CHAPTER XIV.

THE UNITED STATES IN THE ORIENT

PHILIPPINES AND FILIPINOS

The Philippine Archipelago lies between 4 degrees 45 minutes and 21

degrees north latitude and 118 and 127 degrees east longitude. It

consists of nineteen considerable and perhaps fifteen hundred lesser

islands, an area nearly equal that of New Jersey, New York, and New

England combined. The island of Luzon comprises a third of this, that of

Mindanao a fifth or a sixth. The archipelago is rich in natural

resources, but mining and manufactures had not at the American

occupation been developed. Agriculture was the main occupation, though

only a ninth of the land surface was under cultivation. The islands were

believed capable of sustaining a population like Japan's 42,000,000.

Luzon boasted a glorious and varied landscape and a climate salubrious

and inviting, considering the low latitude. Manila hemp, sugar, tobaco,

coffee, and indigo were raised and exported in large amounts.

[Illustration: Sixteen men seated in a small room.]

General Bates. The Sultan.

The Jolo Treaty Commission.

The islands lay in three groups, the Luzon, the Visaya (Negros, Panay,

Cebu, Bohol, Leyte, Samar, and islets), and the Mindanao, including

Palawan and the Sulu Islands. Some of these islands were in parts

unexplored. The Tagals and the Visayas, Christian and more or less

civilized Malay tribes, dominated respectively the first and the second

group. The Mindanao coasts held here and there a few Christian

Filipinos, but the chief denizens of the southern islands were the

fierce Arab-Malay Mohammedans known as Moros, most important and

dangerous of whose tribes were the Illanos.

In all, there were thirty or more races, with an even greater number of

different dialects. Northern Luzon housed the advanced Ilocoans,

Pampangos, Pangasinanes, and Cagayanes, with their hardy bronze heathen

neighbors, the Igorrotes. The Visayas had many degraded aborigines, the

Negritos among them. Over against the Moros in the Mindanao group one

could not ignore the warlike Visayan variation, or the swarming savages

of the interior, hostile alike to Moro and Visaya.

[Illustration: Parade.]

Three Hundred Boys in the Parade of July 4, 1902, Vigan, Ilocos.

The population of the islands numbered 8,000,000 or 10,000,000, 25,000

being Europeans. Half the islanders were Christians, eight or ten per

cent. Mohammedan, perhaps ten per cent. heathen. One considerable

fraction were Chinese, another of mixed extraction. Probably none of the

races were of pure Malay blood, though Malay blood predominated.

Mercantile pursuits were largely in Chinese hands. The Moros disdained

tillage and commerce alike, living on slave labor and captures in war.

Spain had done in the islands much more educational work than the

Americans at first recognized, though none of an advanced kind. Schools

were numerous but not general. Many Filipinos had studied in Europe.

There was a select class possessing information and manners which would

have admitted them to cultivated circles in Paris or London, and

thousands of Filipinos were intellectually the peers of average

middle-class Europeans. The University of St. Thomas graced Manila. Some

seventy colleges and academies at various centres professed to prepare

pupils for it.

Filipinos of aught like cosmopolitan intelligence numbered less than

100,000. Below them were the half-breeds, perhaps 500,000 strong, white,

yellow, or brown, according to the special blend of blood. They were

"intelligent but uneducated, active but not over industrious. They loved

excitement, military display, and the bustle and pomp of government."

Farther down still were the vast toiling masses neither knowing nor

caring much who governed them. Only in suffering were they experts,

having learned of this under the iron heel of Spain all there was to be

known.

[Illustration: About fifty girls.]

Girls' Normal Institute, Vigan, Ilocos, April, 1902.

In the Philippines one had incessantly before him social and economic

problems in their rudimentary form--populations the debris of centuries,

and the reactions upon them of their first contact with real

civilization. In case of any but the most advanced tribes the immediate

suggestion was despair, a feeling that they could never appropriate the

culture offered them. But the heartiness of the response which even such

communities made to our advances brought hope. Our methods were better

than the Spanish, and our progress correspondingly rapid; yet the task

we undertook bade fair to last centuries. Nor were its initial steps

undefaced by errors.

A Blue Book would not suffice to describe this motley material. We can

only illustrate.

The Iocoros were in a forward state, if not of civilization, of

preparation therefor. On all hands their youth were anxiously waiting to

be taught. Compared with Teutonic races they were superficial and

emotional, but they had great ambition and perseverance.

[Illustration: Several men.]

Igarrote Religious Dance, Lepanto.

A sharp contrast were the Igorrotes. These appeared to be at bottom

Malays, though Mongolian features marked many a face. They had withstood

all attempts to christianize them, and stubbornly clung to their

primitive mode of life as tillers of the soil. Mentally they were near

savagery, entirely without ambition or moral outlook. Nevertheless they

adhered to the American arms and rendered valuable porter service.

Their religion had elements of sun and ancestor worship. The one

tangible feature in it was the "kanyan," a drunken feast held on such

occasions--fifteen in all--as marriage, birth, death, and serious

illness. The feast began with an invocation to Kafunion, the sun god,

and a dance much like that of the American Indians. Then came the

drinking of tapi, a strong beer made from rice, and gorging with

buffalo, horse, or dog meat, the last being the greatest delicacy. Till

the Americans vetoed the practice, the Igorrotes were "head hunters."

The theory was that the brains of the captured head became the captor's.

The Igorrotes had magnificent chests and legs, and were extensively used

as burden-bearers. Sustained by only a few bowlfuls of rice and some

sweet potatoes, a man would carry fifty or even seventy-five pounds on

his head or back all day over the most difficult mountain trails. The

Igorrotes had a mild form of slavery, and, though good-natured and at

times industrious, appeared utterly without spirit of progress. It was

interesting to mark whether or not contact with a superior race would be

a stimulus to them.

[Illustration]

Igarrote Head Hunters with Head Axes and Spears.

A contrast, again, to the Igorrotes was presented by the Ilocoans, an

intelligent, industrious, Christian people, eager for education, yet

promising to cherish independent ideals the more dearly the more

prosperous and advanced they became.

[Illustration: Six men on horseback.]

Native Moros-Interior of Jolo.

Most implacable of all the races were the Moros of the Sulu Islands.

Warlike, and despising labor, their terrible piracies had been curbed

only within fifty years, and their depredations and slave raiding by

land were never wholly prevented. They were suspiciously eager to

"assist" our forces in subduing the insurgents. The American authorities

negotiated a treaty with the Sultan and his dattos, involving their

submission to the United States. A provision of this treaty excited

reprobation, that permitting a slave to buy his freedom, a recognition

of slavery in derogation of the Thirteenth Amendment to the

Constitution. The provision was excused as an absolutely necessary

makeshift to put off hostilities till the United States had a freer

hand.

Spain never governed a colony well. Her whole record outre-mer was of a

piece with the enslavement and extermination of the gentle Caribs, with

which it began. In slavery and the slave trade Anglo-Saxon conquistadors

shared Spain's dishonor, but in sheer ugliness of despotism, in

wholesale, systematic, selfish exploiting, and in corrupt and clumsy

administration the Iberian monarchy surpassed all other powers ever

called to deal with colonies. The truth of this indictment was, if

possible, more manifest in the Philippines than anywhere else in the

Spanish world.

The religious orders, which early achieved the conversion of Tagals,

Visayas, and some other tribes, after generations of evangelical

devotion, ceased to be aggressive religiously, growing opulent and

oppressive instead. They were the pedestal of the civil government.

Their word could, and often did, cause natives to be deported, or even

put to death. One of their victims was that beautiful spirit, Dr. Rizal,

author of Noli me Tangere, the most learned and distinguished Malay ever

known. He had taken no part whatever in rebellion or sedition, yet,

because he was known to abominate clerical misrule, he was, without a

scintilla of evidence that he had broken any law, first expatriated,

then shot. This murder occurring December 30, 1896, did much to further

the rebellion then spreading.

"Once settled in his position, the friar, bishop, or curate usually

remained till superannuated, being therefore a fixed political factor

for a generation, while a Spanish civil or military officer never held

post over four years. The stay of any officer attempting a course at

variance with the order's wishes was invariably shortened by monastic

influence. Every abuse leading to the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 the

people charged to the friars; and the autocratic power which each friar

exercised over the civil officials of his parish gave them a most

plausible ground for belief that nothing of injustice, of cruelty, of

oppression, of narrowing liberty was imposed on them for which the friar

was not entirely responsible. The revolutions against Spain began as

movements against the friars." [footnote: Abridged from Report of Taft

Commission.]

Senator Hoar wrote: "I should as soon give back a redeemed soul to Satan

as give back the people of the Philippine Islands to the cruelty and

tyranny of Spain."

Freemasonry in the Philippines was a redoubtable antagonist to the

orders. There were other secret leagues, like the Liga Filipina, with

the same aim, most of them peaceful. Not so the "Katipunan," which

adopted as its symbol the well-known initials, "K. K. K.,"

"Kataas-Tassan, Kagalang-Galang, Katipunan," "sovereign worshipful

association." If the Ku-Klux Klan did not give the hint for the

society's symbol the programmes of the two organizations were alike. The

Katipunan was probably the most potent factor in the insurrection of

1896. Its cause was felt to be that of the whole Filipino people. In

December, 1897, the conflict, as in Cuba, had degenerated into a

"stalemate." The Spaniard could not be ousted, the Filipino could not be

subdued. Spain ended the trouble for the time by promising reform, and

hiring the insurgent leaders to leave the country. Only a small part,

400,000 Mexican dollars, of the promised sum was ever paid. This was

held in Hong-Kong as a trust fund against a future uprising.

[Illustration]

Emilio Aguinaldo.

Chief among the leaders shipped to Hong-Kong was Emilio Aguinaldo. He

was born March 22, 1869, at Cavite, of which town he subsequently became

mayor. His blood probably contained Spanish, Tagal, and Chinese strains.

He had supplemented a limited school education by extensive and eager

contact with books and men. To a surprising wealth of information the

young Filipino added inspiring eloquence and much genius for leadership.

He had the "remarkable gift of surrounding himself with able coadjutors

and administrators." The insurrection of 1896 early revealed him as the

incarnation of Filipino hostility to Spain. Judging by appearances--his

zeal in 1896, bargain with Spain in 1897, fighting again in Luzon in

1898, acquiescence in peace with the United States, reappearance in

arms, capture, and instant allegiance to our flag--he was a shifty

character, little worthy the great honor he received where he was known

and, for a long time, here. But if he lacked in constancy, he excelled

in enterprise. Spaniards never missed their reckoning more completely

than in thinking they had quieted Aguinaldo by sending him to China with

a bag of money.

[Illustration]

Gen. Frederick Funston, Gen. A. McArthur.

It being already obvious that Spain had not redressed, and had no

intention of redressing, abuses in the Philippines, Aguinaldo and his

aides planned to return. The American war was their opportunity.

Conferences were had with Consul Wildman at Hong-Kong and with Commodore

Dewey. Aguinaldo and those about him declared that Wildman, alleging

authority from Washington, promised the Filipinos independence; and

other Hong-Kong consuls and several press representatives received the

impression that this was the case. Wildman absolutely denied having

given any assurance of the kind. Admiral Dewey also denied in the most

positive manner that he had done so.

Whatever the understanding or misunderstanding at Hong-Kong, Aguinaldo

came home with Dewey in the evident belief that the American forces and

his own were to work for Filipino independence. He easily resumed his

leadership and began planning for an independent Filipino State. Dewey

furnished him arms and ammunition. The insurrection was reorganized on a

grander scale than ever, with extraordinary ability, tact, energy, and

success. Nearly every one of the Luzon provinces had its rebel

organization. In each Aguinaldo picked the leader and outlined the plan

of campaign. His scheme had unity; his followers were aggressive and

fearless. Everywhere save in a few strongholds Spain was vanquished. At

last only Manila remained. The insurgents must have captured 10,000

prisoners, though part of those they had at the Spanish evacuation were

from the Americans. They hemmed in Manila by a line reaching from water

to water. We could not have taken Manila as we did, by little more than

a show of force, had it not been for the fact that Spain's soldiers,

thus, hemmed in by Aguinaldo's, could not retreat beyond the range of

our naval guns. January 21, 1899, a Philippine Republic was set up, its

capital being Malolos, which effectively controlled at least the Tagal

provinces of Luzon. Its methods were irregular and arbitrary--natural in

view of the prevalence of war. Aguinaldo, its soul from the first

moment, became president.

[Illustration]

A Company of Insurrectos near Bongued, Abra Province,

just previous to surrendering early in 1901.

[Illustration: About twenty soldier landing on the beach in a small boat.]

11th Cavalry Landing at Vigan, Ilocos, April, 1902.

The Philippine Republic wished and assumed to act for the archipelago,

taking the place of Spain. It, of course, had neither in law nor in fact

the power to do this, nor, under the circumstances, could the

Administration at Washington, however desirable such a course from

certain points of view, consent that it should at present even try. The

Philippine question divided the country, raising numerous problems of

fact, law, policy, and ethics, on which neither Congress nor the people

could know its mind without time for reflection.

[Illustration]

Copyright, 1899, by Frances B. Johnston.

Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador, acting for Spain,

receiving from the Honorable John Hay, the U. S. Secretary of State,

drafts to the amount of $20,000,000, in payment for the Philippines.

When our commissioners met at Paris to draft the Treaty of Peace, one

wished our demands in the Orient confined to Manila, with a few harbors

and coaling stations. Two thought it well to take Luzon, or some such

goodly portion of the archipelago. That the treaty at last called for

the entire Philippine domain, allowing $20,000,000 therefor, was

supposed due to insistence from Washington. Only the Vice-President's

casting vote defeated a resolution introduced in the Senate by Senator

Bacon, of Georgia, declaring our intention to treat the Filipinos as we

were pledged to treat the Cubans. After ratification the Senate passed a

resolution, introduced by Senator McEnery, of Louisiana, avowing the

purpose not to make the Filipinos United States citizens or their land

American territory, but to establish for them a government suited to

their needs, in due time disposing of the archipelago according to the

interests of our people and of the inhabitants.

History of the United States, Volume 5 · 第 14 / 19 章