the fence, followed by a squad of unkempt redheaded children. We asked
if we could get anything to eat. He had nothing. Seeing some chickens
roaming around, Barnes said he would give him $1.50 for a dozen eggs.
He replied that he had none; no meal--nothing edible, and it was a half
mile to the top of the mountain.
We passed through Dismal Hollow, a wild, romantic-looking place. The
road was sometimes hidden by the overhanging foliage. We saw the snow
piled up on the side of the road and through the hemlock thickets,
where it remains far into the summer. On reaching the top of the
mountain we uncorked our bottle and drank that the Yankees might never
cross the Blue Ridge.
Then commenced our descent, and it is hard to say whether it was easier
to go up or down hill. Had it not been for the rain our traveling would
have been less difficult. After getting to the foot we proceeded on
until we came to the house of a man named Kite. He had a fine house
and farm, but refused to accommodate us. He said he was eaten out and
had not enough for his own family. We jogged on through the rain until
we reached Marksville, on the Hawksbill Creek, where we stopped a few
minutes to rest, and then walked along until within about four miles of
Luray.
We inquired at every house along the road, but could neither get a
mouthful to eat nor a place to shelter us from the rain, though we told
them all we were not asking charity, but were willing to pay liberally
for all we received. After so many rebuffs we were about giving up
the attempt to get food or shelter, when Barnes and Wrenn stopped at
the house of Reuben Long. He said he would take three of us and the
other three could get accommodated at the next house--a Mr. Spitter.
We tried there and he had a sick family. We then went to the house of
Ambrose Varner, who received us kindly, built a big fire to warm us and
dry our wet clothes, and prepared a good substantial supper for us.
Charles Ratcliffe had become disgusted with our receptions and made
arrangements to build a fire and pass the night in an old shanty, while
a negro was to furnish bread and meat for his supper. He afterward came
to Varner’s, where we spent the night.
_Tuesday, April 21._--After a good breakfast we prepared for a start.
On asking what our bill was, Mr. Varner said he would make no charge,
but if we chose to give his wife anything for her trouble, he would
leave it altogether with us. We gave him $2 each, and he put up a nice
lunch to take along with us. We called at Long’s, where Barnes and
Wrenn joined us, and then pushed on to Luray. Yesterday we walked a
little more than twenty-one miles across the mountains, through mud and
rain.
At Luray, while Barnes and Wrenn stopped at Modisett’s Hotel for
dinner, I went in search of a druggist, as I had been unwell for
several days. He gave me some powders. I took one, which made me very
sick. I lay down for a while, but felt no better, and we started off on
the road to Front Royal. Along the road I was burning with fever--my
head so dizzy that I staggered like a person drunk. I had an excessive
thirst and drank at every spring or stream we came to, but even water
would not remain on my stomach--soon after drinking I would be taken
with vomiting. After going about six miles we turned off from the road
into a lane, and thence to the house of Mr. Hoffman, where we obtained
supper, bed and breakfast. The good lady of the house made me a cup of
tea, which I drank, but could eat no supper. Went to bed early, and
after I got in bed Mr. Hoffman brought me a glass of toddy.
_Wednesday, April 22._--Felt somewhat better this morning; got
breakfast. Settled bill, $1 each. Mr. Hoffman brought us a plate of
biscuits to carry along and we started for Front Royal. We met parties
along the route, each with a different story to tell about the approach
of the Yankees. Some said they were in force at Middletown, about 12
miles from Front Royal. Others, that they were expected in Front Royal
at any moment, and advising us not to stop there. Indeed, had we heeded
half the reports we would have retraced our steps.
A few miles from Front Royal we met a carriage going toward Luray. In
it was a young man in Confederate uniform and two young ladies. Barnes
spoke to them and one immediately recognized him. She was Miss Belle
Ford, a cousin to Miss Antonia Ford, who was arrested and confined in
the Old Capitol Prison after Mosby’s raid into Fairfax Court House and
capture of General Stoughton, charged with giving Mosby information
which led to the raid and capture.[K] After leaving them we proceeded
about another mile, when we were halted by a patrol of Confederate
Cavalry, who demanded to know where we were from, where we were going,
etc. One of them said he had seen the Yankees at Middletown--cavalry,
infantry and artillery--and cautioned us about stopping at Front
Royal. Our road ran a great distance along the Shenandoah River. On the
one side we had the river banks, and on the other towering rocks and
rugged mountains. In some places there was a gradual slope, while in
others they rose perpendicular, forming a complete wall, but without
its uniformity--massive and broken, showing occasionally large fissures
which, viewed from the ground, resembled windows.
[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL EDWIN H. STOUGHTON, U. S. A.]
On reaching Front Royal we went to the hotel. There are two in town,
but only one occupied. Here a very nice supper was set out for us, but
I was content with a dish of boiled milk. There were but two beds in
the house, and as there were six of us we slept three in a bed.
_Thursday, April 23._--Good breakfast this morning. It was raining
very hard when we started on toward Markham. Our route led us down the
old Manassas Railroad. The track had been torn up, the sleepers and
all woodwork burnt, the rails bent and in many cases twisted around
the trunks of trees. The road in some places was so muddy we sunk five
or six inches at every step, and in other places we were slipping over
sharp broken stones. Finding the road so bad, our clothing completely
saturated with rain, and there being no appearance of the rain ceasing,
we halted by the roadside at an old deserted shanty, which had at one
time been occupied by workmen on the railroad. We gathered some wood,
built a fire and tried to make ourselves as comfortable as possible.
We bought seven pounds of flour from an old Irishman living near by,
but could get neither meat nor eggs. The man baked us some bread and
with it brought us a pot of coffee. At night slept on a bunch of wet
straw thrown on the floor of the shanty--that is, on the place where
the flooring should be, but in this instance it was dirt, the same as
outside, except that it was sheltered from the rain.
_Friday, April 24._--Still raining. Made another start, but stopped at
Mr. Lee’s, about a mile from our last halting place, and got breakfast.
We then struck out through rain and mud, our boots soaking wet and
our clothes hanging limp. Stopped at Bush Thompson’s and bought some
apple brandy. Passed through Markham and on to Piedmont (now called
Delaplane). We crossed Goose Creek three times: first, on charred
logs, the remains of what was once the railroad bridge; second, on a
fallen tree, and, third, on a bridge similar to the first. The burnt
logs, broken and bent down, looked as if ready to give way under our
weight in crossing. From Piedmont took the road to Upperville, where we
arrived early in the evening. Barnes and Ratcliffe went to the house of
a friend near town. Philip Lee, Thomas Lee, Wrenn and myself went to
Lunchford’s, where we got a very poor supper, no fire, and sat until
bedtime shivering in our wet boots and clothes.
_Saturday, April 25._--On opening my valise to get out dry clothes,
I was surprised to find that the water had leaked in and everything
in it was soaked with water. I was compelled to put on wet socks and
underclothes.
[Illustration: CERTIFICATE OF MEMBERSHIP
As there were men wearing Confederate uniforms (either deserters or
absent from their commands without leave), roaming about the country,
claiming to belong to Mosby’s command, the men were furnished with
certificates of this kind.]
There was a meeting of Mosby’s men in Upperville on this day and
they were coming in town singly and in small squads from different
directions. I saw Mosby and made myself known to him and my purpose in
coming to Virginia. He said he would furnish me a horse, and told me
to come to the next meeting of the command.
I met a number of men who had been prisoners in the Old Capitol with
me. I was introduced to William Ayre and rode with him to the home of
his brother George S. Ayre, at Ayreshire, who had been a room-mate with
me in the Old Capitol Prison. He welcomed me to his home and told me to
make his house my headquarters. When I got my horse and equipments I
was ready to enter upon my career as a Partisan Ranger.
INMATES OF ROOM NO. 16, DURING MY TERM OF IMPRISONMENT
[The Missourians named were held here awaiting transportation South for
exchange.]
Adreon, George S., Baltimore.
Armand, William, Louisiana.
Ayre, George S., Loudoun County, Virginia.
Barnes, John H., Fairfax County, Virginia.
Barrett, Boyd.
Bennett, .........., Maryland.
Brawner, Redmond F., Prince William County, Virginia.
Carr, John, Fauquier County, Virginia.
Carter, H. Fitzhugh, Fauquier County, Virginia.
Chandler, .........., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Clift, .........., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Comastri, Marco, Italy. Arrested coming from the South.
Davis, ..........
Delano, Philemon.
Dula, Lowring, Missouri.
Eorio, Pietro, Brusnengo, Piemonte, Italia.
Ewell, James, Accomac County, Virginia.
Fitzgerald, Edward.
Flaherty, John, Baltimore.
Flaherty, Peter, Baltimore.
Ford, John.
Gardner, ..........
George, ..........
Goldsmith, John M., St. Mary’s County, Md.
Green, .........., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Hagan, .........., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Hammett, George.
Hertzog, .......... (From Camp Chase.)
Holbrook, Thomas H., Baltimore.
Hollenbaugh, William T., Pennsylvania.
Hoyle, George, Maryland.
Hunter, John B., Virginia. (Held as a Hostage.)
Hurst, Thomas, Baltimore.
Jenkins, ..........
Johnson, James, Clarke County, Virginia.
Keleher, John, Baltimore.
Kerfoot, James F., Clarke County, Virginia.
Key, J., Maryland.
King, Aaron J.
Lackey, .........., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Lewis, Aaron.
Littlepage, William T., Baltimore.
Love, Henry, Dumfries, Virginia.
Love, Llewellyn, Dumfries, Virginia.
Marchland, Judge. (From Camp Chase.)
Martin, .......... (From Camp Chase.)
Minor, Fairfax, Virginia.
Mitchell, Captain, Baltimore.
Mitchell, Lieutenant Hugh.
Montgomery, ..........
Mount, Stephen R., Loudoun County, Virginia.
O’Brien, Edward H., Maryland. (First Md. Regiment.)
Pentz, John, Baltimore.
Perry, William McK., Missouri. (From Camp Chase.)
Phillips, Captain Thomas. (Captured running the blockade
into Wilmington, N. C.)
Phillips, Captain Wesley, Baltimore. (Captain of schooner
carrying stores to the Army of the Potomac.)
Purcell, Volney, Loudoun County, Virginia.
Randolph, .........., Virginia.
Reilly, ..........
Richardson, George, Fairfax County, Virginia.
Rinaldi, Raphael, Italy. (Arrested coming from the South.)
Russell, .........., Baltimore.
Short, .........., Virginia.
Simmons, Albert, Baltimore.
Smith, John C.
Spence, William A., Westmoreland County, Virginia.
Stant, James, Accomac County, Virginia.
Storm, R. B., Baltimore.
Tansell, James, Washington, D. C.
Taylor, George, Accomac County, Virginia.
Taylor, James, Accomac County, Virginia.
Taylor, John W., Accomac County, Virginia.
Taylor, Samuel, Accomac County, Virginia.
Thornton, Frank, Baltimore.
Thornton, William.
Ward, Charles.
Ward, Walter W., Baltimore. (Stuart’s Horse Artillery.)
Weiler, Emanuel, Richmond, Virginia.
Williams, Augustus, Vienna, Virginia.
Williams, W. F., Maryland.
Williamson, James J., Washington, D. C.
Wright, J.
TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR
Hon. Jefferson Davis, in a letter written from Beauvoir, December,
1888, said:
“Nearly a quarter of a century has elapsed since war between the
States ceased. Has the prejudice fed on the passions of that period
ceased with the physical strife? Shall it descend from sire to
son, hardened by its transmission? Or shall it be destroyed by the
full development of the truth, the exposure of the guilty, and the
vindication of the innocent?”
In the North a general impression was produced, and exists to a certain
extent even at this late day, that Northern prisoners incarcerated
in Southern prisons during the war, were brutally treated, starved,
frozen, neglected and inhumanly treated in sickness, and even murdered,
and that this was done in accordance with a wilful and deliberate
plan, inaugurated by the Confederate Government and carried out by its
officers and soldiers. And no other subject has tended more to keep
alive a bitter and hostile feeling between the sections.
It is not so much among soldiers who fought through the war that the
intenseness of this feeling is shown as among those whose fighting has
been done since the war. In most cases it is the result of prejudice or
through ignorance of the real facts.
The Confederate authorities made every effort possible to alleviate
the sufferings of prisoners in Southern prisons. Finding it impossible
to effect exchange man for man, and aware of their inability to
properly care for the sick and wounded, they offered to deliver to
the United States authorities the sick and wounded without insisting
on the delivery of any equivalent in return. It was nearly four months
after this offer was made by the Confederate authorities before it was
accepted by the United States authorities, who had been informed of the
frightful mortality among their soldiers in Southern prisons and urged
to send speedy transportation to take them away.
Robert Ould, Confederate Agent of Exchange, offered to purchase
medicines from the United States authorities, to be used exclusively
for the relief of United States prisoners--to pay in gold, cotton or
tobacco--two or three prices even--such medicines to be brought into
the Confederate lines and dispensed by United States surgeons.
The following letter will show the persistent efforts made by the
Confederate authorities for the relief of prisoners in their hands:
Confederate States of America,
War Department, Richmond, Va., Jan. 24, 1864.
Major-General E. A. HITCHCOCK,
_Agent of Exchange_.
Sir:--In view of the present difficulties attending the exchange and
release of prisoners, I propose that all such on each side shall be
attended by a proper number of their own surgeons, who, under rules
to be established, shall be permitted to take charge of their health
and comfort.
I also propose that these surgeons shall act as commissaries,
with power to receive and distribute such contributions of money,
food, clothing and medicines as may be forwarded for the relief of
prisoners. I further propose that these surgeons be selected by
their own governments, and that they shall have full liberty at any
and all times, through the agents of exchange, to make reports not
only of their own acts, but of any matters relating to the welfare of
the prisoners.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
RO. OULD, _Agent of Exchange_.
Could anything be fairer and more humane than this proposal?
In a letter to the editor of the _National Intelligencer_, dated August
17, 1868, Robert Ould says:
“The cartel of exchange bears date July 22, 1862. The fourth article
provided that all prisoners of war should be discharged on parole in
ten days after capture. From the date of the cartel until the summer
of 1863, the Confederate authorities had the excess of prisoners.
During that interval deliveries were made as fast as the Federal
Government furnished transportation.... As long as the Confederate
Government had the excess of prisoners matters went on smoothly
enough; but as soon as the posture of affairs in that respect was
changed the cartel could no longer be observed.
“More than once I urged the mortality at Andersonville as a reason
for haste on the part of the United States authorities. I know
personally it was the purpose of the Confederate Government to send
off from its prisons all the sick and wounded, and to continue to do
the same from time to time, without requiring any equivalents.”
The War Department at Washington, on July 3, 1863, issued General Order
No. 209, which states that “it is understood captured officers and men
and sick and wounded in hospitals have been paroled and released,”
and concludes: “Any officer or soldier who gives such parole will be
returned to duty without exchange, and, moreover, will be punished for
disobedience to orders.”
General J. A. Early, commenting on this order, said: “But for that
order all the prisoners captured by us at Gettysburg, amounting to
fully six thousand, would have been paroled, and, in fact, the proper
staff officers were proceeding to parole them, and had actually
paroled and released a large number of them, when news came of the
order referred to. Why did Mr. Stanton object to the paroling of
those prisoners? And why did he prefer that they should be confined
in prisons in the South--‘prison pens,’ as Northern Republicans
are pleased to call them.... If any of the prisoners brought
from Gettysburg, or subsequently captured, lost their lives at
Andersonville, or any other Southern prison, is it not palpable that
the responsibility for their deaths rested on Edwin M. Stanton?”
The fact is, the authorities at Washington were willing to allow their
soldiers to languish and die in Southern prisons rather than consent to
exchange. Would rather have them kept and starved that they might make
capital out of it. When they consented to receive the sick and wounded,
they did it--not for the purpose of ameliorating their sufferings,
but that they might take the worst looking of the sick and starved
prisoners and make an exhibition of their pictures to arouse a feeling
of resentment among the Northern people, cover up their own infamy and
place the South in a false light before the powers of the world.
In August, 1864, Brigadier-Generals Wessells and Seymour were sent
South to look into the condition and treatment of Union prisoners. From
a report of General Seymour to Colonel Hoffman, Commissary-General
of Prisoners, Washington, D. C., I take the following extract, which
proves how little the United States authorities were concerned on
account of the sufferings of their soldiers who were held as prisoners
of war:
“The Southern authorities are exceedingly desirous of an exchange
of prisoners. General Wessells and myself had an interview with
General Ripley at Charleston, S. C., on this point. Their urgency is
unbounded, but we asserted that it was the poorest possible policy
for our Government to deliver to them 40,000 prisoners, better fed
and clothed than ever before in their lives, in good condition for
the field, while the United States receives in return an equal number
of men worn out with privations and neglect, barely able to walk,
often drawing their last breath, and utterly unfit to take the field
as soldiers.”
Major-General Ben Butler, referring to the frustration of his efforts,
while in command at Fortress Monroe, to bring about an exchange of
prisoners, says in his book:
“His (Grant’s) proposition was to make an aggressive fight upon
Lee, trusting to the superiority of numbers and to the practical
impossibility of Lee getting any considerable reinforcements to keep
up his army. We had 26,000 Confederate prisoners, and if they were
exchanged it would give the Confederates a corps larger than any
in Lee’s army, of disciplined veterans, better able to stand the
hardships of a campaign and more capable than any other,” etc.
At the last session of the Confederate Congress a joint committee of
the two Houses was appointed to take up and investigate the “Condition
and Treatment of Prisoners of War.” This committee took a vast amount
of testimony--sworn depositions of witnesses--surgeons, officers and
soldiers, private citizens and Federal prisoners.
The object of this was to correct the unjust statements and
misrepresentations which were circulated, and to remove false
impressions and unfounded prejudices--to present to the world “a
vindication of their country and relieve her authorities from the
injurious slanders brought against her by her enemies.”
From the extremely lengthy Report of this committee I give here a few
extracts:
“This Report is rendered especially important by reason of persistent
efforts lately made by the Government of the United States and by
associations and individuals connected or co-operating with it,
to asperse the honor of the Confederate authorities and to charge
them with deliberate and wilful cruelty to prisoners of war. Two
publications have been issued at the North within the past year and
have been circulated not only in the United States but in some parts
of the South and in Europe. One of these is the Report of the joint
select committee of the Northern Congress on the Conduct of the
War, known as ‘Report No. 67.’ It is accompanied by eight pictures
or photographs alleged to represent United States prisoners of war
returned from Richmond in a sad state of emaciation and suffering.
“The intent and spirit of this report may be gathered from the
following extract: ‘The evidence proves beyond all manner of doubt,
a determination on the part of the rebel authorities, deliberately
and persistently practised for a long time past, to subject those
of our soldiers who have been so unfortunate as to fall into their
hands to a system of treatment which has resulted in reducing many
of those who have survived and been permitted to return to us to a
condition both physically and mentally which no language we can use
can adequately describe.’--Rep. p. 1.
“The other (Report) purports to be a ‘Narrative of the Privations and
Sufferings of United States Officers and Soldiers while Prisoners of
War,’ and is issued as a Report of a Commission of Inquiry appointed
by the United States Sanitary Commission.
“The disingenuous attempt is made in both these publications to
produce the impression that these sick and emaciated men were fair
representatives of the general state of the prisoners held by the
South, and that all their prisoners were being rapidly reduced to the
same state by starvation and cruelty, and by neglect, ill-treatment
and denial of proper food, stimulants and medicines in the
Confederate hospitals. The facts are simply these: