[Origin of the tribe.] 2. The modern Bhangi is apparently the

representative of the Chandâla of Manu, [310] who is said to be

descended by a Sûdra from a Brâhmani woman. He ordains that they must

live without the town, whence the name Antavâsin or Antevâsin, “one who

dwells near the boundaries.” Their sole wealth must be dogs and asses;

their clothes must consist of the cerecloths of the dead; their dishes

must be broken pots, and their ornaments of rusty iron. No one who

regards his duties must hold any intercourse with them, and they must

marry only among themselves,—a prohibition which takes us back to the

very beginning of the caste system. By day they may roam about for the

purposes of work, be distinguished by the badges of the Râja, and they

must carry out the corpse of any one who dies without kindred. They

should always be employed to slay those who by the law are sentenced to

be put to death, and they may take the clothes of the slain, their

beds, and their ornaments. The term Chandâl is now-a-days used only in

the sense of contumely, and the so-called Chandâls of Bengal invariably

call themselves Nâmasûdra, [311] “and with characteristic jealousy the

higher divisions of the caste apply the name Chandâl to the lower, who

in their turn pass it on to the Dom.” The word Chandâla, which, if it

really comes from an Aryan root, may be connected with chanda, in the

sense of “evil or mischievous,” was possibly the designation of some of

the meaner non-Aryan or Dravidian races who were at an early time

reduced to servitude, and compelled to perform the vilest functions of

the Aryan commonwealth, [312] but that the term Bhangi can be applied

to any definite ethnological unit is more than doubtful. Many of the

special duties of the Chandâla of Manu, such as the conveyance of

corpses and the task of acting as public executioners, are now vested

in the Dom and his kindred, with whom the Bhangi, as we now see him, is

doubtless closely allied. But the modern names seem to imply that the

present organisation of the caste may have been contemporaneous with

the early Muhammadan conquest, and there seems reason to believe that

the tribe, as we now find it, is made up of a number of different

elements. This is corroborated by the divergent physical appearance of

the race. Some Bhangis have the dark complexion, stunted figure, and

peculiar dark flashing eye which is so characteristic of the Dom.

Others, again, are of a much taller form and fairer complexion. This

may be perhaps accounted for partly by the fact that their admittance

as servants into the higher class families facilitates illicit

connection with superior races, and partly that the tribe habitually

recruits itself by the admission of outcastes from the superior tribes.

It has also been suggested that the names of some of their sub-castes

point to the supposition that the caste may be made up of menials

attached to various Râjput, Jât, or Musalmân tribes, the Hâris, with

the Haras, the Dhe, with the Dhe Jâts, and the Râwats with the higher

tribe of the same name. But of this there is no distinct evidence.

[Tribal legends.] 3. The tribal legends do not throw much light on

their history. Of these a whole cycle centres round Lâl Beg. [313] The

common legend, as told by the Chaudhari or headman of the Lâlbegis in

Benares, runs as follows:—In the city of Hastinapur lived the five

Pândavas, whose mother’s sister had one hundred and one sons. The

Pândavas quarrelled with their cousins, who were all killed. In order

to celebrate their victory, the Pândavas invited their gods to a

banquet, but the gods refused to come, on the ground that the Pândavas

had killed so many of their Brâhman kinsmen. The penance imposed upon

the Pândavas was that they should be dissolved in the snows of the

Himâlaya. They agreed to this, but as they were starting one of their

cows died. They did not know how to dispose of the carcase, as it was a

sin to touch it. So the other four conspired to induce their brother,

Nakula, to perform the hateful duty. They addressed him thus: “Good lad

(bâlnîk, whence his name Bâlnîk), remove the carcase, and we promise

not to excommunicate you.” He obeyed, and hid the carcase under some

leaves by the bank of a stream. But when he returned his brothers

refused to admit him until he brought some mango wood to perform the

fire sacrifice (hom), and while he was away in search of it they

started on their journey to the Himâlaya. When Nakula found himself

deserted, he returned to the place where he had buried the dead cow and

wept, when lo! by the grace of the Almighty, the cow was restored to

life.

4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew

up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came

from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the

progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the

hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of

grinding and sifting flour for bread.”

5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the

art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, from the sûp or

winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked

that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,”

who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and

is ranked with the Chandâla.

6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and

entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in

search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire

disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of

the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the

ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard

of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill

every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg

(Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur

District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon

him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who

won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life.

He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these

excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru

Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down

her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted

with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled

down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called

Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as

Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as

Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage

of the Bhangis.

7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so

Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges

and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and

utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra!

“Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her

that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She

consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and

her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and

Jîwan.

8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of

his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his

corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this duty might be

imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented

to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the

monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He

married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to

follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he

succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was

so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the

marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a

poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He

replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,”

answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja

said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s

slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr,

son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse

to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni

could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her

sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety,

Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu,

to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the

progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the

descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.

9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By

chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed

by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek

army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty,

came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably

that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,”

answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven

times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was.

Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle,

called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to

his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi,

ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done

so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when

Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he

could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored

the horse to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring

the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse

he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s

Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown

Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander,

and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another

disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the

Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from

him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos

(bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by

swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son

escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father

of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till

they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.

10. By another equally veritable tale Lâl Beg was the son of the King

of Ghazni. Being old and childless, the King devoted himself to the

service of the saint Dâdagir Jhonpra, who blessed him with four sons on

condition that he should receive the eldest. But Lâl Beg, the eldest,

was so lovely that the King tried to pass off his second son on the

saint. But he refused the exchange, and threatened that if Lâl Beg were

not made over to him, he would strike him with dumbness. So the King

was obliged to keep his word, and made over the prince to the saint,

giving him kingdoms and palaces. When the prince came to the saint, the

latter discovered his desire to rule. He sent him back and presented

him with the wonderful cup which gave him all he wished, one of the

wonder-working vessels like the sack or cap or jar which appears all

through the range of folk-lore. [314] Lâl Beg succeeded his father as

King of Ghazni and, with the aid of the cup, worked such miracles that

he was deified after his death.

11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the

Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the

stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion,

said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to

reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and

there, through the mercy of Providence, he found a boddice (choli). He

brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other

work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male

child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot

of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born

from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a

Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the

child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path

to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created

out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and

his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and

came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He

caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk,

and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to

eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty

declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of

two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a

temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every

pious sweeper.

12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar),

saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of

Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed,

and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell

upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty

God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a

sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the

world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should

be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the

world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of

forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr,

or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to

Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher

(matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the

great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My

work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some

lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He

agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he

could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would

not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher that the

Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and

putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint

said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear

boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair

man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the

order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers

and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him

home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a

custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious

teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and

Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great

saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of

his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He

then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the

ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in

the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the

fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of

earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.

13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and

Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and

did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for

a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him

to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth

in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took

him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk

afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings

that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the

gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in

Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from

Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering

it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide

themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished

sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of

their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he

could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing

sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful

for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life for

them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no

Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to

Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers

came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the

Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and

called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the

Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in

Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw

all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant

of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the

sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people

have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the

body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it

to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh

all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this

was in the age of gold.

14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of

Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of

his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he

devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir

Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and

some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon

the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he

approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding

swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was

his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she

would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she

returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence,

and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did.

Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he

asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk

promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she

gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve

years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint

on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was

so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl

Beg then proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all

his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his

followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow

it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting

Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all

the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and

Kashmîr.

15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his

followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and

then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped

as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi

and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five

sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.

16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One

day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan)

escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form

of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was

born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung

forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum),

whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came

Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish

swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the

preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.

17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father

was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help

him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and

had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the

Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not

complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would

be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a

heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy;

but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice.

Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had

distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the

thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and

gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound

of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard for every

grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But

now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his

share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk

would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was

considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all

Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him

for the accomplishment of their prayers.

18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very

little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg.

According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa

Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is

the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this

word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent

Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of

the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the

worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have

received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill,

in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava,

is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of

the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much

of modern Hinduism is made up.

[Tribal organization.] 19. As might have been expected from what has

been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is

not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main

sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have

been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has

been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or

“stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been

given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already

the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his

life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that

they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the

Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another

theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be

domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel

or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine

endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who

trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit

râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so

called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish,

Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account,

the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the

Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at

Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.

20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and

fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis.

It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything

approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however,

fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some

tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais,

Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob,

Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya,

Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr,

Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take

their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those

of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri

Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya,

Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri,

Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or

Ujjainpuriya.

21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the

Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal,

and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in

Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar,

Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya,

Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi,

Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl;

in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and

Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah,

the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the

Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor,

the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli,

Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the

Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the

Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the

Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the

Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.

22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the

Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All

sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim

to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call

themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally

rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns,

who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and

Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting

the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are

Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating

with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by

Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The

Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh.

Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food

alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars

and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of

any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his

own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their

function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on

the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to

Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion

entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as

Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is

related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns

could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they

might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”

23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is

endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes

(gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha,

‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be

noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will

not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We

shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the

case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working

out fresh explanations of their totemistic sections, and this is

probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form

of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven

adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by

spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship

is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their

section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though

recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.

24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are

said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the

same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a

hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name

from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.

25. This, however, does not exhaust the tribal organisation of the

sweepers of these provinces. Thus, in Kheri, they are reported to be

divided into two endogamous groups, with various exogamous sections. In

the first group are the Mehtar, Bhangi, Lâl Begi, Chaudhari, and

Rangreta. The second group consists of the Hathîlê, Râwat, Domra,

Dhabâê, and Bânsphor. Most of these names have been already discussed.

But in connection with the Rangreta section Mr. Ibbetson’s remarks

[315] may be quoted:—“The terms Mazhabi and Rangreta denote Chûhras who

have become Sikhs. The Mazhabis take the pahul or formula of

initiation, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they

apparently refuse to touch night-soil, though performing all the other

offices hereditary to the Chûhra caste. Their great Guru is Tegh

Bahâdur, whose mutilated body was brought back from Delhi by Chûhras,

who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their

devotion. But though good Sikhs as far as religious observance is

concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is upon them; and Sikhs of

other castes refuse to associate with them even in religious

ceremonies. They often intermarry with the Lâl Begi or Hindu Chûhra.

They make capital soldiers, and some of our regiments are wholly

composed of Mazhabis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazhabi apparently

found only in Ambâla, Ludhiâna, and the neighbourhood, who consider

themselves socially superior to the rest. The origin of their

superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that they were once

notorious as highway robbers. But it appears that the Rangretas have

very generally abandoned scavengering for leather work, and this would

at once account for their rise in the social scale. In the hills

Rangreta is often used as synonymous with Rangrez to denote the cotton

dyer and stamper; and in Sirsa the Sikhs will often call any Chûhra

whom they wish to please, Rangreta, and a rhyme is current, Rangreta,

Guru ka beta, or “the Rangreta is the son of the Guru.”

26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes:

Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support

themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl

Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to

be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the

observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are

said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted

(kirtiya) to Islâm.

27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as

Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra,

Chûhra, and Dom.

28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous

sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the

Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.

29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be

Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of

keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.

30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as

Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya,

Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs;

others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as

yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in

which these sections prevail.

[Traditions of origin.] 31. Beyond the legends already given in

connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very

distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares

undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be

their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They

make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship

at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other

hand, the Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in

the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special

fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at

which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at

Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed,

and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also

a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from

this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl

Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru

Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all

social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which

reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the

Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.

[Tribal council and caste discipline.] 32. The Bhangis have a most

elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares,

to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military

organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they

are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose

office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long

as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to

provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value

of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to

each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the

administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there

are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in

Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl

Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the

Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment,

Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City;

the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of

Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve

residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the

survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when

Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier

each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or

President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the

Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed

to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate

can afford to present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban

to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the

company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a

ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger

(piyâda).

33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect,

interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the

conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company

confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which,

through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each

President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the

Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are

unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them,

delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed

question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the

disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or

evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible,

except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst

thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of

so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of

the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in

cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers,

the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an

oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or

perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from

his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate

officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a

President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers,

while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a

formality.”

34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a

process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his

summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of

the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question

is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the

President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the

messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each

company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas

out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private

soldier.

35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal

matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with

the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members

sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The

Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies

arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman,

treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each

party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is

cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed

to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons

acquainted with the facts of the case.

36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines

(dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna).

Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by

expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a

lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the

culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from

which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies

inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is

alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and

flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that

occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks

among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to

prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon

such practices.

37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a

fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and

does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his

offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the

messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following

order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight

spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger

repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that

should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this

warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is

admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his

expense.

38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes

are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President

(Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and

purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his

trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his

assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the

Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the

Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the

time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their

council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign

of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a

jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the

Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to

give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.

[Marriage rules.] 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry

within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he

belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal

grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste,

provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl

Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage.

Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two

sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or

unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the

elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha

or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s

sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are

enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can

marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his

wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the

family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s

sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his

mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his

male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same

family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste,

but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact,

all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common

ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder

sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the

Helas. The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of

the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not

excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no

exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh

jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social

status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.

40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares

the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does

not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower

castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs,

and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the

sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has

to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty

rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not

treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi),

and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will

always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a

woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste

must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was

originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a

marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to

distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full

tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided

that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present

Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste

woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but

the wife is not treated as an out-caste.

[Initiation.] 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation

among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between

one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of

flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with

sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a

platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren,

and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who

recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some

sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into

it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats

distributed among those present. This ceremony is known as the chauki.

Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding

the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh

sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak

kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit,

or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats

the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered

before the holy volume. The present head of the community at

Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak,

and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One

of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—

Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;

Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;

Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;

Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;

Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.

“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key;

golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure

of the Holy Saint.” [316]

This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the

Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,”

and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.”

The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince

pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for

the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large

cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then

recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of

the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of

the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl

Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always

a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the

initiate can afford. [317] The ceremony, such as it is, is always done

in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything

like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is

commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails,

part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of

the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how

far this is true.

[Marriage ceremonies.] 42. The following account of the ritual in force

in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The

marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as

closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract

(nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a

match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between”

(bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by

the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom,

except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is

wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to

require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).

The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers

and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the

first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of

both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The

next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a

plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the

first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s

court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies,

in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse

and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw

sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed

among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is

erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot

(gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited

beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male

and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When,

however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake,

in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached

to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding

is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.

43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in

procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with music,

to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect

to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride

and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm

leaves.

44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for

sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of

boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father,

usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee

which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades

taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father

drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.

45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and

the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway.

From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each

other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times

round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a

lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next

she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden

rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with

rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead

of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s

father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole.

On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the

bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are

lowered.

46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under

the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground

before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is

kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare

with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the

object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The

bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which

in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the

bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the

contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their

foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a

present.

47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle (châdar)

of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper

and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence

of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as

Mân, does this office.

48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the

marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first

four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the

leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary,

for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to

hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his

or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record

over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to

the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money

present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her

daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of

the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom

rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar

and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the

bridegroom and his father.

49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four

headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the

marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays

over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all

the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.

50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother

offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until

he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom

salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he

bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber,

washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in

a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the

bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or

else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife,

until appeased by a present.

51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s

family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple

in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket,

with a basket of fruit and flowers between them. To overcome their

modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The

bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the

parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride

(dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the

bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the

marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress

(maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple

assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.

[Divorce.] 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the

husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs

and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming

a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner

to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without

the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint

consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical

defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation.

Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband

to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of

his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to

her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and

brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay

one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to

the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his

presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be

found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats

intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it

will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not

recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit

connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis.

The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats

call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal

rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a

smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally

illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of

legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with

a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her

paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of the

penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares

it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the

younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow

must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and

willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl

Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over

the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was

contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and

Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an

outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.

[Birth ceremonies.] 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round

her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In

Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to

procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats

and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as

godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati

in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is

tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over

which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is

called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and

lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the

after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places

some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an

iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During

that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon

Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The

most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile

lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with

a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for

this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the

sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days

have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for

the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul

smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which

gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the

foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried

in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an

intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. Among the Lâl Begis

the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the

mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken

outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to

her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of

food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the

mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among

the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the

Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in

the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually

called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is

shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in

performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At

the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at

shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of

Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and

pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the

mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and

makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.

[Death rites.] 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage

between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven,

most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing;

while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral

rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to

sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done

by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are

fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired

in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or

rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths.

The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each

takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession

repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in

front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its

separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The

Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral

prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for

digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank

for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the

corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli),

or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a

moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the

heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The

sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman

flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a

viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon

it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little

sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over

the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten

paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At

the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner

to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian

pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers

who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which

case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the

mound, until forty days after the funeral.

55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and,

if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a

few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.

56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to

the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares,

according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the

funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of

the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats,

rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the

Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary,

to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with

their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on

the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the

fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has

hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following

way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An

earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few

sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead

the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the

custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as

described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class mendicant,

usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed,

while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume

(granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should

proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and

depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi

sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts

usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they

content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and

when it has once been broken the ghost is released.

57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites,

for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and

Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri)

containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree.

They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper

stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some

offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in

this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does

not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies.

In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the

deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares

Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law

or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.

[Religion.] 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of

various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others

Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions

avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise

sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be

as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the

Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion.

But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the

impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed.

Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is

true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be

assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or

Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes [318]:—“While there is no

doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the

Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the Chamâr? And,

if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and

the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the

absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere

to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of

these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl

Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the

Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We

have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint

Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the

sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the

blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring

on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a

courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is

laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree

(Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra

millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is

considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at

a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi

erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident

(trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these

provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is

usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in

the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.

59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis.

They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of

extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father

Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi

Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade

Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a

favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb

perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his

waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh

Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân,

which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.

60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow,

Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe

largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the

Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if Hindus, the festivals of the

faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and

Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the

Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the

Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the

Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh

Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths

in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by

their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel

of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person

swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.

[Social rules.] 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women

cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold

ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women

do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri).

The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy

are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no

Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before

his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger

brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a

Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat

food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not

mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is

admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence.

Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh

Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat

beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus.

No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals,

scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other

vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam

Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute

with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute

everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they

say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word

salâm only.

[Occupation.] 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking

of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially

they are the lowest of the low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant

Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to

stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of

the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary

profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working

up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and

village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night

soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the

leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease

or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are

the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make

winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these

Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and

roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages

and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the

roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some

of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing

fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors

and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The

Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native

princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the

Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs.

The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs

will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the

broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape

up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and

arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve

Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an

indifferent character.

63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch

of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their

services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where

they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among

themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and

allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa)

each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the

occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely

resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact

most of the cases which come before the council relate to disputes of

this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus

in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into

four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate

council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city

of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which

is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of

the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur

District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in

Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It

appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some

very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHANGIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+========

District. |Bâlmîki.|Dhânuk.|Hela.|Lâl Begi.|Pattharphor.|Others.|Muhammadans.|Total.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Dehra Dûn | 59| ... | ... | 746| ... | 2,662| ... | 3,467

Sahâranpur | 95| ... | 72| 6,057| ... | 23,890| 5| 30,119

Muzaffarnagar | 378| 258| ... | 16,128| ... | 13,093| ... | 29,857

Meerut | 4,770| ... | ... | 30,297| ... | 23,402| 91| 58,560

Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | 2,859| ... | 27,939| ... | 30,798

Aligarh | ... | ... | 64| 8,228| 766| 20,186| ... | 29,244

Mathura | ... | 14| 57| 1,231| ... | 11,953| 31| 13,286

Agra | ... | ... | ... | 10,707| 47| 5,031| 663| 16,430

Farrukhâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 5,840| 53| 1,259| 3| 7,155

Mainpuri | ... | ... | ... | 8,870| 484| 682| ... | 10,036

Etâwah | ... | ... |1,069| 4,042| 127| 913| 45| 6,196

Etah | 27| ... | 8| 4,612| 4,662| 4,042| ... | 13,351

Bareilly | ... | ... | ... | 8,925| ... | 5,807| ... | 14,732

Bijnor | 43| | ... | 11,399| ... | 1,286| ... | 13,148

Budâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 17,337| ... | 17,337

Morâdâbâd | 32| 210| ... | 11,199| ... | 13,187| 14| 24,642

Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | ... | 5,146| 53| 2,409| 225| 7,833

Pilibhît | ... | 1| ... | 3,200| ... | 1,170| 8| 4,379

Cawnpur | ... | 65| 392| 3,698| ... | 2,356| 63| 6,574

Fatehpur | ... | 222| 556| 33| 2| 3,016| 46| 3,875

Bânda | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11| 11

Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 139| ... | ... | 183| 41| 363

Allahâbâd | ... | ... |1,790| 556| ... | 6,359| 644| 9,349

Jhânsi | ... | ... | 36| 1,444| 72| 826| 180| 2,558

Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 951| ... | 1,326| 531| 2,808

Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 123| ... | 455| 133| 711

Benares | ... | ... | ... | 144| ... | 1,126| 812| 2,082

Mirzapur | ... | ... | 144| 13| ... | 378| 930| 1,465

Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 15| 1,751| 1,766

Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,360| 477| 1,837

Ballia | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,348| 120| 1,468

Gorakhpur | ... | ... | 300| 38| ... | 1,466| 2,025| 3,829

Basti | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,315| 1,095| 3,410

Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 13| 1,772| 1,785

Kumâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 692| ... | 692

Garhwâl | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 126| ... | 126

Tarâi | 275| ... | ... | 2,116| ... | 390| ... | 2,781

Lucknow | ... | 675| 313| 766| ... | 2,867| 1,424| 6,045

Unâo | ... | 798| 457| 8| ... | 390| 20| 1,673

Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 480| ... | ... | 693| 14| 1,187

Sîtapur | 6| 39| ... | 2,747| ... | 1,186| 305| 4,283

Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 4,496| ... | 1,027| ... | 5,523

Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 3,522| 18| 557| 84| 4,181

Faizâbâd | ... | 5| 654| 417| ... | 426| 1,212| 2,714

Gonda | ... | ... | 685| 932| ... | 246| 130| 1,993

Bahrâich | ... | 1| ... | 809| ... | 687| 586| 2,083

Sultânpur | ... | ... | 761| ... | ... | 1,145| 593| 2,499

Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 4| ... | 1,553| 433| 1,990

Bârabanki | ... | ... | ... | 1,446| ... | 35| 818| 2,301

+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~

Total | 6,105| 2,288|7,977| 1,63,751| 6,284|210,792| 17,335|4,14,532

==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+========

Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh.

They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as

Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain.

Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or

genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti

(Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous

elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name

in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are

wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all

their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice

and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the

state of the departed from crows visiting the spot. [319]

2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the

kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.

DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂNTUS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.

===========+=======

District. |Number.

~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~

Agra | 3

Bareilly | 17

Budâun | 98

Morâdâbâd | 2

Ghâzipur | 12

Kheri | 9

Sultânpur | 231

+~~~~~~~

Total | 372

===========+=======

NOTES

[1] Rig Veda, X., 90; 6, 7.

[2] Chips from a German Workshop, II., 312.

[3] Ibid, 211, Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 17 sq.

[4] Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, XLIII., I., 20.

[5] The translation is from the North British Review, L., 521, note.

[6] Monier Williams, loc. cit., 51 sq.

[7] Loc. cit., 345 sq.

[8] Institutes, III., 12–15; 44: IX., 22, 24; 85–87: III., 16–19: X.,

5, 6; 10–15: with Duncker’s comments, History of Antiquity, IV., 245

sq.

[9] Erato, 60.

[10] Institutes V., 22 sqq.

[11] Wilson, Rig Veda, II., 319.

[12] III., 8026.

[13] See Vishnu Purâna, Book IV., Cap. I., p. 359: Cap. XIX., p. 451:

Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 222 sqq.; 227; 238; 426 sqq. Wilson,

Rig Veda, I., 42 note: Essays, II., 309: Max Müller, Chips from a

German Workshop, II., 339 sq. Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 58 sq., and

compare Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, II., 266.

[14] Grant, Introduction, Central Provinces Gazetteer, CX., sq.

[15] Highlands of Central India, 8.

[16] Brief View, 79.

[17] Oudh Gazetteer, I., 305.

[18] Ibid., III., 229: I., 365.

[19] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, VI., 351, 2.

[20] Ibid., VIII., Part III., 49.

[21] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, I., 209; 211: II., 12.

[22] Journey through Oudh, I., 213.

[23] The derivation from the root such “to be afflicted” hardly

deserves consideration.

[24] The stars indicate intervals with figures ranging between.

[25] Brief view of the caste system of the North-Western Provinces and

Oudh. The same theory was, however, advocated before Mr. Nesfield by

Mr. Ibbetson in the Panjab Census Report of 1881, page 173, sq.

[26] Loc. cit., 3.

[27] Loc. cit., 115.

[28] Kinship, 239.

[29] Some of Mr. Nesfield’s identifications and derivation of tribal

names must be received with caution e.g., the connection of the Musahar

and Bâri; of the Koli and Koiri with the Kol; the Kalwâr with the

Kharwâr or Khairwâr; the Bâdi with the Bhât.

[30] Panjâb Ethnography, 176.

[31] Loc. cit. 178.

[32] Quoted by Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., Introduction, XLIII.

[33] Manu, Institutes, III., 5, and other authorities quoted by Mayne,

Hindu Law, 73.

[34] For further details see Haug, Aitareya Brâhmanam, II., 479 sq.

[35] Panjâb Ethnography, 182.

[36] The formula of Musalmân exogamy is thus given in the Qurân, Surah

IV., 27:—“Ye are forbidden to marry your mothers, your daughters, your

sisters and your aunts both on the father’s and on the mother’s side;

your brother’s daughters and your sister’s daughters; your mothers who

have given you suck and your foster sisters; your wives’ mothers and

your daughters-in-law born of your wives with whom ye have cohabited.

Ye are also prohibited to take to wife two sisters (except what is

already past) nor to marry women who are already married.”

[37] Studies in Ancient History, 75 sqq.

[38] Principles of Sociology, I., 614, sqq.; History of Human Marriage,

311, sqq.

[39] Loc. cit. I., 619, sqq.

[40] Primitive Family, 216, sqq.

[41] History of Human Marriage, 316, sq.

[42] Origin of Civilisation, 135, sq.

[43] Primitive Family, 230, sq.

[44] Journal Anthropological Institute, XVIII., 267, sqq.

[45] Loc. cit., 317.

[46] Ancient Society, 424.

[47] Loc. cit. Chapter XV.

[48] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Introduction, LXII.

[49] Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 136, 293, 318.

[50] Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 278, sqq.

[51] Frazer, Totemism, 58, sqq.

[52] II. Page 85.

[53] e.g., by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 89.

[54] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II., 328, sqq.

[55] Origin of Civilization, 126.

[56] History of Human Marriage, 73.

[57] For a discussion on these early cases of supposed polyandry see

Dr. J. Muir, Indian Antiquary, VI., 260, sqq.: E. Thomas, ibid., VI.,

275: Rig Veda, I., 119, 5: Wilson, Essays, II., 340: Max Müller,

History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44, sqq.: Westminster Review,

1868, page 412: Lang, Custom and Myth, II., 155.

[58] Jummoo, 250.

[59] Abode of Snow., 231. For Tibetan Polyandry generally see C. Horne,

Indian Antiquary, V., 164: C. R. Stulpnagel, ibid., VII., 132, sqq.:

Yule, Marco Polo, II., 33, 38, 40: Williams, Memo of Dehra Dûn, 175.

[60] Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd Edition, II., 454.

[61] Briggs, Translation, I., 183, sq.

[62] Ghulâm Bâsit: Dowson’s Elliot, History, VIII., 202.

[63] Kirkpatrick, Indian Antiquary, VII., 86, sq.

[64] Studies, 112, sqq.

[65] Rig Veda, X., 40, 2; and Muir’s remarks, Ancient Sanskrit Texts,

V., 459.

[66] Institutes, IX., 59, 62; with Muir’s comment, Indian Antiquary,

VI., 315.

[67] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, Part I., 267, sq.

[68] Hindu Law, 61; and see Starcke, Primitive Family, 141, sqq.:

Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 510, sqq.

[69] Census Report, North-Western Provinces, 1891, 249.

[70] The Panjâb returns show 145 widows to 1,000 women, 23 per cent. of

women over 15 years of age are widows. This rises to 25 for Hindus and

falls to 21 for Muhammadans. (Maclagan, Census Report, 226). Mr.

O’Donnell (Bengal Census Report, 186) attributes much of the relative

increase of Muhammadans in that Province to their toleration of widow

marriage.

[71] The exact figures are:—

Not permitting widow marriage 9,713,087, or 24·05 per cent.

Permitting widow marriage 30,667,081, or 75·95 per cent.

---------- ------

Total Hindus 40,380,168, or 100 per cent.

These figures are, however, subject to the correction that some even of

the lower castes partially prohibit widow marriage, and this is

represented by the Byâhut section, which appears in many of them. In

the whole of the Behâr Provinces (Census Report, 200) the Musahars of

the north-eastern area, with only 5·5 per cent. of widows amongst women

between 15 and 40 years, are most addicted to widow marriage. The

Thârus of Champâran, and the Dhobis, Lohârs and Dusâdhs of North-West

Behâr, follow them very closely in this respect.

[72] Page 246.

[73] Of the Panjâb Mr. Maclagan remarks (Report, 255) that “the

practice of child marriage among girls prevails mainly in the east of

the Province. It is primarily a Hindu practice, and is found most

strongly developed in the districts where Hinduism is the prevailing

religion; and in the Province generally it is much more common among

Hindus than among Musalmâns. But the early marriage of girls has now

become a matter more of custom than of religion, and the Musalmâns in

Hindu districts are nearly as much addicted to it as the Hindus, while

among Hindus in Musalmân districts it is almost as rare as among the

Musalmâns. In fact, the Muklâwa is very little in vogue among Hindus

anywhere in the extreme south and west of the Province.” The Bihâr

returns (Census Report, 199) show that “the age of Kâyasth and Brâhman

girls before they find husbands to be much higher than that assigned by

popular opinion. The Râjput girl marries, like the Bâbhan and the

aboriginal Thâru, a little later than the Dusâdh. So do the Nuniya,

Lohâr, Kurmi and Kahâr, but only on an average a month or two later.

The Dhânuk girl marries earlier than females in any other large caste

in this area, though a year later than girls of low caste in North-East

Bihâr.”

[74] Mr. Ibbetson shows that the difficulty of marrying among the

Khatris of the Panjab is due to the strong law of hypergamy or

necessity of marrying a girl in a higher grade than her husband, which

prevails among them as well as among Brâhmans and hill Râjputs (Report,

356). This probably explains the fact in these Provinces.

[75] Census Report, 255.

[76] Hindu Law, 77.

[77] Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 462, sqq.

[78] Primitive Marriage, 138. Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 102, sq.

[79] Institutes, III., 33.

[80] On this see Lang, Custom and Myth, 65, sqq.

[81] Weber, Indische Studien, 325, quoted by McLennan, Primitive

Marriage, 34, sq.

[82] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology, 223, sq.

[83] Ibid., 278, and see Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, 158:

Rowney, Wild Tribes, 37, sq.

[84] Henderson, Folklore of the Northern Countries, 38: Introduction to

Popular Religion and Folklore, 151.

[85] Dalton, loc. cit., 248, 319.

[86] History of Human Marriage, 321, sq.

[87] Ibid., 330, sqq.

[88] Totemism, 68.

[89] Researches into Early History, 285: and compare Lubbock, Origin of

Civilisation, 13: Wake, Serpent Worship, 169: Development of Marriage,

330.

[90] Manu, Institutes, III., 32.

[91] Dalton, loc. cit., 142.

[92] Westermarck, loc. cit., 390.

[93] Panjab Census Report, 355.

[94] Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 78.

[95] Institutes, III., 15.

[96] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part I., Intro. L.

[97] Mayne, Hindu Law, 117.

[98] Kinship in Arabia, 143, 154, 155, 159, 165.

[99] Based on enquiries in Parganas Dudhi and Agori of Mirzâpur.

[100] Ethnology, 322. Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5.

[101] Central Provinces Gazetteer, 273 sq.

[102] Ethnology, 221. Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[103] These are perhaps analogous to the Barar sub-division of the

Urâons, which have the same totemistic respect for the bar tree.

Dalton, Ethnology, 254.

[104] Dalton, loc. cit.

[105] For the position of the maternal uncle among the allied Gond

tribes see Mânjhi, para. 14.

[106] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[107] “In Efate two kinds of people were allowed to pass unharmed into

Hades: those belonging to a certain tribe call Namtaku (a sort of yam)

and those who had printed or graven or branded on their bodies certain

marks or figures tattooed.”

Somerville.—Notes on the Islands of the New Hebrides, Journal

Anthropological Institute, XXIII., 10.

[108] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.

[109] Jungle life, 668.—For a more detailed account see Watt’s

Dictionary of Economic Products, IV., 502., sqq.

[110] Panjab Ethnography, 330.

[111] Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector, Schools, Pilibhît, M.

Mahâdeva Prasâd, Head Master, Zilâ School, Pilibhît.

[112] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5 sq.

[113] Risley, loc. cit. 6.

[114] Sheo Singh Rai versus Dakho, Indian Law Reports, Allahabad, I.,

688.

[115] Settlement Report, 61.

[116] Loc. cit. 7.

[117] Risley, loc. cit. 8.

[118] Eastern India, II., 465.

[119] Based mainly on a note by Pandit Râmgharib Chaube.

[120] Tribes and Castes, I., 10.

[121] Panjab Census Report, 115.

[122] The Census in Bengal shows their numbers to be 3,877. The Jogi

Aughars of the Panjab number only 436.

[123] Based on notes by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaube and Pandit Janardan Dat

Joshi, Deputy Collector, Bareilly.

[124] Tribes and Castes, I., 11.

[125] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[126] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 8.

[127] Annals, I., 109.

[128] Oudh Gazetteer, II., 218.

[129] Journey through Oudh, II., 98.

[130] Largely based on notes collected through Mr. J. H. Monks, Deputy

Collector, Aligarh.

[131] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 565, 589, and 645.

[132] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 572; Gorakhpur Gazetteer, 624.

[133] Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, Section 576.

[134] Papers on Mîna Dacoits and other Criminal Classes of India, I.,

sqq.

[135] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes by Pandit Baldeo

Prasâda, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur, and the Deputy Inspector of

Schools, Agra.

[136] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[137] Tribes and Castes, I., 282.

[138] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 364.

[139] Wheeler, History of India, Vol. III., 283, sqq.

[140] Elliot, Chronicles of Unâo, 20; Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 15.

[141] Archæological Reports, II., 81.

[142] Brief View, 106.

[143] Census Report, 1865, Appendix 21.

[144] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 467.

[145] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, I., 160.

[146] Settlement Report, 33.

[147] Growse, Mathura., 252.

[148] Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern

India, 290, sqq.

[149] Dalîp versus Ganpat, Indian Law Reports Alláhábád, VIII., 387.

[150] Papers 15, sq.

[151] Bihar Proverbs, 52.

[152] Principally based on notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High

School, Mathura.

[153] Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s.v., Saubhari.

[154] Mathura, 11.

[155] Ibid., 10, note.

[156] Mathura, 272.

[157] Page 32.

[158] Panjab Census Report, 166.

[159] Clans of Râê Bareli, 14, sq.

[160] Settlement Report, 9.

[161] Notes, 20, sq.

[162] Report, Census, North-West Provinces, 1891, page 237.

[163] Based almost entirely on notes by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy

Collector, Hardoi.

[164] Settlement Report, XXIV.

[165] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 301.

[166] Mainly based on a note by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaubê.

[167] Based on notes by Munshi Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High School,

Fatehpur; also, see Report, Inspector-General, Police, N.-W. P., 1868,

pp. 42, 46, 111; idem, 1869, p. 128; Gazetteer, N.-W. P., VIII, Part

III., page 44; note of Mr. D. T. Roberts, Police Commission Report,

1890.

[168] Qânûn-i-Islâm, 197.

[169] Institutes, VIII, 161.

[170] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 137, sqq.

[171] Chronicles of Unâo, 69.

[172] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[173] Archæological Survey, I., 352, sq.

[174] II., 239, sq.

[175] Settlement Report, App. I., 2 A.

[176] Settlement Report, 59.

[177] Growse, Mathura, 12, 356.

[178] Asiatic Researches, XIII., 282.

[179] Report, Inspector-General, Police, N. W. P., 1869, page 121, sqq.

[180] People of India, III., 113.

[181] 3rd S. I., 467, sqq.; III., 186, sqq.

[182] Journey through Oudh, I., 112.

[183] Annals, I., 105, sqq.

[184] Archæological Reports, XXI., 103, sqq.

[185] Settlement Report, page 12.

[186] Highlands of Central India, page 278.

[187] Census Report, N.-W. P., 1865, I., App. B., 129.

[188] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur: a few notes on

the Oudh branch of the tribe have been contributed by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs,

Deputy Collector, Hardoi.

[189] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.

[190] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.

[191] There is a tradition at Chunâr that Akbar garrisoned the fort

with a body of Baheliyas under a Commander known as Hazâri. The

descendant of the last Hazâri of Chunâr is now a runner in the

Government Tahsîl.

[192] Panjâb Census Report, 122, sqq.

[193] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 188.

[194] Mathura, 179, sq.

[195] These terms are Kanarese and mean “Southerners” and

“Northerners,”—Oppert, Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha, 613.

[196] Loc. cit., 181, sq.

[197] Chronicles of Unâo, 66, sq.

[198] Settlement Report, 213, 276, sq.

[199] Settlement Report, 20.

[200] Archæological Reports, V., 20.

[201] III., 221.

[202] Sleeman, Journey through Oudh, I., 264.

[203] Settlement Report, 12.

[204] Eastern India, II., 380, 460.

[205] Oldham, Memo., 65.

[206] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 227.

[207] Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 8.

[208] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[209] See Bais Râjput.

[210] See Bhuiya, para. 14.

[211] This account is based on a set of notes prepared by the Deputy

Inspector of Schools, Dehra Dûn.

[212] Mainly from notes from Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector,

Cawnpur.

[213] Prepared from notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School,

Mathura.

[214] Brahmanism and Hinduism, 185.

[215] For this campaign see Cunningham, Archæological Reports, II.,

455, Gazetteer, N. W. P., I., 160.

[216] The connection between the Banâphars and Ahîrs is one of many

instances which illustrate the mixed origin of many of the Râjput

septs.

[217] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 154, sqq.

[218] Notes, 40.

[219] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[220] Loc. cit., 171, sq.

[221] Tribes and Castes, I., 144, sgq.

[222] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâd,

Deputy Collector, Cawnpur; Pandit Badri Nâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri;

Mr. W. H. O’N. Segrave, District Superintendent, Police, Basti; and the

Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly and Bijnor.

[223] Academy, 14th May, 1870.

[224] Quoted in the Berâr Gazetteer, 195, sqq.

[225] Dowson’s Elliot, V., 100. Brigg’s Ferishta, I., 579.

[226] Rambles, I., 129, Indian Antiquary, VIII., 219, sqq.

[227] Asiatic Studies, 89.

[228] Migratory Tribes of Central India, by E. Balfour: Journal Asiatic

Society of Bengal, N. S., Vol. XIII.

[229] Settlement Report, 19.

[230] Settlement Report, 10.

[231] Settlement Report, 41.

[232] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 6.

[233] Williams, Memo., 77, sqq.

[234] Settlement Report, 130.

[235] Mullaly, Notes, 28.

[236] Asiatic Studies, 165.

[237] Panjâb Ethnography, 299.

[238] Central India, II., 152, sqq.

[239] Bombay Gazetteer, XX., 203; XIX., 138.

[240] Panjâb Census Report, 311.

[241] But see Baidguâr.

[242] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 353, 415; Report Inspector-General,

Police, North-Western Provinces, 1868, page 34; 1871, page 47 (a);

1870, page 99 (b).

[243] Jungle Life, 516.

[244] Notes, 31, sq.

[245] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes received through Mr. W.

Hoey, C.S., Gorakhpur, and Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi.

[246] Tribes and Castes, I., 60.

[247] Travels, 166, sqq.

[248] Hindu Tribes, I., 296.

[249] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330; and see Hoey, Monograph on

Trades and Manufactures, 188.

[250] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330. Buchanan says that

the Chaurâsis take their name from Tappa Chaurâs in Mirzapur, Eastern

India, II., 470.

[251] Yule and Burnell, Hobson Jobson, 67.

[252] Ibid., 25.

[253] Quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, II., 311.

[254] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 75.

[255] For a good account of the system of cultivating the plant, see

Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 864.

[256] Eastern India, II., 467.

[257] Tribes and Castes, I., 65.

[258] Oldham, Memo., I., 65.

[259] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 165.

[260] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.; Aligarh Settlement Report, 22; Râja

Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 155, sqq.

[261] Settlement Report, 34, sqq.

[262] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 14.

[263] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by the Deputy

Inspectors of Schools at Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor.

[264] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[265] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 316.

[266] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, III., 279.

[267] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 186.

[268] Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rig Veda, Intro., DLI.

[269] Hoey, Monograph on Trade and Manufactures, 68.

[270] Settlement Report, 79.

[271] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[272] Eastern India, II., 463.

[273] Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.

[274] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by

Munshi Chhuttan Lâl, Deputy Collector, Unâo, and Munshi Âtma Râm, Head

Master, High School, Mathura.

[275] Based chiefly on Notes by Mirza Ihfân Ali Beg, Deputy Collector,

in charge of the tribe, and a report (date and author not given)

entitled “Etymology (sic) of the Barwârs of Gonda and the Sanaurhiyas

of Nâgpur.”

[276] Faizâbâd Settlement Report, 280, sq.

[277] Oldham, Memo., I., 61, sq.

[278] Settlement Report, 30.

[279] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and a note by M. Karam

Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi.

[280] On this idea of hell see Bhuiyâr, 16.

[281] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and a note by the Deputy Inspector

of Schools, Bijnor.

[282] Sirsa Settlement Report, 123.

[283] Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western

Provinces, I., 386; North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 66.

[284] North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 51.

[285] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 78.

[286] Report, Inspector General of Police, N.-W. P., 1868, p. 13.

[287] Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 10.

[288] Balfour, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XIII.

[289] From a note by Pandit Râm Bakhsh Chaube of Gorakhpur.

[290] Tribes and Castes, I., 86.

[291] Panjâb Census Report, 196.

[292] Based on notes by M. Gopâl Prasâd, Naib Tahsildar, Phaphund,

Etâwah District, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Farrukhâbâd.

[293] Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 122, sqq.

[294] Origin of Civilization, 126; Westermarck, History of Human

Marriage, 72, sqq.

[295] Oldham, Memo, 61, sq.

[296] Settlement Report, 30.

[297] Settlement Report, 4.

[298] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 463.

[299] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.

[300] Maclagan, Punjab Census Report, 110.

[301] Settlement Report, 179, sqq.

[302] Census Report, 1865, I., Appendix 19; Râja Lachhman Singh, Memo.,

158.

[303] Settlement Report, 305.

[304] Chiefly based on enquiries at Mirzapur and short notes from

Munshi Bhagwati Dayâl Sinh, Tahsîldâr, Chhibramau, Farrukhâbâd, and

Bâbu Chhote Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow.

[305] Eastern India, II., 248.

[306] Based to a large extent on the account of the tribe in Benares by

Mr. R. Greeven, C. S., contributed to the second volume of North Indian

Notes and Queries, and subsequently reprinted under the title of

“Knights of the Broom,” and a note by Munshi Fasih-ud-din Ahmad, Deputy

Collector, Benares; enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Bâbu Badrinâth,

Deputy Collector, Kheri; Munshi Bâsdeo Sahây, Head Master, Zila School,

Farrukhâbâd; Munshi Râdharaman, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi; Munshi Chhotê

Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow; and the Deputy Inspectors of

Schools, Bareilly, Budâun, Pilibhît, Morâdâbâd.

[307] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London,

III., 125.

[308] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I., 417.

[309] Ibid., I., 139.

[310] Institutes, X., 12–29–30.

[311] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 183.

[312] The Chandâla is probably the Kandaloi of Ptolemy whom Dr. J.

Wilson would identify with the Gonds or Gondhalis, still a wandering

tribe of Maharashtra. Indian Caste, I., 57; and see Muir, Ancient

Sanskrit Texts, I., 481.

[313] For some of these legends I am indebted to the 2nd Volume, Panjâb

Notes and Queries.

[314] Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, I., 72.

[315] Panjâb Ethnography, paragraph 598.

[316] The most complete and authoritative version of the Kursi of Lâl

Beg is that given by Mr. Greeven in “Knights of the Broom,” 41, sqq.

[317] Panjâb Notes and Queries, II., 1; Knights of the Broom, 50, sqq.

[318] Punjâb Census Report, 90.

[319] Balfour; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S. XIII.;

Gunthorpe, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 46, sqq.; Rowney, Wild Tribes, 21.