Delaware has been dealt with incidentally in what has been said

concerning Pennsylvania, because it was part of Pennsylvania during the

first period of colonization. Unimportant attempts had been made by

the Dutch and Swedes, of whom the Swedes are the best known, to settle

there but the population of the region when Penn arrived was mainly

composed of English who had moved in under the regime of the Duke of

York.

In 1633, an English nobleman, Lord Baltimore, who had for years been

seeking favor with the Stuart monarchy, announced that he had become a

convert to the papacy, and, with the zeal of a new convert, desired

to establish a colony in the New World where Catholics, then laboring

under heavy disabilities in Great Britain, could enjoy religious

freedom. He applied for, and Charles I granted, a charter for the

foundation of a semi-feudal proprietorship, with the stipulation that

freedom of worship should prevail.

If one stops to consider what a howl of outraged virtue would have been

raised by the people of Great Britain, and what a hurricane would have

descended upon the head of the monarch, had he granted the Catholics a

charter without stipulating for freedom of worship, it will be realized

that the much-vaunted "toleration" of Lord Baltimore's colony was

not entirely an evidence of his own broad-mindedness. However, this

toleration had its limits. Disbelief in the doctrine of the Trinity was

a capital offense.

In 1634, the little town of St. Mary was established as the center

for the new colony. Few Catholics of the home country seem to have

been anxious to take advantage of the opportunities offered, and Lord

Baltimore began to seek tenants elsewhere. As early as 1634, he was

writing to Boston and urging Massachusetts people to emigrate, but the

first great invasion of Puritans came in 1649.

Inspired by enthusiasm for the cause of the King, after he had lost his

head, the Virginians under the leadership of Governor Berkeley passed

ordinances expelling non-conformists from their colony, and a thousand

of these who had previously gone from New England to Virginia were

driven out and took refuge in Maryland, establishing the settlement

which later became Annapolis.

During the next generation most of the arrivals in Maryland were

either Puritans or Quakers. The policy of tolerance was not held to

apply to Quakers, who, by a law of 1659, were to be whipped out of any

town which they entered, but this measure does not seem to have been

enforced very long, and English Quakers from other colonies soon formed

an important part of the population.

In 1689, word reached the New World of the expulsion of James II, and

the occupation of the British throne by the uncompromisingly Protestant

House of Orange. While James II was on the throne a general alarm

had arisen throughout the colonies over the prospects of Catholic

aggression.

Many of the colonies contained a sprinkling of the Huguenot refugees

who had been driven out of France only a few years before because of

their Protestantism, and there were thus in every colony men who knew

the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the terrible persecution

which followed. The tragedy of the Thirty Years War was also still

fresh in the minds of many.

There was no disposition in America, therefore, to look upon the

Catholics as a group who, if in power, would distinguish themselves

by a policy of broad toleration, and the one colony in which there

was any appreciable number of Catholics, namely, Maryland, naturally

felt the situation most keenly. The number of Catholics in the

colony at that time, however, even including Negroes, was only a few

thousand, and their capital of St. Mary was a hamlet of scarcely

sixty houses. Probably eleven-twelfths of the population of Maryland

were Protestants, and of them a majority were Puritans. These lost

no time in taking steps to protect their freedom which they knew the

Catholic church would never tolerate if able to do otherwise, and by

a homemade revolution turned out the proprietary government and set

up a staunch Protestant regime. Under this new rule, however, the few

Catholic residents were subjected to no harm, but were placed under

approximately the same disabilities as they had long lived under in

Great Britain. Thereupon the little Roman Catholic principality in the

United States was at an end, and the then Lord Baltimore, fourth of

that title, shortly conformed by returning to his ancestral Protestant

faith.

The Revolution of 1689 cost St. Mary its existence, for the Puritans

transferred the capital to their own town of Providence (rebaptized

Annapolis), and the headquarters of the Roman Catholics soon relapsed

into the wilderness.

Maryland continued to be almost wholly an English colony, with more

than its share of Negroes and transported convicts, and with a very

slight sprinkling of aliens, much as all the colonies had. When the

Acadians were transported from Nova Scotia in 1755, a considerable

number of them were landed in Maryland.

Baltimore, founded in 1729, languished for a quarter of a century, but

in the decade before the Revolution it began to grow with such rapidity

that in a few years it was one of the half dozen most considerable

towns of the continent.

The back country of Maryland was settled independently from

Pennsylvania, to a considerable extent by Ulster Scots and Palatines,

though there was also a steady encroachment on this cheap land by men

from the tidewater who could not get possession of farms in the more

expensive and fashionable as well as prosperous region.

By the Revolution, Maryland had reached a population of 250,000.

Perhaps one-seventh of this was in Frederick County, where Palatines

had begun to settle as early as 1710, and into which they began to

enter in large numbers after about 1730. Despite this back-country

element, Maryland must be recognized as being, at the time of the first

census, an Anglo-Saxon colony in culture, in traditions, in language,

and in population.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: He is writing of Pennsylvania.]

[Footnote 8: The French and Indian War.]

VII

VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBORS

The settlement of Virginia, beginning with Jamestown in 1607, was of

a different character from that of the northern and middle colonies.

It was not a colonization project undertaken by families, but an

exploitation by adventurers. In a sense it may be compared with the

Klondike Gold Rush at the end of the nineteenth century. Men went forth

seeking fortune and expecting to return in a few years with newly

acquired wealth. The motley array of colonists sent to Jamestown by the

Company during the first decade of activity seems to have been drawn

from every part of the British Isles and every stratum of society.

After ten or a dozen years, the proprietors recognized that the wealth

of their plantations would not consist in gold and pearls but that

they were facing an actual colonization project, which could only be

built upon the foundations of family life. An early recognition of

this fact has been one of the principal sources of strength in all

British colonization, and the proprietors of the Virginia colony, while

continuing to encourage men of all sorts to go to their settlement

on the James River, undertook one of the famous eugenic enterprises

of history by sending over several shiploads of young women to make

homes for their settlers. The undertaking seems to have been carried

out in good faith and with good judgment and the result was notably

successful. A little later, however, the continuing demand for wives

led to a sort of traffic that probably produced a less carefully

selected feminine population for the plantations. On the whole, it

would probably be fair to say that the "First Families of Virginia"

represented a higher social standard in the male than in the female

lines.

The year 1619 was racially eventful. It saw the arrival at Jamestown

both of the first shipload of "uncorrupt maydes for wives," and the

landing of the first cargo of Negroes. The next half-century brought

the development of the plantation system and the spread of Negro

slavery and the problem of miscegenation between Negro women and

the lowest and most unintelligent type of white servant came into

prominence. In this way originated the mulatto group which has ever

since been a characteristic feature of the Negroes in the United

States. Those admirers of the Mulatto who boast that he carries in his

veins the blue blood of the aristocratic families of the South, would

do well to read the actual records of Virginia and other colonies

during the seventeenth century and see what sort of white stock

actually formed the foundation of that half of this hybrid group.

The colony continued to grow for the first quarter of a century by

attracting voluntary adventurers from whom the rule of the survival of

the fittest exacted so heavy a toll that probably the survivors were

a fairly fit lot. The abandonment of the original proprietary company

in 1624 led to a marked change in the manner of populating the colony,

and for the next generation the bulk of the immigrants were assisted in

one way or another to get to Virginia and allowed to work out the money

advanced them by their labor after their arrival.

At its best, there was little difference in the colonization plans

that British colonies have always used to get desirable settlers from

"home." In the case of Virginia it brought a vigorous population of

all sorts, and the name of "indentured servant" covers not merely

the domestic in the kitchen and the laborer in the tobacco field

but artisans' apprentices and medical students. Under the extremely

trying conditions many of these immigrants were unable to survive.

Governor Berkeley asserted that four out of five died during the first

year of residence, while Evelyn, the diarist, declared that five out

of six succumbed. Such statements at least point to an excessively

high mortality which must have spared most frequently those who were

physically and mentally superior and well adapted to be among the

founders of a new colony. Hence it seems clear that the importance of

these indentured servants in the later development of Virginia, as of

other colonies, is not to be reckoned in proportion to the number who

arrived, but to be estimated upon the much smaller number who survived

and founded families.

Another type of assisted immigrant of which a great deal has been

heard was the deported convict. Some of these were evidently men who

had cheated the gallows, for the Virginians continually protested

against their arrival. Apparently much the larger number, however, were

men of superior quality in many respects. When nearly three hundred

offenses were punishable by the death penalty in England, many of those

convicted were not persons marked by great moral turpitude, and the

so-called "transported convict" might have been equally well a pirate,

or a preacher who persisted in expounding the gospel without proper

license from the ecclesiastical authorities so to do.

Large numbers were political prisoners who found themselves

temporarily on the losing side; still more were mere prisoners of

war. During the Protectorate, victories like Dunbar and Worcester

and the suppression of the Irish Rebellion by Cromwell in 1652 were

followed by deportations of prisoners of war to the colonies, and the

government felt fully justified in recovering part of the expense

of transportation by selling the services of these able-bodied and

intelligent men for seven years to the highest bidder. Unquestionably

most of the foundation stock of this kind that survived to perpetuate

itself would be entirely fit for colonization. During the same period

many cavaliers took refuge in Virginia.

When the royalists were again in power after 1660, a similar stream

of Commonwealth soldiers and non-conformists began to come into the

colonies. The Scotch Rebellion of 1670 brought another accession to

Virginia, and in 1685 many of the captives at the Battle of Sedgmoor

were exiled here. Such labor was welcomed by the Virginians in marked

distinction to the real criminals, of whom there were apparently only

a few thousand in all. After about 1700 the spread of Negro slavery

reduced the demand for white indentured labor and less of it arrived.

In the great diversity of men and women brought over in these and other

ways, there are some who figure in the ancestry of the best families of

Virginia at the present time, and others who, from the beginning, were

misfits in the colony. Such of the latter as survived the trying ordeal

of the tobacco fields either ran away, or, when their term of service

expired, drifted out to the borders of the settlement.

The Virginia holdings were large and far beyond the reach of an

ordinary man without capital, in marked contrast to conditions in

New England, where the great majority of the settlers were small

landowners. The freed bondsmen therefore had to go to the frontier or

drift down into North Carolina or some other region where they were

not handicapped by their lack of funds. The most shiftless and least

intelligent of them tended to collect in the less valuable lands at the

fringe of civilization, or to drift along to other similar settlements

farther west and south. In this way originated one of the peculiar

elements of the Southern population, the "poor white trash." Their

numbers were recruited generation after generation by others of the

same sort while the able, enterprising, and imaginative members were

continually drained off to the cities or sought better land elsewhere.

These "poor whites" in the Alleghanies and through the swamp lands

of North and South Carolina have been an interesting feature of the

population for three centuries. Largely of pure Nordic stock, they are

a striking example to the eugenist of the results of isolation and

undesirable selection.

During the Stuart period Virginia was the refuge of many Puritans. They

were, however, looked upon with disfavor by the prevailing royalist

sentiment and the activities of Sir William Berkeley as Governor

were such that not less than a thousand left the colony. Their place

was taken by Royalists, invited by the Governor to find a refuge in

Virginia as soon as news arrived of the execution of Charles I. Within

the next twelve months probably a thousand Royalists appeared bringing

many of the family names which have been conspicuous in the Old

Dominion ever since. Richard Lee came a little earlier, in 1642, but

it is after the death of Charles I that one begins to meet in Virginia

such names as Randolph, Cary, Parke, Robinson, Marshall, Washington,

and Ludwell.

The place of origin in Great Britain of most of the Royalists is

not so easily traced as is that of the Massachusetts Puritans who

came to America in groups, sometimes as entire congregations, but

random samples of families which afterwards furnished distinguished

leadership show that they came from practically all over England and

Scotland: Washingtons from Northamptonshire, Marshalls and Jeffersons

from Wales, Lees from the part of Shropshire adjoining Wales, and

Randolphs from Warwickshire. James Monroe's ancestors were Scotch

and Patrick Henry's father was born in Aberdeen. They had at least

one thing in common, that they were of English and Nordic stock.

Examination of lists in the land office at Richmond indicates that

fully 95 per cent of the names of landowners during the seventeenth

century were unmistakably Anglo-Saxon.

The tidewater population was fecund and spread steadily up to the

fall-line of the rivers, by its own multiplication. Men and women

married early. Colonel Byrd described his daughter, Evelyn, as an

"antique virgin" when she was twenty. "Either our young fellows are

not smart enough for her or she seems too smart for them," he moaned.

With a high death rate second marriages were common. It has been the

custom of late for sentimental feminists to refer to the large families

of the Colonial period as having been produced by husbands who thus

killed off one wife after another. Such nonsense is easily refuted by

an examination of genealogies and of tombstones. Many a husband had to

marry several wives because of the high death rate, but equally many

wives had to marry several husbands apiece for the same reason.

The toll taken by hard work, unhygienic conditions, and childbirth

without proper care among pioneer women, was no greater than the toll

taken by hard work, unhygienic conditions, and Indian warfare among the

men. If Colonel John Carter married five wives successively, in an age

when divorce was unknown, Elizabeth Mann married six husbands.

While a purely Nordic population was thus occupying tidewater Virginia

east of the Blue Ridge, another Nordic invasion from a wholly different

source was entering upland Virginia on the other side of the mountains.

The Shenandoah Valley is virtually an extension of the interior valleys

of Pennsylvania; and while an occasional pioneer pushed his way to it

through the mountains from the eastern front, the real settlement came

through the side door beginning about 1725 and reaching the proportions

of an invasion about 1732.

Ulster Scots coming down through Pennsylvania began that penetration

of the Piedmont from north to south which is such a striking feature

of the history of the South Atlantic coast during the next century.

With them were some Alpines, mostly Germans from the Palatine,

representative of the so-called Pennsylvania Dutch stock.

When General Braddock, whose army was nearly wiped out by the French

and Indians in 1755, sighed, "Who would have thought it?" and expired,

he nevertheless had cleared a road for the rapid spread of this

immigration along the mountain valleys, not merely into Virginia but

on through the Carolinas and to Georgia. His road was followed a few

years later by General Forbes' road through the same country, and the

way was open.

The upland and mountain sections of Virginia therefore came to be

represented by a group with a very different outlook from those of the

tidewater, dominated as it was by large landholders. This diversity of

original settlement, which was of sufficient importance to effect in

the Civil War a cleavage of the State and establish West Virginia as

free soil, is still apparent and makes itself felt in the twentieth

century.

* * * * *

North Carolina represents an overflowing from Virginia to the South. It

was a frontier for the Old Dominion where landless men could find new

homes more easily than to the westward, where they encountered the Blue

Ridge. In 1653 a settlement was begun at Albemarle by Virginians who

were not in accord either with the established religion or else with

the political control of their colony. Most of these were Quakers.

By adopting a remarkably liberal code of laws, which welcomed insolvent

debtors by cancelling their indebtedness, this colony attracted an

element which the more conservative Virginians regarded with suspicion.

A continual infiltration of landseekers led to steady colonization,

and gradually the tidewater section of North Carolina developed as a

separate region, not very thickly settled, not very prosperous, not

very distinguished in any way. A few French Huguenots drifted in after

the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In 1710 a group of Palatines,

who had left their German homes because of religious persecution, and

had sought refuge in England, was passed on to North Carolina through

the enterprise of a couple of Swiss promoters who were looking for

colonists. As a courtesy to the promoters the settlement was given

the name of New Bern, which has led to a general supposition that the

population were Swiss. In fact, they were nearly all German Alpines.

Another immigration, this time of Nordics, began a few years later

when Scotch Highlanders, disappointed at the results of the 1715

uprising on behalf of the Old Pretender, fled the country and came to

North Carolina, starting a settlement on the Cape Fear River. Later,

following the collapse of the Young Pretender in 1745, the Highlanders

again found themselves in a bad situation at home. Shipload after

shipload landed at Wilmington in 1746 and 1747. This emigration of

Scotch Highlanders continued until the Revolution, during which time

they showed themselves, strangely enough, loyal to the Hanoverian

dynasty and mostly fought as Loyalists against the Continentals.

The general breakup of the clan system with the accompanying distress

in the Highlands caused most of this emigration, although some of the

Scots were deported as prisoners of war. Campbelltown was the centre

of their settlement, and it is unfortunate that its present name of

Fayetteville conceals its interesting history. Some of the Highlanders

are said to have brought cattle with them, and they pushed on into the

interior of the State because of the great areas of succulent grass and

peavine stretching toward the mountains which provided excellent fodder

for their herds.

The sympathetic patronage of Gabriel Johnston, the Governor of the

Province from 1734 to 1752, was largely responsible for the welcome

extended to these Highlanders. Himself a Scotchman, he was under

strong suspicion of not being too loyal to the Crown. At any rate, his

hospitality to the Highlanders brought to North Carolina the largest

group of Highland Scotch that came to the colonies. These men of the

purest Nordic blood form a selected group anthropologically. It is no

mere coincidence that the tallest average height of a population in the

United States at the present time is in these North Carolina counties

that were settled by the Scotch Highlanders after "Bonnie Prince

Charlie" ceased to be a political possibility.

While the back country of North Carolina was thus being penetrated from

the seacoast by the Highland Scots, the Lowland Scots were drifting

into it along the foot of the mountains from Pennsylvania and Maryland

through Virginia. This was the principal source of increase of the

population during the eighteenth century, and still gives to the State

its characteristic complexion. Along with the Ulster Scots came, as

said above, some of the German settlers, thus bringing a small Alpine

element to the State. The southern tidewater region also developed at

the same time as a northern extension of settlement from South Carolina.

* * * * *

South Carolina was settled only a little later than North Carolina by

the establishment of Old Charles Town in 1665. This settlement, shortly

moved across and up the river to a better location, prospered and

expanded until it became South Carolina.

Originally a sort of offshoot from the West Indies, this region caught

the attention of the Huguenot refugees a few years later, perhaps

because Coligny had marked it out a century before as a desirable home

for them. It attracted a larger proportion of the French refugees

than any other colony; and although they were unwelcome at first to

the English who were in possession, they soon assimilated themselves

to the Anglo-Saxon population with which they were racially identical

and became an important element in the upbuilding of the State.

In Colonial and Revolutionary times, Gendron, Huger, LeSerrurier,

deSaussure, Laurens, Lanier, Sevier, and Ravenel were all Huguenots who

distinguished themselves in the service of the State.

The establishment of large-scale agriculture with plantations devoted

to rice or indigo sharply limited the possibilities of settlement in

the tidewater region of South Carolina, and it became a country of

large holdings worked by Negro slaves in charge of overseers. Meanwhile

the owners largely made their homes in or near Charleston, and brought

it to the position of the fourth city of the colonies in importance.

The Conquest of a Continent; or, The Expansion of Races in America · 第 8 / 25 段