey) thought it better to make no order on the subject, and they
opened a negotiation with the Duchess of Kent, to induce her of
her own accord to waive the salutes, and when she went to the
Isle of Wight to send word that as she was sailing about for her
amusement she had rather they did not salute her whenever she
appeared. The negotiation failed, for the Duchess insisted upon
her right to be saluted, and would not give it up. Kemp told me
he had heard that Conroy (who is a ridiculous fellow, a compound
of 'Great Hussy' and the Chamberlain of the Princess of
Navarre[2]) had said, 'that as Her Royal Highness's _confidential
adviser_, he could not recommend her to give way on this point.'
As she declined to accede to the proposals, nothing remained but
to alter the regulations, and accordingly yesterday, by an Order
in Council, the King changed them, and from this time the Royal
Standard is only to be saluted when the King or the Queen is on
board.
[2] See Sir C. Hanbury Williams' Poems.
Friday, July 12th, 1833 {p.004}
[Page Head: CHARACTER OF LORD DOVER.]
Went to Newmarket on Sunday, came back yesterday, got back at
half-past nine, went to Crockford's, and heard on the steps of the
house that poor Dover had died that morning. The accounts I had
received at Newmarket confirmed my previous impression that there
was no hope; and, indeed, the sanguine expectations of his family
are only to be accounted for by that disposition in the human mind
to look at the most favourable side, and to cling with pertinacity
to hope when reason bids us despair. There has seldom been
destroyed a fairer scene of happiness and domestic prosperity than
by this event. He dies in the flower of his age, surrounded with
all the elements of happiness, and with no drawback but that of
weak health, which until within the last few months was not
sufficiently important to counterbalance the good, and only
amounted to feebleness and delicacy of constitution; and it is the
breaking up of a house replete with social enjoyment, six or seven
children deprived of their father, and a young wife and his old
father overwhelmed with a grief which the former may, but the
latter never can get over, for to him time sufficient cannot in
the course of nature be allotted. Few men could be more generally
regretted than Lord Dover will be by an immense circle of
connections and friends for his really amiable and endearing
qualities, by the world at large for the serious loss which
society sustains, and the disappointment of the expectations of
what he one day might have been. He occupied as large a space in
society as his talents (which were by no means first-rate)
permitted; but he was clever, lively, agreeable, good-tempered,
good-natured, hospitable, liberal and rich, a zealous friend, an
eager political partisan, full of activity and vivacity, enjoying
life, and anxious that the circle of his enjoyment should be
widely extended. George Agar Ellis was the only son of Lord
Clifden, and obtained early the reputation of being a prodigy of
youthful talent and information. He was quick, lively, and had a
very retentive memory, and having entered the world with this
reputation, and his great expectations besides, he speedily became
one of the most conspicuous youths of the day. Having imbibed a
great admiration for Lord Orford (Horace Walpole), he evinced a
disposition to make him his model, and took pains to store his
mind with that sort of light miscellaneous literature in which
Lord Orford delighted. He got into the House of Commons, but never
was able to speak, never attempted to say more than a few words,
and from the beginning gave up all idea of oratorical distinction.
After running about the world for a few years he resolved to
marry, and as his heart had nothing to do with this determination,
he pitched upon a daughter of the Duke of Beaufort's, who he
thought would suit his purpose, and confer upon him a very
agreeable family connection. Being on a tour in the North, he
intended to finish it at Badminton, and there to propose to Lady
Georgiana Somerset, with full assurance that he should not be
rejected; but having stopped for a few days at Lord Carlisle's at
Castle Howard, he there found a girl who spared him the trouble of
going any further, and at the expiration of three or four days he
proposed in form to Lord Morpeth's second daughter, Georgiana
Howard, who, not less surprised than pleased and proud at the
conquest she found she had so unconsciously made, immediately
accepted him. There never was a less romantic attachment, or more
business-like engagement, nor was there ever a more fortunate
choice or a happier union. Mild, gentle, and amiable, full of
devotion to, and admiration of her husband, her soft and feminine
qualities were harmoniously blended with his vivacity and animal
spirits, and produced together results not more felicitous for
themselves than agreeable to all who belonged to their society.
Soon after his marriage, Ellis, who had never been vicious or
profligate, but who was free from anything like severity or
austerity, began to show symptoms of a devout propensity, and not
contented with an ordinary discharge of religious duties, he read
tracts and sermons, frequented churches and preachings, gave up
driving on Sundays, and appeared in considerable danger of falling
into the gulf of methodism; but this turn did not last long, and
whatever induced him to take it up, he apparently became bored
with his self-imposed restrictions, and after a little while he
threw off his short-lived sanctity, and resumed his worldly habits
and irreverent language, for he was always a loose talker. Active
and ambitious in his pursuits, and magnificent in his tastes, he
devoted himself to literature, politics, and society; to the two
first with greater success than would be expected of a man whose
talents for composition were below mediocrity, and for public
speaking none at all. He became the patron of various literary
institutions and undertakings connected with the arts, he took the
chair at public meetings for literary or scientific purposes, he
read a good deal and wrote a little. The only work which he put
forth of any consequence was 'The Life of Frederick II.,' which
contained scarcely any original matter, and was remarkably barren
of original ideas; but as it was a compilation from several very
amusing writers, was not devoid of entertainment.[3] Though unable
to speak in Parliament, he entered warmly into politics, formed
several political intimacies, especially with the Chancellor
(Brougham), and undertook much of the minor Government work of
keeping proxies, making houses (in the House of Lords), and
managing the local details of the House itself. But however
contracted his sphere both in literature and politics, in society
his merits were conspicuous and his success unquestionable.
Without a strong understanding, destitute of fancy and imagination,
and with neither eloquence nor wit, he was a remarkably agreeable
man. He was hospitable, courteous, and cordial; he collected about
him the most distinguished persons in every rank and condition of
life. He had a constant flow of animal spirits, much miscellaneous
information, an excellent memory, a great enjoyment of fun and
humour, a refined taste and perfect good breeding. But his more
solid merit was the thorough goodness of his heart, and the strong
and durable nature of his friendships and early attachments. To
the friends of his youth he was bound to the last moment of his
life with unremitting kindness and never-cooling affection; no
greater connections or more ambitious interests cancelled those
early ties, and though he was not unnaturally dazzled and
flattered by the later intimacies he contracted, this never for a
moment made him forgetful of or indifferent to his first and less
distinguished friends.
[3] [Lord Dover's volume on the 'Man in the Iron Mask'
deserves not to be altogether forgotten, though more
recent researches have proved that his theory
identifying the 'Iron Mask' with Mathioli, the captured
agent of the Duke of Parma, cannot be supported.]
[Page Head: THE LOCAL COURTS BILL DEFEATED.]
The Local Courts Bill was thrown out by twelve. His party made the
_amende honorable_ to Lyndhurst, and went down in a body to back
him. He and Brougham each spoke for two hours or more, and both
with consummate skill, the latter especially in his very best
style, and with extraordinary power and eloquence. It would not
perhaps be easy to decide which made the ablest speech; that of
Lyndhurst was clear, logical, and profound, replete with a sort of
judicial weight and dignity, with a fine and cutting vein of
sarcasm constantly peeping from behind a thick veil of complimentary
phraseology. Brougham more various, more imaginative, more
impassioned, more eloquent, and exceedingly dexterous. Unable to
crush Lyndhurst, he resembled one of Homer's heroes, who, missing
his great antagonist, wreaked his fury on some ignominious foe,
and he fell upon Wynford with overpowering severity. As somebody
told me who heard him, 'He flayed him alive, and kept rubbing salt
upon his back.' It appears to have been a great exhibition. There
was Lyndhurst after his speech, drinking tea, not a bit tired,
elated and chuckling: 'Well, how long will the Chancellor speak,
do you think, eh? we shall have some good fun from him. What lies
he will tell, and how he will misrepresent everything! come, let's
have done our tea, that we mayn't miss him, eh?' The truth seems
to be that the Bill is not a good Bill, and is condemned by the
lawyers, that some such measure is required, but that this is
nothing more than a gigantic job, conferring enormous patronage
upon the Chancellor. The debate, however, appears to have afforded
a grand display of talent.[4]
[4] [The successful efforts of the Tories to prevent the
establishment of a system of Local Courts of limited
jurisdiction, retarded for many years that important
measure to which we, at last, owe the County Courts--now
an institution of the utmost social utility.
Nothing can be more characteristic of the blind bigotry
of the Tory party at that time, and the party spirit of
Lord Lyndhurst; for the measure had no bearing upon
politics, and was simply a cheap and easy mode of
recovering small debts.]
Macaulay is said to have made an admirable speech last night on
the Indian question in the House of Commons. I observe, by the
bye, that very few of the Bishops voted the other night, but all
who did voted with Government; even Exeter went away before the
division, so the King's letter seems to have produced some
effect. I have had a squabble with Lady Holland about some
nonsense, but she was insolent, so I was fierce, and then she was
civil, as she usually is to those who won't be bullied by her.
July 12th, 1833 {p.008}
It is extraordinary how little sensation the defeat of Government
in the House of Lords has caused. Everybody talks of the debate,
nobody thinks of the event, but I find several people expect that
the Church Bill will be thrown out, which would be a much more
serious thing. I betted Stanley five pounds to one yesterday that
they were not beaten on the second reading of the Irish Church
Bill. I have concluded a bargain with Murray for Lewis's journal
and sold it him for 400 guineas, the MSS. to be returned to
Lushington, and fifteen copies for him, and five for me, gratis.
July 14th, 1833 {p.008}
[Page Head: IRISH CHURCH BILL.]
Wharncliffe told me yesterday that the Duke and the Opposition do
not mean to throw out the Irish Church Bill on the second
reading. He had been in great alarm himself after the Duke's
speech lest they should, but had since heard what satisfied him
they would not; he said that Sir John Wrottesley's motion for a
call of the House had given them great offence, and was an
extreme piece of folly, for it was obviously for the purpose of
bullying the House of Lords, who would not be bullied, and this
species of menace only increased the obstinacy of the majority
there, but that the Duke could command the greater number, and
though there might be a division (as some cannot be restrained
from dividing) there would be no endeavour to throw it out. Thus
it is that one folly produces another: the Duke's silly speech
about the Coronation Oath (a piece of nonsense quite unworthy of
his straightforward, manly sense) produced Wrottesley's bravado
in the other House. But Wharncliffe says he is persuaded nothing
can prevent a collision between the two Houses ultimately. There
is a great idea that the Government will fall to pieces before
the end of this year. Tavistock told me that Althorp would
certainly go out in a very few months, and _that he would go on
the turf_! Tom Duncombe is found guilty at Hertford (of a libel),
and recommended to mercy, to the infinite diversion of his
friends.
July 15th, 1833 {p.009}
Yesterday came the news of Captain Napier having captured the
whole of Don Miguel's fleet, to the great delight of the Whigs,
and equal mortification of the Tories. It appears to have been a
dashing affair, and very cowardly on the part of the Miguelites.
The day before the news came, Napier had been struck out of the
British Navy.
Met Duncannon in the morning, who was very gloomy about
Wednesday, at the same time saying he rather hoped the Tories
would throw out the Irish Church Bill, for it was impossible to
go on as they were now doing; that if they did, two motions would
infallibly be made in the House of Commons, an address to the
Crown to make Peers, and a vote for the expulsion of the Bishops,
and that both would be carried by great majorities. He talked
much of the Irish Church, and of the abominations that had been
going on even under his own eyes. One case he mentions of a man
who holds a living of L1,000 a year close to Bessborough, whom he
knows. There is no house, no church, and there are no Protestants
in the parish. He went there to be inducted, and dined with
Duncannon at Bessborough the day after. Duncannon asked him how
he had managed the necessary form, and he said he had been
obliged to borrow the clerk and three Protestants from a
neighbouring parish, and had read the morning and evening service
to them within the ruined walls of the old Abbey, and they signed
a certificate that he had complied with the forms prescribed by
law; he added that people would no longer endure such things,
that no existing interests were to be touched, and that if
remedial measures were still opposed, the whole fabric would be
pulled down. He was still persuaded that the Opposition meant to
throw out the Bill.
In the evening I dined at the Duke of Richmond's, and found
Stanley informed of the result of the meeting at the Duke of
Wellington's in the morning, which was decisive on the question.
The Duke, after his extraordinary speech in the House of Lords,
when he mounted the old broken-down hobby of the Coronation Oath
and cut a curvet that alarmed his friends and his enemies,
assembled the Tories at Apsley House, and there, resuming his own
good sense, though not very consistently, made them a speech, and
told them that some such measure must be passed, for nothing else
could save the Irish Church: that there were things in this Bill
that he did not approve of at all, but he could not resist its
going into committee, and he finished by announcing that he should
either vote for it or not vote at all, according to circumstances.
Lyndhurst goes on the circuit on Wednesday, so that though there
will be a division there will be a large majority for the Bill,
which is the best thing that could happen. Stanley said there
would be a great speech from Lord Grey, talked of his power in
that line, thought his reply at five in the morning on the
Catholic question the most perfect speech that ever was made. He
would rather have made it than four of Brougham's. He gave the
following instance of Lord Grey's readiness and clear-headed
accuracy. In one of the debates on the West India question, he
went to Stanley, who was standing under the gallery, and asked him
on what calculation he had allotted the sum of twenty millions.
Stanley explained to him a complicated series of figures, of terms
of years, interest, compound interest, value of labour, etc.,
after which Lord Grey went back to his place, rose, and went
through the whole with as much clearness and precision as if all
these details had been all along familiar to his mind. It is very
extraordinary that he should unite so much oratorical and
Parliamentary power with such weakness of character. He is a long
way from a great man altogether.
[Page Head: DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND THE BONAPARTES.]
I met the Duke in the evening at the Duchess of Cannizzaro's,
talked of Napier's affair, at which he was extremely amused,
though he thinks it a very bad thing, and not the least bad part
of it that Napier should be lost to the service, so distinguished
as he is. It was he who in 1803 (I believe) was the cause of the
capture of a French squadron by Sir Alexander Cochrane. The
English fell in with and cleared the French fleet, but Napier in
a sloop outsailed the rest, and firing upon the stern of the
French Admiral's flagship, so damaged her (contriving by skilful
evolutions to avoid being hurt himself) that the rest of the
ships were obliged to haul to, to save the Admiral's ship, which
gave time to the British squadron to come up, when they took four
out of the five sail. The Whigs all talk of this action as
decisive of the Portuguese contest; the Duke says it is
impossible to say what the moral effect may be, but in a military
point of view it will not have much influence upon it. Lucien
Bonaparte was there, and was introduced to the Duke. He laughed
and said, 'He shook hands with me, and we were as intimate as if
we had known each other all our lives!' He said he had likewise
called on Joseph, who had called on him, but they had never met:
he added that some civilities had passed between them in Spain.
Before the battle of Salamanca he had regularly intercepted the
French correspondence, and as one of the King's daughters was ill
at Paris, and daily intelligence came of her health, he always
sent it to him. He did not forward the letters, because they
contained other matters, but he sent a flag every day to the
outposts, who said, 'Allez dire au Roi que sa fille se porte
mieux,' or as it might be. There was Lucien running downstairs to
look for his carriage, one brother of Napoleon who refused to be
a king, and another who was King of Naples, and afterwards King
of Spain, both living as private gentlemen in England!
July 16th, 1833 {p.012}
The Cabinet met at the instance of Lord John Russell to take into
consideration Lord Hill's _not voting_ on Brougham's Local Courts
Bill. Nothing came of it, and it is extremely absurd when their
own people continually vote as they please--Duncannon, Ellice,
Charles Grey, etc. On Sunday I went to hear Mr. Blount preach. He
is very popular, and has a great deal of merit, not so clever as
Thorpe, not so eloquent as Anderson, but with a great appearance
of zeal and sincerity, and he is very conscientious and
disinterested, for he refused the living of Chelsea (which Lord
Cadogan offered him) because he thought he could not discharge
the duties belonging to it together with those of his present
cure. Went last night to hear Malibran in the 'Sonnambula,' a
fine piece of acting and fine singing.
July 18th, 1833 {p.012}
I fell in with Sir Robert Peel yesterday in the Park, and rode
with him for an hour or two, never having had so much conversation
with him before in my life. He was very agreeable, told me that he
had just come from the Police Committee, when a member of one of
the political unions had been under examination, who had
acknowledged that they were provided with arms, and exercised
themselves in their use, to be ready for the struggle which they
thought was fast approaching. This evidence will appear in the
Report to the House of Commons, but what will not appear is that
an attempt was made (by Mr. Charles Buller especially) to prevent
its being elicited, and the aforesaid gentleman endeavoured to put
down Peel, who drew it out. The room was cleared, and they had an
angry discussion, but Peel insisted upon asking his question, and
carried his point, even in this Radical Committee. It seems to
have been very curious, and the man was nothing loth to say all he
knew. Peel thinks very ill of everything. I asked him if there was
no way of putting down the Repeal Union. He said none, and that
they had found the impossibility of doing so in Ireland, except by
investing the Lord Lieutenant with extraordinary powers; talked of
the Government and its strange way of going on, spoke highly of
Stanley in all ways.
[Page Head: STANLEY AND ALTHORP.]
Althorp's retirement seems certain, and if the Government goes on
Stanley will be leader, but unless he puts it all on a different
footing it must break up, and unless the Government people can be
brought under better discipline it will fall to pieces, for
nobody will support it on that motion of Wrottesley's for a call
of the House. Both Stanley and Althorp deprecated it in the
strongest way, in the name of their colleagues as well as their
own, with whom Stanley said they had consulted, and that they
felt it would materially embarrass the Government if persisted
in, and after this Duncannon, Kennedy, and Charles Grey voted for
the call, Ellice and Poulett Thomson stayed away. The other night
(I forget on what question) Ellice voted one way and Stanley the
other, and the former said to the latter as he was going out of
the house, 'You will see if the boys don't go with me instead of
with you.' The vote of the night before last against sinecures
was carried in a thin house, only one Cabinet Minister present
(Althorp), no pains taken to secure a majority, and he (Althorp)
saying that it signified more to the Tories than to him, and they
ought to have come down and rejected it. Peel thinks it of great
importance, and very difficult to get out of. However, it will be
got out of by some particular case being tried, on which Hume, or
whoever brings it forward, will be beaten, and then it will sleep
for a time; but there stands and will stand the resolution on the
journals, and the House of Commons has admitted the principle of
dealing with actual vested interests, and not confining their
operation to the future.
There seems every probability of Stanley's West India Bill being
thrown out. The Saints, who at first had agreed to support it,
object to pay the twenty millions for emancipation to take place
twelve years hence, and the present condition of the question
seems to be that all parties are dissatisfied with it, and there
is nearly a certainty that it will be received with horror by the
planters, while the slaves will no longer work when they find the
fiat of their freedom (however conditional or distant the final
consummation may be) has at length gone forth.
July 20th, 1833 {p.013}
I dropped into the House of Lords last night, and heard the
Bishop of London reply severally to the Duke of Newcastle and
Lord Winchilsea, the first of whom muttered, and the latter
bellowed something I could not hear, but I gathered that the last
was on the subject of the King's letter to the Bishops. The
Bishop made very pertinent answers to both, but the Duke of
Wellington got up after Winchilsea, and entreated nothing might
be said upon the subject, and put down discussion with that
authority which the Tories dare not resist, and which he
exercised on this occasion with the good sense and, above all,
consideration for public convenience and disdain of party rancour
which distinguish him above all men I have ever seen, and which
compel one to admire him in spite of the extraordinary things he
occasionally says and does.
George Villiers is going Minister to Madrid, instead of Addington,
who is so inefficient they are obliged to recall him, and at this
moment Madrid is the most important diplomatic mission, with
reference to the existing and the prospective state of things. The
Portuguese contest, the chance of the King of Spain's death and a
disputed succession, the recognition of the South American
colonies, and commercial arrangements with this country, present a
mass of interests which demand considerable dexterity and
judgment; besides, Addington is a Tory, and does not act in the
spirit of this Government, so they will recall him without
ceremony. There is another Ambassador (Frederic Lamb) whose
principles are equally at variance with those of Palmerston, and
who is completely be-Metternich'd, but his removal is out of the
question; he knows it, and no doubt conducts himself accordingly.
George Villiers told me that he touched incidentally one day with
Palmerston on Lamb's conduct in some matter relating to Lord
Granville, and he found that it was sacred ground, and he only
got, 'Ah, aw--yes, _Metternich_ is, I suppose, too old to mend
now.'
July 21st, 1853 {p.014}
[Page Head: DUKE OF RICHMOND.]
The Duke of Wellington did not vote on Friday night, but he made a
bitter speech against Government, and attacked Lord Anglesey very
unnecessarily, when Melbourne retorted on him very well. Lord
Grey's reply appears to have been exceedingly good. I met the Duke
of Richmond last night, and talked to him about the prospects of
Government, and suggested that if Stanley (when Althorp retires)
does not make it a _sine qua non_ that better discipline should be
observed in their ranks, the Government cannot go on. He agreed,
and said Stanley would, but he thought the House of Lords were
going on in such a way that before three years there would be
none. It appears to me totally impossible for Stanley or anybody
to go on without remodelling the Government, and one of his
difficulties would be in getting rid of Richmond himself. He is
utterly incapable, entirely ignorant, and his pert smartness,
saying sharp things, cheering offensively, have greatly
exasperated many people against him in the House of Commons, and
these feelings of anger have been heightened by his taking
frequent opportunities of comporting himself with acrimony towards
the Duke of Wellington, though he always professes great
veneration for him, and talks as if he had constantly abstained
from anything like incivility or disrespect towards him. It is
remarkable certainly that his colleagues appear to entertain a
higher opinion of him than he deserves, and you hear of one or
another saying, 'Oh, you don't know the Duke of Richmond.' He has,
in fact, that weight which a man can derive from being positive,
obstinate, pertinacious, and busy, but his understanding lies in a
nutshell, and his information in a pin's head. He is, however,
good-humoured, a good fellow, and personally liked, particularly
by Stanley and Graham, who are of his own age, and have both the
same taste for sporting and gay occupations. The Tories threaten
mighty things in the Committee, but I don't think they will
attempt much.
July 24th, 1833 {p.015}
Divisions in both Houses last night. The Duke of Wellington
proposed an important amendment (which he would afterwards have
withdrawn, but his friends would not let him), and he was beaten
by fourteen. A great division for Government _in the House of
Lords_. In the Commons 166 minority for triennial Parliaments,
and by every sort of whipping and Billy Holmes's assistance a
majority, but only of sixty or seventy; fine work this.
July 25th to 26th, 1833 {p.016}
[Page Head: GOVERNMENT DEFEATED.]
_Half-past two in the morning._--Just come home, having heard of
the division in the House of Lords, in which Ministers were
beaten on what they call the Suspension clause by two. Alvanley,
Belhaven, and Clanricarde got there too late. Gower could not
attend, nor Lord Granville. Lyndhurst came all the way from
Norwich (being on the circuit) to vote. The question is, what
Ministers will do--go on with the Bill, or throw it up, resign,
make Peers, or what? Nothing can be more silly than the
amendment, although it may be questioned whether it signifies
very materially; but the light in which Ministers see it is this:
are they to submit night after night to the vexatious insolence
of the Tories, who are constantly on the watch to find some
vulnerable point, and without intending or daring to throw over
their great measures, to mangle their details as much as they can
venture to do, and hold the Government in a sort of subjugation
and in a state of sufferance? The Tory lords are perfectly rabid,
and reckless of consequences, regardless of the embarrassment
they cause the King, and of the aggravation of a state of things
they already think very bad, they care for nothing but the silly
vain pleasure of beating the Government, every day affording
fresh materials for the assaults that are made upon them by the
press, and fresh cause for general odium and contempt. The Duke
of Wellington has no power over them for good purposes, and they
will only follow him when he will lead them on to some rash and
desperate enterprise. This event has affected people differently
according to their several views and opinions, but all are in
eager curiosity to see what the Government will do.
In the House of Commons things are no better than in the House of
Lords. Stanley was nearly beaten on the Apprenticeship clause in
the West Indian Bill on Wednesday night, Macaulay opposing him;
so yesterday morning he came down to the House and gave it up. It
is remarkable that he made an admirable speech in defence of his
clause, was unusually and enthusiastically cheered, Macaulay's
speech falling very flat, and to all appearance the whole House
with Stanley, yet upon division he only carried it by some seven
or eight votes. It is said that after the vote he could not do
otherwise than give it up, but that if he had taken a higher tone
in his speech, and treated it as a compact fixed and agreed upon,
which nothing could shake, and to which he was irrevocably
pledged, he would have carried the House with him, and have got a
larger majority. But the truth is that the House of Commons is in
such a state that it is next to impossible to say what Ministers
can or ought to do, or what the House will do. There is no such
thing as a great party knit together by community of opinion,
'idem sentientes de republica.' The Government conciliate no
attachment, command no esteem and respect, and have no following.
Althorp is liked, Stanley admired, but people devote themselves
to neither; every man is thinking of what he shall say to his
constituents, and how his vote will be taken, and everything goes
on (as it were) from hand to mouth; by fits and starts the House
of Commons seems rational and moderate, and then they appear one
day subservient to the Ministers, another riotous, unruly, and
fierce, ready to abolish the Bishops and crush the House of
Lords, and to vote anything that is violent. The Tories in the
House of Commons are lukewarm, angry, frightened: they say, Why
should we come and support a Government that won't support
itself? the Government from weakness or facility, or motives of
personal feeling and partiality, suffers itself to be bearded and
thwarted by its own people, and does nothing. Duncannon, on the
triennial motion the other night, stayed in the House of Lords
and would not vote, there are some half-dozen of them whose votes
the Ministerial bench cannot count upon. Then it is no small
aggravation to the present difficult state of things that Stanley
does not appear to be a man of much moral political firmness and
courage, a timid politician, _ignavus adversum lupos_. He is bold
and spirited against individuals, but timid against bodies, and
with respect to results. Labouchere went to him some time ago,
and told him that it was evident a feeling was growing up in the
House of Commons against this Apprenticeship clause, and that he
had better make up his mind early what course he should pursue,
that if he meant to stand to it they would support him, but if
not, he had better give it up early and from foresight rather
than from necessity at last, but above all, not to drag them
through the mire by making them support him, and then throwing
them over. He declared he would stand to his clause. They
supported him, and he threw them over. This will not do for a man
who aspires to be leader, and Sandon told me last night that men
would not be led by him, in spite of his talents, that when
Althorp went under Stanley's banner the friends of Government
would not enlist. God only knows how it all will end, and out of
such a mass of confusion, of so much violence and folly and
weakness, and the working of so many bad passions, what will
result, but any day the chance becomes less of the elements of
disorder being resolved into a state of tranquillity and good
government. It is every day more apparent that with such a House
of Commons, so elected, so acted upon, no Government can feel
secure; none can undertake with confidence to carry on the
affairs of the country. It is difficult to describe the state of
agitation into which the minds of people of all persuasions are
thrown by the continual recurrence of these little events, of the
feeling of insecurity, of doubt, of apprehension which pervades
all classes. Nobody thinks the present Government can go on, at
the same time they can see no party and no individual who could
go on as well if they were to retire. The present House of
Commons it is found impossible to manage, but it is believed that
in the event of a dissolution another would be much worse; in
short, all is chaos, confusion, and uncertainty, and the only
thing in which all parties agree is that things are very bad, and
every day getting worse.
[Page Head: THE BONAPARTES.]
I dined the day before yesterday with old Lady Cork, to meet the
Bonapartes. There were Joseph, Lucien, Lucien's daughter, the
widow of Louis Bonaparte, Hortense's son,[5] the Dudley Stuarts,
Belhavens, Rogers, Lady Clarendon, and Lady Davy and myself; not
very amusing, but curious to see these two men, one of whom would
not be a King, when he might have chosen almost any crown he
pleased (conceive, for instance, having refused the kingdom of
Naples), and the other, who was first King of Naples and then
King of Spain, commanded armies, and had the honour of being
defeated at Vittoria by the Duke of Wellington. There they sat,
these brothers of Napoleon, who once trampled upon all Europe,
and at whose feet the potentates of the earth bowed, two simple,
plain-looking, civil, courteous, smiling gentlemen. They say
Lucien is a very agreeable man, Joseph nothing. Joseph is a
caricature of Napoleon in his latter days, at least so I guess
from the pictures. He is taller, stouter, with the same sort of
face, but without the expression, and particularly without the
eagle eye. Lucien looked as if he had once been like him, that
is, his face in shape is like the pictures of Napoleon when he
was thin and young, but Lucien is a very large, tall man. They
talked little, but stayed on in the evening, when there was a
party, and received very civilly all the people who were
presented to them. There was not the slightest affectation of
royalty in either. Lucien, indeed, had no occasion for any, but a
man who had ruled over two kingdoms might be excused for
betraying something of his former condition, but, on the
contrary, everything regal that he ever had about him seemed to
have been merged in his American citizenship, and he looked more
like a Yankee cultivator than a King of Spain and the Indies.
Though there was nothing to see in Joseph, who is, I believe, a
very mediocre personage, I could not help gazing at him, and
running over in my mind the strange events in which he had been
concerned in the course of his life, and regarding him as a
curiosity, and probably as the most extraordinary living instance
of the freaks of fortune and instability of human grandeur.
[5] [This must have been the Emperor Napoleon III.]
The Duke of Sutherland is dead, a leviathan of wealth. I believe
he is the richest individual who ever died, and I should like to
know what his property amounts to, out of pure curiosity.
July 27th, 1833 {p.020}
This affair in the House of Lords blew over. The Patriots at
Brookes' were loud in their indignation, and talked nonsense
about dignity and resignation, and so forth, but Lord Grey took
the better course, and came down to the House with a lecture,
conceived in mild yet firm language, and announced his intention
of going on with the Bill. Accordingly they got through the
Committee last night without further obstructions. The amendment
is in fact so trivial that I don't think he will attempt to
re-establish the original clause on the report, and if he does
not, the Commons (I am told) will not either.
August 7th, 1833 {p.020}
At Goodwood from Saturday se'nnight to Saturday last. Magnificent
weather, numerous assemblage, tolerable racing, but I did not win
the great cup, which I ought to have won, a most vile piece of
ill luck, but good fortune seems to have deserted me, and the
most I can do is not to lose.
George Villiers is appointed to Madrid, but he tells me that he
can neither see nor hear from Palmerston, that though his
appointment is in everybody's mouth it has never been notified to
him. All this negligence is because our Foreign Secretary is
engaged in the conferences, in which, however, he gives no
greater satisfaction to those he is concerned with, for
Talleyrand complains that he invariably makes them wait from one
to two hours, and Dedel says that his manner is so insulting
towards the Dutch nation and King, and that on every occasion he
acts with so much partiality towards Belgium, that it is with the
greatest difficulty he can transact business with him at all.
They say the Duke of Wellington has scarcely missed a day during
this session in his attendance on the House of Lords, always in
his place from the beginning to the end of the debates, speaking
and evidently preparing himself on every subject, doing duty as
the head of a party.
August 8th, 1833 {p.020}
Met Lord Grey in the street; he said this session had nearly done
him up, and he must have repose, he talked of Portugal, of the
desirableness of getting rid of Pedro, and of putting Palmella at
the head of the Government. I said he must take care they did not
establish too liberal a Government. He replied the Portuguese
certainly were not fit for any such thing, and that the
constitution had undoubtedly done all the mischief; spoke of the
Duke of Wellington, and of his being always in the House of
Lords, speaking on anything, and generally not well, that he had
made a most tiresome bad speech on the India Charter question,
etc. Brougham's Privy Council Bill has, I perceive, passed the
House of Commons, having gone through both Houses without a
syllable said upon it in either.
[Page Head: GEORGE VILLIERS MINISTER AT MADRID.]
George Villiers is at last acknowledged Minister to Madrid. He
told me he was with Palmerston at his house yesterday morning,
and was much struck with his custom of receiving all his numerous
visitors and applicants in the order in which they arrive, be
their rank what it may. Neumann told him he had never known him
vary in this practice, or deviate from it in anybody's favour. It
is a merit. There seems little danger of any movement on the part
of Spain, for Zea Bermudez (Palmerston told George Villiers) is
struck to the earth by the events in Portugal, and only anxious
to curry favour with England.
August 15th, 1833 {p.021}
At Council yesterday to swear in James Parke and Bosanquet (who
did not come) Privy Councillors, in order to carry into operation
the Chancellor's new Bill for the establishment of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council.
August 20th, 1833 {p.021}
To Stoke on Saturday with Creevey and Lemarchant, the
Chancellor's secretary. The Chancellor and others of the Ministry
were to have come, but they all dined at Blackwall. Brougham,
Plunket, and John Russell came the next day. Brougham is not so
talkative as he was; his dignities, his labours, and the various
cares of his situation have dashed his gaiety, and pressed down
his once elastic spirits; however, he was not otherwise than
cheerful and lively. Plunket I never met before, he was pretty
much at his ease, and talked sufficiently without exhibiting
anything remarkable. Lemarchant is a clever, industrious fellow,
whom I remember at Eton. The Chancellor's secretaryship must be
no sinecure, and he has particularly distinguished himself by his
reports of the debates in the House of Commons. He goes there
every night, and forwards to the Chancellor from time to time an
account of the debate, and the manner of it, very well executed
indeed. He talked to me of Brougham's labours and their
intensity, which put me in mind of his gasconading to Sefton a
year or two ago about his idleness, and finding the Great Seal a
mere plaything; Lemarchant said that by severe and constant
application he had made himself very tolerably acquainted with
equity law, and very extensively with cases. I find from Sefton
that he means to propose next year that his salary should be
reduced to L8,000 a year, and that the new Equity Judges should
be paid out of what he now has. I believe he is liberal about
money, and not careless, but I have some doubts whether this
project will be executed. Lemarchant told me that the cause of
Sugden's inveterate animosity against Brougham was this--that in
a debate in the House of Commons, Sugden in his speech took
occasion to speak of Mr. Fox, and said that he had no great
respect for his authority, on which Brougham merely said, loud
enough to be heard all over the House, and in that peculiar tone
which strikes like a dagger, 'Poor Fox.' The words, the tone,
were electrical, everybody burst into roars of laughter, Sugden
was so overwhelmed that he said afterwards it was with difficulty
he could go on, and he vowed that he never could forgive this
sarcasm.
[Page Head: LORD BROUGHAM AS CHANCELLOR.]
Sefton talked to me of Brougham's reluctance when the Government
was formed to take the Great Seal; after they had offered him the
Attorney-Generalship, which he so indignantly refused, they sent
Sefton to cajole him and get him to take the Seal. He wanted to
be made Master of the Rolls, and left in the House of Commons,
the Seal being put in Commission. This they would not hear of,
naturally enough not choosing to exist at his mercy in the House
of Commons, and rely upon his doubtful and capricious support. It
was very well for him to act the part of Atlas, and bear the
Government on his shoulders, but they shrewdly enough guessed
that they would not ride on them very comfortably, that they
would be considerably jolted, and perhaps at last shoved off. He,
on the other hand, would not suffer anybody to be Chancellor but
himself; and at last, with many misgivings, he yielded to the
gentle violence which would make him the first officer of the
Crown. Great was his lamentation at this necessity. 'How,' he
said, 'am I fallen! As member for Yorkshire in the House of
Commons, what a position was mine.' Sefton tried to comfort him
by representing that 'the fall' upon the woolsack was somewhat of
the softest, and that a few years ago he would not have
considered it so grievous a misfortune if it had been foretold
him that he should be seated there at such a time.
After dinner on Sunday Brougham talked of the Reform Bill and its
first appearance in the House of Commons. He said that once
allowed to take root there it could not be crushed, and that
their only opportunity was thrown away by the Tories. Had Peel
risen at once and declared that he would not even discuss such a
measure, that it was revolution, and opposed its being brought
in, he would have thrown it out, and if he had then come down
with a moderate measure, it would have satisfied the country _for
the time_. This is exactly what William Banks said to me last
year, and the very thing Peel had intended to do, and from which
he was deterred by Granville Somerset. The Duke of Wellington has
continued to attend in the House of Lords day after day,
proposing alterations and amendments to all the Bills, evidently
reading hard, and preparing himself for each occasion, always
loaded with papers. Lyndhurst said to somebody, 'I shall attend
no more, what's the use of it? The Duke comes down every day, and
tries to make the Bills _better_; if I could make them _worse_, I
would come too.'
August 22nd, 1833 {p.023}
Called on Madame de Lieven yesterday, who is just come back from
Petersburg, _rayonnante_ at her reception and treatment. The
Emperor went out to sea to meet her, took her into his own boat,
when they landed he drove her to the palace, and carried her into
the Empress's room, who was _en chemise_. She told me a comical
anecdote illustrative of the good humour of the Emperor (who, she
says, is an angel), and of the free and frank reception he gives
to strangers. In the midst of some splendid military fetes, which
terminated with a sham siege by 50,000 of his guards the last
day, word was brought him that two strange-looking men had
presented themselves at the lines, and requested to be allowed to
see what was going on. They said they were English, had come from
Scotland on purpose to see the Russian manoeuvres, and had
started from Petersburg under the direction of a laquais de
place, who had conducted them to where they heard the firing of
the cannon. The Emperor ordered them to be admitted, received
them with the greatest civility, and desired apartments to be
prepared for them in the palace (Peterhof), at the same time
inviting them to dine with him, and be present at a ball he gave
at night. She said that one was a Don Quixote sort of figure;
they called themselves Johnstone. The Emperor asked her if she
knew them. She said no, but that there were many of that name in
England. There they remained, enchanted, astonished, behaving,
however, perfectly well. After seeing all the sights, they were
one evening led into a great hall, where all sorts of pastimes
were going on, and among others a _Montagne Russe_ (of which the
Emperor is passionately fond). He is a very tall powerful man,
and his way is to be placed at the top of the machine, when a man
mounts astride on his shoulders, and another on his, and so on
till there are fourteen; when a signal is given, with the
rapidity of lightning down they go. On this occasion the Emperor
took the Johnstones on his back, and she says their astonishment
at the position they occupied, and at the rapidity of the
descent, was beyond everything amusing. They were asked how they
liked it, and they said they thought it 'very good fun,' and
should like to begin again. So they were allowed to divert
themselves in this way for an hour. Bligh told her afterwards
that these men returned to Petersburg their heads turned, and
utterly bewildered with, such an unexpected reception.
In her serious talk the Princess said that the Emperor was full of
moderation and desire for peace, 's'il y a des orages ce ne sera
pas de ce cote qu'ils viendront,' that he could not comprehend the
English Parliament, nor the sort of language which was held there
about him, that he was 'le plus genereux, le plus humain, le
meilleur des hommes,' that they believed all the lies which were
'debites sur les affaires de Pologne, qui enfin est notre affaire,
qu'il etait peu connu ici, qu'elle avait vu en Russie beaucoup de
respects, beaucoup d'amour pour l'Empereur, et voila tout.' In
short, she is returned in a state of intoxication, and her
adoration for the Emperor is only exceeded by that which she has
for the Empress.
August 24th, 1833 {p.025}
[Page Head: AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.]
Matters have taken a bad turn in Portugal. Bourmont is marching
on Lisbon with 18,000 men, 'regna il terror nella citta.' William
Russell, in a fit of enthusiasm, says, 'the capital must be saved
even at the hazard of a war.' Admiral Parker says he shall land
1,200 marines and make them occupy the forts. Our Government are
in great confusion and alarm, and have despatched a swift steamer
to Parker to desire him to do no such thing; but the steamer will
probably arrive too late, and if Bourmont is really there, we
shall cut a pretty figure with our non-intervention, for Parker
will probably have to surrender the forts to Miguel. I dined with
Talleyrand yesterday, who is furious, laughing non-intervention
to scorn; and he told me he had for the last ten days been
endeavouring to get the Government to take a decided part. What
he advised was that we should recognise Donna Maria and the
Regency appointed by the Charter; that is, Donna Isabella Regent,
with a Council to be comprised of Palmella, Villa Flor, and any
other; that our Minister should be directed to acknowledge _no
other government_, and at the same time concert with Palmella
that Pedro should be sent away, and the constitution be suspended
till the Queen shall be of age. Pedro has committed, since he was
in Lisbon, every folly and atrocity he could squeeze into so
small a space of time; imprisoning, confiscating, granting
monopolies, attacking the Church, and putting forth the
constitution in its most offensive shape. I suspect we shall have
made a sad mess of this business.
Just come from the Duke of Wellington; talked about Portugal and
the intercepted letters; the writer said that he (the Duke) had
told Neumann he approved of Bourmont's going, whereas he thought
it an objectionable nomination, because he had formerly deserted
from the Portuguese service.[6] He had never had any communication
with these agents, and did not believe Aberdeen had had any
either: he said Lisbon was more defensible than Oporto, but
required more men. Talking of Miguel, the Duke related that he was
at Strathfieldsaye with Palmella, where in the library they were
settling the oath that Miguel should take, Miguel would pay no
attention, and instead of going into the business and saying what
oath he would consent to take (the question was whether he should
swear fidelity to Pedro or to Maria) he sat flirting with the
Princess Therese Esterhazy. The Duke said to Palmella, 'This will
never do, he must settle the terms of the oath, and if he is so
careless in an affair of such moment, he will never do his duty.'
Palmella said, 'Oh, leave him to us, we will manage him.' He had
no idea of overturning the constitution and playing false when he
went there, but was persuaded by his mother and terrified by the
lengths to which the constitutional party was disposed to go. The
Duke said the Government would be very foolish to interfere for
Pedro, who was a ruffian, and for the constitution, which was
odious, and that Pedro would never have more than the ground he
stood on; talked of our foreign policy, his anxiety for peace, but
of France as our 'natural enemy!' and of the importance of
maintaining our influence in Spain, which so long as we did we
should have nothing to fear from France.
[6] Bourmont was an emigrant, and went into the Portuguese
service. When Junot came to Portugal he joined him, was
taken into the French service, in which he continued to
rise, till he deserted just before the battle of
Waterloo from Napoleon to Louis XVIII.
September 3rd, 1833 {p.026}
On Wednesday last when the King's speech was read there was no
Council. Brougham brought Sir Alexander Johnston, formerly Chief
Justice in Ceylon, to be sworn a Privy Councillor without giving
any notice, consequently I was not there. The King, therefore,
comes again to-morrow on purpose, and, what is unpleasant,
desired a Clerk of the Council might always be in attendance when
there was anything going on. This, I suppose, His Majesty will
repeat to me himself to-morrow. The Parliament is at last up; it
was a fine sight the day the King went down, the weather
splendid, and park full of people, with guards mounted and
dismounted, making a picturesque show. He was very coolly
received, for there is no doubt there never was a King less
respected. George IV., with all his occasional unpopularity,
could always revive the external appearance of loyalty when he
gave himself the trouble.
[Page Head: RESULTS OF THE REFORM BILL.]
[Page Head: SURVEY OF THE STATE OF AFFAIRS.]
The Parliament is up, and not before people were dead sick of it,
and had dropped out of town one by one till hardly any Parliament
was left. It may be worth while to take a little survey of the
present condition of things as compared with what it was a few
months ago, and consider at this resting time what has been the
practical effect of the great measure of Reform, without going
very deeply into the question. The Reform Bill was carried _in
toto_, the Tories having contrived that everything that was
attempted should be gained by the Reformers. No excuse, therefore,
was left for the Parliament, and if 'the people' did not choose a
good one it was their own fault. It was chosen, and when it met
was found to be composed of a majority of supporters of the
present Government, a certain number of Tories, not enough to be
powerful, and many Radicals, who soon proved to be wholly
inefficient. It speedily became manifest that in point of ability
it was not only inferior to the last, but perhaps to any
Parliament that has sat for many years. There were 350 new members
(or some such number), but not one man among them of shining or
remarkable talent; Cobbett, Silk, Buckingham, Roebuck, and such
men soon found their level and sunk into insignificance. The House
appeared at first to be very unruly, not under the command of
Government, talkative, noisy, and ill-constituted for the
transaction of business. After a little while it got better in
this respect, the majority, however, though evidently determined
to support Government, would not be _commanded_ by it, and even
men in place often took up crotchets of their own, and voted
against Government measures; but whenever the Ministers seemed to
be in danger they always found efficient support, and on the Malt
Tax the House even stultified itself to uphold them. As the
session proceeded the men who gained reputation and established
the greatest personal influence were Peel and Stanley; Macaulay
rather lost than gained; Althorp lost entirely, but the weight of
his blunders and unfitness could not sink him, his personal
character and good humour always buoyed him up. The great
measures, some of the greatest that any Parliament ever dealt
with, were got through with marvellous facility. They did not for
the most part come on till late in the session, when the House had
got tired, and the East India Charter Bill was carried through
most of the stages in empty Houses. The measures have generally
evinced a Conservative character, and the Parliament has not shown
any disposition to favour subversive principles or to encourage
subversive language. It has been eminently liberal in point of
money, granting all that Ministers asked without the slightest
difficulty; twenty millions for the West Indians, a million for
the Irish clergy, were voted almost by acclamation. Hume cut no
figure in this Parliament. Notwithstanding apprehensions and
predictions the Government has contrived to carry on the business
of the country very successfully, and great reforms have been
accomplished in every department of the State, which do not seem
liable to any serious objections, and in the midst of many
troubles, of much complaining and bickering; the country has been
advancing in prosperity, and recovering rapidly from the state of
sickly depression in which it lay at the end of last year. It is
fair to compare the state of affairs now and then, merely reciting
facts, and let the praise rest where it may, whether it be due to
the wisdom of men or the result of that disposition to right
itself which has always appeared inherent in the British
commonwealth. Some months ago there appeared every prospect of a
war in Europe; the French were in Belgium, whence many predicted
they would never be got away; Ireland was in a flame, every post
brought the relation of fresh horrors and atrocities; in England
trade was low, alarm and uncertainty prevalent, and a general
disquietude pervaded the nation, some fearing and others desiring
change, some expecting, others dreading the great things which a
Reformed Parliament would do. The session is over, and a Reformed
Parliament turns out to be very much like every other Parliament,
except that it is rather differently and somewhat less ably
composed than its predecessors. The hopes and the fears of mankind
have been equally disappointed, and after all the clamour,
confusion, riots, conflagrations, furies, despair, and triumphs
through which we have arrived at this consummation, up to the
present time, at least, matters remain pretty much as they were,
except that the Whigs have got possession of the power which the
Tories have lost. We continue at peace, and with every prospect of
so being for some time, we are on good terms with France, and by
degrees inducing the French to extend their incipient principles
of free trade, to the benefit of both countries. In Ireland there
never has been a period for many years when the country was so
quiet; it may not last, but so it is at the present moment. In
England trade flourishes, running in a deep and steady stream,
there are improvement and employment in all its branches. The
landed interest has suffered and suffers still, but the wages of
labour have not fallen with the rents of landlords, and the
agricultural labourers were never better off. Generally there is a
better spirit abroad, less discontent, greater security, and those
vague apprehensions are lulled to rest which when in morbid
activity, carrying themselves from one object to another, are
partly the cause and partly the effect of an evil state of things.
We hear nothing now of associations, unions, and public meetings,
and (compared with what it was) the world seems in a state of
repose.