the general and thorough devotion to, and mastery of, the classics.
I doubt if ever the youth of any country were so well grounded in
the literature of Greek and Latin poet and historian, or caught so
fully and finely the beauty of the old philosophies and mythologies.
It was not an uncommon feat for a boy of fourteen, upon entrance
as a freshman to a college of the old order, to read Virgil and
Horace _ore rotundo_, with a grace and finish that would do credit
to a post-bellum alumnus. Latin, Greek, and the higher mathematics,
with a modicum of the physical sciences, constituted the favored
curriculum of the old-time academy and college. How much some of
us owe to that ancient academy and that small college can never be
rightly estimated. The standard of study was severe and thorough.
The discipline was often rigorous and exacting. What, for instance,
would our latter-day college boys think of a rule compelling their
attendance, if within a mile of the chapel, upon sunrise prayer
the year round? Or how would a shudder run through their ranks if
I paused to tell them of how in our old Academy two score of us
classical students, ranging in age from fifteen to thirty years,
having been discovered demolishing the business signs of town
merchants in an effort to fulfill the Scriptures which declared that
they should seek a sign and none should be given unto them, were
soundly thrashed with exceeding roughness and dispatch by the man
who for many years has held the superintendency of public schools
in the foremost city of the South! Alas for the disappearance of
those good old days and customs, of which the survivors have feeling
and pathetic remembrance! For one, I am glad that free public
education has come to the children, white and black, of the New
South. Whether the hopes of the statesman and philanthropist shall
be realized or not, I am also glad of the millions of money the New
South has expended in the past generation upon the education of the
masses. But the day of the ancient academy and college, as source
and inspiration of an incomparable culture, will never be surpassed
by latter-day educational systems, however widely extended and
beneficent these may be. There was something intensely stimulating
in the spirit and method of the old classical school; a sharp yet
generous competition and rivalry of scholarship; a thoroughness that
reached the foundation of every subject traversed; and above and
through it all there was the sure development of a sense of honor
and a pride of scholarship that lifted even the dull student into an
ambition to succeed. Mixed with all was the example and influence
of high-bred Christian gentlemen as professors and teachers, whose
lives reenforced their teachings and molded us into the image of
the gentleman of the Old South. The utilitarian in education was not
yet in evidence. The bread-and-butter argument was reserved to a
later generation. The cheap and tawdry “business college,” recruited
from guileless country youth ambitious to become merchant princes
and railroad managers by a six months’ course in double entry and
lightning arithmetic, had not then entered upon its dazzling career.
Boys were trained to read extensively, to think clearly, to analyze
patiently, to judge critically, to debate accurately and fluently,
and in short to master whatever subject one might come upon. Over
that old-time educational method might be written the aphorism of
Quintilian, that “not what one may remember constitutes knowledge,
but what one cannot forget.”
We were not without noble intellectual exemplars in our Old South.
The great thoughts of our home-born leaders, from Patrick Henry to
Calhoun and Clay, were ever before us. Our college debates, our
commencement orations, were fashioned after the severely classical
models these men had left us. From the rostrum, the party platform,
the pulpit, whenever a man spoke in those days it was expected and
demanded that his speech be chaste, his thought elevated, his purpose
ennobling. We were old-fashioned, I admit, in theme and method.
We did not aim so much to please and entertain as to convince and
inspire. The forum was as sacred as in the palmiest days of Athens
and Demosthenes. About it centered our chief ambitions. We had not
come upon a degenerate age when a much-exploited college graduate,
lyceum lecturer, and “D.D.”—as I heard him before a great audience
of university young gentlemen and ladies the other day—could descend
to a contemptible buffoonery of delineation of the “American Girl”
as his theme, and include in his printed repertoire such subjects as
“The Tune the Old Cow Died of,” which confirmed some of us who heard
him in the conviction that Balaam’s ass is yet lineally represented
in ways of public speech and action.
[Illustration: ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.]
Of the great writers and orators who left their impress upon us in
the last years of the Old South, I can speak from personal contact
and experience, and with thankfulness that as a boy I was given to
see most of them face to face and to touch, in spirit, the hem of
their garments. The spell of the genius of Edgar Allan Poe, though
the fitful fever of his life had ended, was upon the literature and
literary men of the time. The weird beauty of the lines of this
prince of the powers of harmony, contrasting so wonderfully with
a strange analytical power that made him at once a foremost prose
and poetical writer of his century, had set before us the measure
of beauty and the test of genius. Then, in our own day, came Paul
Hamilton Hayne, Henry Timrod, and Sidney Lanier. I cannot describe to
you the feeling of ownership that we of the Old South felt in this
trinity of noble singers; nor can I express the sense of tenderness
that comes to me as I recall the pain and poverty that haunted them
most of their days until the end came, to two of them at least, in
utter destitution. It was my privilege early in life to fall under
the spell of the minstrelsy of these three men. As long as the red
hills of Georgia stand, and its overhanging pines are stirred by the
south wind’s sighing, let it recall to the honorable and grateful
remembrance of Georgians the gentle yet proud-spirited poet who,
having lost all but honor and genius in his native sea-girt city,
came to his rude cabin home at Copse Hill as the weary pilgrim of
whom he so tenderly sings:
With broken staff and tattered shoon,
I wander slow from dawn to noon—
From arid noon till, dew-impearled,
Pale twilight steals across the world.
Yet sometimes through dim evening calms
I catch the gleam of distant palms;
And hear, far off, a mystic sea,
Divine as waves on Galilee.
Perchance through paths unknown, forlorn,
I still may reach an Orient morn;
To rest where Easter breezes stir
Around the sacred sepulcher.
I know what a fashion it is to worship at the shrines of the “Lake
poets,” and how Wordsworth and Burns and Shelley and like singers
of the Old World, with Longfellow, Whittier, and Lowell of the New,
are set on high as the greater masters of poesy. But if genius is a
thing of quality rather than quantity, I go back to the dark days
and memories of battle and take my stand lovingly beside the new-made
grave of Timrod, the poet laureate of the Confederacy, and call to
mind what I believe to be a poem that the greatest of English and
American poets would be glad to claim as their own. Remember, as you
read it, how in his dire want the poet wrote of the little book of
which it is a part: “I would consign every line of it to oblivion for
one hundred dollars in hand.”
Spring, with that nameless pathos in the air
Which dwells with all things fair;
Spring, with her golden suns and silver rains,
Is with us once again.
* * * * *
Still there’s a sense of blossoms yet unborn
In the sweet airs of morn;
One almost looks to see the very street
Grow purple at his feet.
At times a fragrant breeze comes floating by,
And brings—you know not why—
A feeling as when eager crowds await
Before a palace gate
Some wondrous pageant; and you scarce would start,
If from a beech’s heart
A blue-eyed Dryad, stepping forth, should say:
“Behold me! I am May!”
Sidney Lanier was of the Old South, though fame came to him from the
New. It was fitting that the latest of the progeny of genius of the
Old South should become the foremost of those who were to gild it
with a fame imperishable. Born in Georgia, less than a score of years
before the tragedy of the Old South began, writing his earliest poems
as a boy in Confederate camp and Federal prison, his music tinged
with the somberness of the time, Lanier’s genius was like the last of
the Southern flowers that burst into bloom just before the coming of
chilling frost and wintry wind. It was like the bright-red flower of
war which he describes: “The early spring of 1861 brought to bloom,
besides innumerable violets and jessamines, a strange, enormous, and
terrible flower, the blood-red flower of war, which grows amid the
thunders.” Why it is that the price of genius must always be paid in
blood, I do not know; but not all the transmitted genius and culture
and spirit of the Old South, which crystallized in this last and
greatest of her literary children, could absolve Lanier from the
pangs which Southern genius seems peculiarly called upon to suffer.
As the holiest and bravest lives spring out of darkness and storm
and sorrow, it may be that only such baptism of tears and blood which
we as a people have received could fit our sons and daughters for
their high vocation.
Lanier was easily the greatest of the poets of the South. Perhaps his
final place is yet to be fixed among the greater singers of America,
but it is comforting to know that the clear light of dispassionate
judgment of the receding years dispels the first-formed prejudices,
and lifts the singer into nobler and yet nobler place.
Broken with pain and poverty, yearning unutterably for the peace
and quiet of an opportunity to pour out his divine genius in great
and holy song, could anything be more utterly pitiful than this
passionate cry for help, which lay among his papers after his death?
O Lord, if thou wert needy as I,
If thou shouldst come to my door as I to thine;
If thou hungered so much as I
For that which belongs to the spirit,
For that which is fine and good,
Ah, friend, for that which is fine and good,
I would give it to thee if I had power.
“A thousand songs are singing in my heart,” he declares, “that will
certainly kill me if I do not utter them soon.”
Lanier’s genius was many-sided, and there is not a line he wrote of
poetry or prose that one would care to blot. He had the exquisite
sense of melody of Poe, but he had what Poe did not in the spirit
of the maxim of his art which he often expressed in the words: “The
beauty of holiness and the holiness of beauty.” He had, too, the
tenderness and pathos and lyrical beauty of Timrod and Haynes, yet
the characteristic of his poems is that they call one to worship God.
They usher us with bowed head and chastened spirit into the holy of
holies. “A holy tune was in my soul when I fell asleep,” he writes;
“it was going when I awoke.”
Just as in the ancient mythology, while one of divine descent might
hold converse for a time with sons and daughters of men unmarked
or unrecognized, yet by glance of eye or grace of motion would
inevitably betray himself as of the progeny of the gods, so if ever
for a moment I were in doubt as to the genius of Lanier my doubt
would vanish as in the darkness, with bowed head and pitying heart of
love, I sang to myself his “Ballad of the Trees and the Master:”
Into the woods my Master went,
Clean forspent, forspent.
Into the woods my Master came,
Forspent with love and shame.
But the olives they were not blind to him,
The little gray leaves were kind to him,
The thorn tree had a mind to him,
When into the woods he came.
Out of the woods my Master went,
And he was well content.
Out of the woods my Master came,
Content with death and shame.
When death and shame would woo him last,
From under the trees they drew him—last;
’Twas on a tree they slew him—last,
When out of the woods he came.
One of the aphorisms of my youth was, “Poeta nascitur, orator fit.”
That the poet is “born,” and ever bears upon himself the marks of
his divine enduement, I do not doubt; but that the orator “becomes”
or happens so by chance or labor, I must strongly deny. A certain
fluency of speech, a certain gloss of oratory, may possibly be
achieved by dint of elocutionary drill and practice. If one is
minded, like orators of an elegant postprandial type, to stand before
a mirror and practice the tricks of gesture and speech, he may
hope to attain applause from those whose blood is kept well cooled
by the ices of the banquet room. I have described it fittingly as
“postprandial” oratory, for the reason that it is most appreciated
when the stomach and not the brain is chiefly in operation.
But if any one as a boy had ever sat under the matchless spell of the
real masters of the forum, those who were as fully “born” unto it as
was Lanier to poetry or Blind Tom to music; if within a half score of
years he had been permitted to hear in their prime Jefferson Davis,
Robert Toombs, Ben Hill, Alexander Stephens, Judge Lamar, and William
L. Yancey, the after-dinner elegancies of oratory of the class I have
named would be tame and dispiriting. I would not underrate the men
of later fame, but I am sure that it is not time and distance only
that lend enchantment to the names of that galaxy of famous orators
who closed the succession of platform princes of the Old South. I
would not detract an iota from whatever claim the New South may have
to oratory, but I stand firmly upon the proposition, self-evident to
survivors of the Old South, that the golden age of Southern oratory
ended a generation ago. Compared with Yancey, the incarnate genius of
oratory, any oration of that superb master of assemblies by the side
of the best post-bellum oratory (always excepting Henry W. Grady) is
as Hyperion to a satyr.
On a day that no one who was present will ever forget, while the
war clouds were gathering and old political issues were giving
place to the one dominant and terrible question of the hour, in a
little Southern city, within the compass of twelve hours I heard the
greatest of the orators of the last tragic era of the Old South.
Whig and Democrat were words to conjure with, and the old-fashioned
custom of joint debate was yet in honor. The crux of an intense and
hard-fought campaign was at hand, and only the platform giants of the
contending parties were in demand for the occasion. From fifty to a
hundred miles around, towns, without railroad communication as now,
poured their delegations in upon the crucial day of the campaign.
For two days and nights in advance, processions with fife and drum
and bands, cannon and cavalry, had held rival parade. The fires of a
great barbecue, with its long lines of parallel trenches in which,
under the unbroken vigilance of expert negro cooks, whole beeves and
sheep and hogs and innumerable turkeys were roasting, sent forth
a savor that would have tempted the dainty palate of an Epicurus.
Floats were formed, and fair young women and rosy-cheeked children
expressed in symbol the doctrines of their sires, and sang to us
until our hearts were all aglow. To the small boy there were meat and
drink, sights and sounds illimitable, and a tenseness of excitement
that thrilled him with a thousand thrills, for in the presence and
sound of the great men of his country the boy’s heart must expand and
his ambition take fire.
Not in a hundred years could I forget the speeches and speakers of
that eventful day. Whole passages linger in memory now, fifty years
after they were spoken. I recall the jubilant ring of Ben Hill as,
lifting an old placard on which was inscribed, “Buck, Breck, and
Kansas,” he said: “You got your Buck, you got your Breck, but where’s
your Kansas?” Or Brownlow, with the heavy thump of his fist on the
table, declaring, “I would rather vote for the old clothes of Henry
Clay, stuffed with straw, than for any man living.” Or Toombs, with
massive head and lordly pose, denouncing in blistering speech the
unholy alliance of certain men of the Old South with the enemies of
its most vital institution. Or Stephens, small and weazened, sallow
and unkempt, with cigar stump in hand, his thin, metallic voice
penetrating with strange power to the remotest part of the great
open-air assemblage. All day, back and forth, the battle of the
giants raged. Toward nightfall the Democrats were in dire distress
over the seeming victory of the opposition. Yancey lay sick at home,
sixty miles away, and the wires were kept hot with pleadings to bring
him at any cost, if possible, to the scene. At nine o’clock that
night I saw a strange tribute to the power of that orator, who, I
doubt not, will stand unrivaled in the future as in the past. Pale
and emaciated, taken from his sick room and hurried by special
train, upborne upon the shoulders of men whose idol he had been for
twenty years, he was carried to the platform at the close of a day’s
great victory by the opposing party. With singularly musical voice
and an indefinable magnetism which fell upon all of us, he began
a speech of two hours’ length. Within an hour, such was the magic
of the man, he had turned the tide of defeat, rallied his party,
and filled them with hope and courage. Within another hour he was
receiving the tremendous applause of even his political enemies, and
had undone all the mighty work of the giants of the opposition and
sent them home with a chill at heart.
With such political leaders as these men, and with the finest
intellect and character of the Old South devoted for generations
to the study and exposition of the purest party politics, I am not
surprised at the higher level of parties and platforms of the Old
South. Politics was not a “graft,” as the present-day political
ringster defines it. The political and personal conscience were one
and the same, and a man’s politics was no small part of his religion.
I am not saying that all political leaders were incorruptible
statesmen, or that an unselfish patriotism was the invariable mark
of its party politics. The demagogue was not unknown, and the fine
Italian hand of the mercenary was sometimes in evidence. But of one
fact I am abundantly assured—the spoilsman and the grafter held
no recognized and official standing in that old-time democracy.
Men of ability and character might aspire to political place and
honor. They might even go beyond the personal desire and become open
candidates for party favor. But the service of the paid political
manager, the conciliation of the party “boss,” the subsidizing of
the party “heelers,” the utilization of the party press in flaming,
self-laudatory columns and even pages of paid advertising matter,
_ad nauseam_ and _ad infinitum_, as in recent Southern political
contests—all these latter-day importations and inventions of “peanut”
politics would have merited and received the unmeasured contempt of
the politicians of the Old South. There were certain old-fashioned
political maxims that constituted the code of every man who would
become a candidate for office, as, for instance, “The office should
seek the man, not the man the office.” I cannot find heart to
censure the politician of the New South for his smile at the verdancy
and guilelessness of such a maxim, but that which provokes a smile
was in my own remembered years the working motto of the old-time
Southern leaders of high rank. Another maxim was that “the patriot
may impoverish but not enrich himself by office-holding.” As a
commentary upon this maxim, it affords me infinite satisfaction, in
a retrospect of the long line of men who led the great political
campaigns of the Old South and held its positions of highest trust,
that most of them died poor, that none of them within my knowledge
were charged with converting public office into private gain, and
that the highest ambition of the old-time politician was to serve his
country by some great deed of unselfish patriotism, to live like a
gentleman, and then to die with uncorrupted heart and hands, and with
money enough to insure a decent burial. If he left a few debts here
and there, they were gratefully cherished as souvenirs by his host of
friends.
Earlier in these pages I raised the question as to why the South,
once so potent in national council and leadership, was now become
the mere servant of the national Democratic party, so much so
that the recognized Sir Oracle of Republicanism and mouthpiece of
his excellency the President is led to remind us, while a guest on
Southern soil, of our pristine place and power, and to admonish
us, in the frankness of an open and worthy foeman, to quit playing
the role of lackey in national politics, and to put forth as of
yore our own home-grown statesmen for national positions of highest
honor and service, and to do all in our might again to restore the
lost political prestige of the South. Come from whomsoever it may,
Republican or Democrat, Grosvenor or Grant—for the latter before
his death held like view with the former—the advice is well given
and the point well taken. But when once the renaissance begins, I
think the Augean stable of latter-day politics, even in the New
South, will need another Hercules to purify it. Take, for instance,
this statement from a recent issue of a great Southern newspaper:
“The four candidates for railroad commissioner expended a total of
$14,940.80 on their campaign expenses, Mr. ——, who was nominated,
leading with $10,522.80. The twelve candidates for the Supreme
Court paid out $7,133.34. Sixteen Congressional candidates expended
$15,965.88.”
In the _Independent_ of recent date a leading Democratic manufacturer
of New Jersey, under manifestly strong grievance, recites his
experiences as a delegate in the State Democratic Convention, in
which a vigorous effort was made, as in other Democratic Conventions,
to force the indorsement of an unclean aspirant to the highest office
of the republic. The article I cite is an evident instance of pot and
kettle, but it sets in bold relief the straits and methods to which
the dominating wing of the party of Jefferson and Jackson has been
reduced, certainly in some of the Northern if not of the Southern
States. I quote the closing paragraph of the article as a faithful
picture of recent political happenings:
What are the means used by the bosses? First, corrupted judges
at the primaries and bulldozing tactics there. Secondly, a
brow-beating county and delegation chairman, with his attendant
thugs. Thirdly, a properly managed credentials committee, with
arrangements made beforehand, so that there will be contests and
the contests decided their way. Fourthly, a tactful chairman, who
will have fine presence, be a hypocrite and pretend to fairness,
but never recognize any but machine men. Fifthly, the presence of
the boss, with his ever-ready check book and a fine knowledge of
men to know what he must do to win his way with them.
In so far as this is a true picture of the dominant spirit and method
of no small part of the Northern Democracy, and I firmly believe it
so to be, I think it time for the South to first purge itself of
the contamination that has come from thirty years of subserviency
and emasculation, and then to assert and maintain the integrity and
high principles of the Democracy of the fathers. If ever thieves and
money changers were scourged from the ancient temple, it is high
time that the lash of public scorn shall be laid upon the backs of
all men, North or South, who have helped to disrupt and dishonor
a once noble and victorious national party. When I remember, as a
Confederate soldier, that William McKinley—peace to his dust—in
the city of Atlanta, as Republican President, pleaded for equal
recognition of Confederate with Federal dead; and that one who has
been honored by the Democratic party as standard bearer and occupant
of a great office declined to vote for an ex-Confederate candidate
in fear of the disfavor of his Western constituency; and when within
recent months, in great cities of the South, I have personally seen
the cunning handiwork of paid henchmen of a millionaire saffron
newsmonger seeking most insistently and offensively to buy exalted
position for their master, I am ready once more to secede, except
that the second act of secession would be the sundering of all bonds
that bind my party to corrupting methods and leadership, and the
setting up again in the New South of the lofty political ideals and
independency of the Democracy of the Old South.
Thus far I have tried to portray, in frankly admitted partiality,
the social, intellectual, and political characteristics of the Old
South. But I should be seriously derelict in my portraiture if I
left unnoted that which was more to it than wealth or culture or
learning or party. If the Old South had one characteristic more
than another, I think it was the reverent and religious life and
atmosphere which diffused themselves among all classes of its
people, whether cracker white or plantation prince or dusky slave.
If I were asked to explain this atmosphere of religion, I should
hardly know where to begin. Perhaps its largely rural population
and its peaceful agricultural pursuits predisposed to religion the
simple-minded people who made up the Old South. More than this,
however, must have been due to the religious strain in the blood
of the Cavalier, Huguenot, and God-fearing Scotch-Irish ancestry
from which they sprang. Most of all, I think that the high examples
of a godly profession and practice in the leaders of the Old South
made it easy for each succeeding generation to learn the first and
noblest of all lessons—reverence for God, his Word, and His Church.
And until this day the reverence of the Old South is constant in the
New South. While New England, once the citadel of an orthodox Bible
and Church and Sabbath, is now the prey of isms and innovations
innumerable, and while the great West is marked by the painful
contrast between its big secular enterprises and its diminutive
churches and congregations, the South has continued largely to be
not only the acknowledged home of the only pure Americanism, but the
center also of conservatism and reverence in the worship of God and
the maintenance of Christian institutions.