There is no doubt at all, however, as to the strain and stress of the

general struggle to live in the valley, the sheer wear and tear of

temper and spirits involved in the daily grappling with that problem.

Everywhere one comes across symptoms of it--partial evidences--but the

most complete exposition that I have had was given, some years ago now,

by a woman who had no intention of complaining. She came to me with a

message from a neighbour who was ill, but, in explanation of her part in

helping him, she began to speak of her own affairs. With some of these

affairs I was already acquainted. Thus I knew her to be the mother of an

exceptionally large family, so that her case could not be quite typical.

But I also knew that her husband had been in constant work for many

years, so that, in her case, there had been no period when the income

at her disposal ceased altogether, as in the case of so many other women

otherwise less handicapped than she. I was aware, too, that she herself

helped out the family earnings by taking in washing.

To these items of vague knowledge she added a few particulars. As to

income, I learnt that her husband--a labourer on a farm some three miles

away--earned fifteen shillings a week during the winter, and rather more

in the summer months, when he was allowed to do "piece-work." The

piece-work had the further advantage of permitting him to begin so early

in the day--four o'clock was his time in summer--that he usually got

home again by four in the afternoon, and was able to do better than most

men with his garden. Amongst other things, he raised flowers for sale.

He was wont to send to a well-known nursery in Norfolk for his

seeds--china-asters and stocks were his speciality--and he reared his

plants under a little glass "light" which he had made for himself out of

a few old window-sashes. His pains with these flowers were unsparing.

Neighbours laughed at him (so his wife assured me, with some pride)

because he went to the plants down on his hands and knees, smoking each

one with tobacco to clear it from green aphis. He also raised fifty or

sixty sticks of celery every year, which sold for threepence apiece.

Meanwhile he by no means neglected his main business as a

cottage-gardener--namely, the growing of food-crops for home use. By

renting for five shillings a year an extra plot of ground near his

cottage, he was able to keep his large family supplied with potatoes for

quite half the year. It was much to do. They wanted nearly a bushel of

potatoes a week, the wife said; and if that was so, the man was adding,

in the shape of potatoes at half a crown a bushel, the value of more

than three pounds a year to his income. No doubt he grew other

vegetables too--parsnips, carrots, turnips, and some green-stuff--but

these were not mentioned. A little further help was at last coming from

the family, the eldest daughter having begun to pay half the rent out of

her earnings as a servant-girl.

Help certainly must have been welcome. There were two other girls in

service, and therefore off their parents' hands; but six children--the

youngest only a few months old--were still at home, dependent on what

their father and mother could earn. Of these, the eldest was a boy near

thirteen. "I shall be glad when he's schoolin's over," the mother said;

and she had applied for a "labour certificate" which would allow him to

finish school as a "half-timer," and to go out and earn a little money.

Since their marriage, twenty-three years earlier, the couple had

occupied always the came cottage, at a rental of three shillings a week.

After the first twenty years--the property then changing owners--the

first few repairs in all that long period had been undertaken. That is

to say, the outside woodwork was painted; a promise was given to do up

the interior; the company's water was laid on; and--the rent was raised

to three-and-sixpence. The woman thought this a hardship; but she said

that her husband, looking at the bright side of things, rejoiced to

think that now the water from the old tank, hitherto so precious for

household uses, might be spared for his flowers.

After the rent was paid--with the daughter's help--there were about

fourteen shillings left. But the man was an "Oddfellow," and his

subscription was nine shillings a quarter, or eightpence halfpenny a

week. In prudence, that amount should perhaps have been put by every

week, but apparently prudence often had to give way to pressing needs.

"When the club money's due, that's when we finds it wust," the woman

remarked. "Sometimes I've said to 'n, 'I dunno how we be goin' to git

through the week.' 'Oh,' he says, 'don't you worry. We shall get to the

end of 'n somehow.'"

But she did not explain, nor is it easy to conceive, how it was done.

For observe, the weekly bushel of potatoes did not feed the family, even

for half the year. "A gallon of potatoes a day, that's what it is," she

had said; and then she had enumerated other items. "A gallon of bread a

day," was needed too, besides a gallon of flour once a week "for

puddings." In other words, bread and flour cost upwards of six shillings

weekly. Seeing that this left but eight shillings for eight people, it

is small wonder that the club-money was rarely put by, and great wonder

how the family managed at all when the club-money was wanted in a lump.

It must have been that they went short that week. For instance, they

would do without puddings, and so save on flour and firing; and the man

would forego his tobacco--he had never any time to visit the

public-house, so that there was nothing to be saved in that direction.

Yet assuming all this, and assuming that the eldest daughter advanced a

few extra shillings, still the situation remains baffling. On what could

they save, out of eight shillings? Probably one or other of the

children, or may be the mother herself, would make an old pair of boots

serve just one more week, until there was money in hand again; and that

would go far to tide the family over. Yet the next week would then have

to be a pinched one; for, said the woman, "boots is the wust of all. It

wants a new pair for one or t'other of us purty near every week."

So far this woman's testimony. It is corroborated by what other

cottagers have told me. A man said, looking fondly at his children: "I

has to buy a new pair o' shoes for one or other of us every week. Or if

I misses one week, then next week I wants two pair." Others, again, have

told of spending five to six shillings a week on bread. But of the less

essential items one never hears. Even of clothes there is rarely any

talk, and of coal not often; nor yet often of meat, or groceries. I do

not suggest that meat and groceries are foresworn, but it would appear

that they come second in the household expenses. They are luxuries, only

to be obtained if and when more necessary things have been provided.

With regard to firing--a little coal is made to go a long way in the

labourer's cottage; and with regard to clothes--it is doubtful if

anything new is bought, in many families, from year's end to year's end.

At "rummage sales," for a few pence, the women are now able to pick up

surprising bargains in cast-off garments, which they adapt as best they

can for their own or their children's wear. Economies like this,

however, still hardly suffice to explain how the scanty resources are

really spread out. Apart from a few cases of palpable destitution, it is

not obvious that any families in the village suffer actual want; and

seeing that inquiries in the school in recent winters have failed to

discover more than two or three sets of children manifestly wanting

food, one is led to conclude that acute poverty is of rare occurrence

here. On the other hand, all the calculations suggest that a majority

perhaps of the labouring folk endure a less intense but chronic poverty,

in which, at some point or other every day, the provision for bare

physical needs falls a little short.

VII

GOOD TEMPER

In view of their unpromising circumstances the people as a rule are

surprisingly cheerful. It is true there are never any signs in the

valley of that almost festive temper, that glad relish of life, which,

if we may believe the poets, used to characterize the English village of

old times. Tested by that standard of happiness, it is a low-spirited,

mirthless, and all but silent population that we have here now. Of

public and exuberant enjoyment there is nothing whatever. And yet,

subdued though they may be, the cottagers usually manage to keep in

tolerable spirits. A woman made me smile the other day. I had seen her

husband a week earlier, and found him rheumatic and despondent; but when

I inquired how he did, she conceded, with a laugh: "Yes, he had a bit o'

rheumatism, but he's better now. He 'ad the 'ump then, too." I inferred

that she regarded his dejection as quite an unnecessary thing; and this

certainly is the customary attitude. The people are slow to admit that

they are unhappy. At a "Penny Readings" an entertainer caused some

displeasure by a quite innocent joke in this connection. Coming through

the village, he noticed the sign of one of the public-houses--The Happy

Home--and invented a conundrum which he put from the platform: "Why was

this a very miserable village?" But the answer, "Because it has only one

Happy Home in it," gave considerable offence. For we are not used to

these subtleties of language, and the point was missed, a good many folk

protesting that we have "a _lot_ o' happy homes" here.

That they should be so touchy about it is perhaps suggestive--pitifully

suggestive--of a suspicion in them that their happiness is open to

question. None the less, the general impression conveyed by the people's

manners is that of a quiet and rather cheery humour, far indeed from

gaiety, but farther still from wretchedness. And in matters like this

one's senses are not deceived. I know that my neighbours have abundant

excuses for being down-hearted; and, as described in an earlier chapter,

I sometimes overhear their complainings; but more often than not the

evidence of voice-tones and stray words is reassuring rather than

dispiriting.

Notice, for instance, the women who have done their shopping in the town

early in the morning, and are coming home for a day's work. They are out

of breath, and bothered with their armfuls of purchases; but nine times

out of ten their faces look hopeful; there is no sound of grievance or

of worry in their talk; their smiling "Good-morning" to you proves

somehow that it is not a bad morning with them. One day a woman going

to the town a little late met another already returning, loaded up with

goods. "'Ullo, Mrs. Fry," she laughed, "you be 'bliged to be fust,

then?" "Yes; but I en't bought it _all_, I thought you'd be comm', so I

left some for you." "That's right of ye. En't it a _nice mornin'_?"

"Jest what we wants! My old man was up an' in he's garden...." The words

grow indistinguishable as you get farther away; you don't hear what the

"old man" was doing so early, but the country voices sound for a long

time, comfortably tuned to the pleasantness of the day.

This sort of thing is so common that I seldom notice it, unless it is

varied in some way that attracts attention. For instance, I could not

help listening to a woman who was pushing her baby in a perambulator

down the hill. The baby sat facing her, as bland as a little image of

Buddha, and as unresponsive, but she was chaffing it. "Well, you _be_ a

funny little gal, _ben't_ ye? Why, you be goin' back'ards into the town!

Whoever heared tell o' such a thing--goin' to the town _back_'ards. You

_be_ a funny little gal!" To me it was a funny little procession, with a

touch of the pathetic hidden away in it somewhere; but it bore

convincing witness to happiness in at least one home in our valley.

It is not so easy to discover, or rather to point out, the corresponding

evidence in the demeanour of the men, although when one knows them one

is aware that their attitude towards life is quite as courageous as the

women's, if not quite so playful. I confess that I rarely see them until

they have put a day's work behind them; and they may be more lightsome

when they start in the morning, at five o'clock or soon after it. Be

that as it may, in the evenings I find them taciturn, nonchalant rather

than cheerful, not much disposed to be sprightly. Long-striding and

ungainly, they walk home; between six o'clock and seven you may be sure

of seeing some of them coming up the hill from the town, alone or by

twos and threes. They speak but little; they look tired and stern; very

often there is nothing but a twinkle in their eyes to prove to you that

they are not morose. But in fact they are still taking life seriously;

their thoughts, and hopes too, are bent on the further work they mean to

do when they shall have had their tea. For the more old-fashioned men

allow themselves but little rest, and in many a cottage garden of an

evening you may see the father of the family soberly at work, and liking

it too. If his wife is able to come and look on and chatter to him, or

if he can hear her laughing with a friend in the next garden, so much

the better; but he does not stop work. Impelled, as I shall show later,

by other reasons besides those of economy, many of the men make

prodigiously long days of it, at least during the summer months. I have

known them to leave home at five or even four in the morning, walk five

or six miles, do a day's work, walk back in the evening so as to reach

home at six or seven o'clock, and then, after a meal, go on again in

their gardens until eight or nine. They seem to be under some spiritual

need to keep going; their conscience enslaves them. So they grow thin

and gaunt in body, grave and very quiet in their spirits. But sullen

they very rarely are. With rheumatism and "the 'ump" combined a man will

sometimes grow exasperated and be heard to speak irritably, but usually

it is a very amiable "Good-evening" that greets you from across the

hedge where one of these men is silently digging or hoeing.

The nature of their work, shall I say, tends to bring them to quietness

of soul? I hesitate to say it, because, though work upon the ground with

spade or hoe has such a soothing influence upon the amateur, there is a

difference between doing it for pleasure during a spare hour and doing

it as a duty after a twelve hours' day, and without any prospect of

holiday as long as one lives. Nevertheless it is plain to be seen that,

albeit their long days too often reduce them to a state of apathy, these

quiet and patient men experience no less often a compensating delight in

the friendly feeling of the tool responding to their skill, and in the

fine freshness of the soil as they work it, and in the solace, so varied

and so unfailingly fresh, of the open air. Thus much at least I have

seen in their looks, and have heard in their speech. On a certain June

evening when it had set in wet, five large-limbed men, just off their

work on the railway, came striding past me up the hill. They had sacks

over their shoulders; their clothes and boots, from working in gravel

all day, were of the same yellowish-brown colour as the sacks; they were

getting decidedly wet; but they looked enviably easy-going and

unconcerned. As they went by me one after another, one sleepy-eyed man,

comfortably smoking his pipe, vouchsafed no word or glance. But the

others, with friendly sidelong glance at me, all spoke; and their placid

voices were full of rich contentment. "Good-night"; "Nice _rain_";

"G'd-evenin'"; and, last of all, "_This_'ll make the young taters grow!"

The man who said this looked all alert, as if the blood were dancing in

him with enjoyment of the rain; his eyes were beaming with pleasure. So

the five passed up the hill homewards, to have some supper, and then,

perhaps, watch and listen to the rain on their gardens until it was time

to go to bed.

I ought to mention, though I may hardly illustrate, one faculty which is

a great support to many of the men--I mean the masculine gift of

"humour." Not playful-witted like the women, nor yet apt, like the

women, to refresh their spirits in the indulgence of sentiment and

emotion, but rather stolid and inclined to dim brooding thought, they

are able to see the laughable side of their own misadventures and

discomforts; and thanks to this they keep a sense of proportion, as

though perceiving that if their labour accomplishes its end, it does not

really matter that they get tired, or dirty, or wet through in doing

it. This is a social gift, of small avail to the men working alone in

their gardens; but it serves them well during the day's work with their

mates, or when two or three of them together tackle some job of their

own, such as cleaning out a well, or putting up a fowl-house. Then, if

somebody gets splashed, or knocks his knuckles, and softly swears, his

wrath turns to a grin as the little dry chuckle or the sly remark from

the others reminds him that his feelings are understood. It is well

worth while to be present at these times. I laugh now to think of some

of them that I have enjoyed; but I will not risk almost certain failure

in trying to describe them, for their flavour depends on minute details

into which I have no space to enter.

But whatever alleviations there may be to their troubles, the people's

geniality is still noteworthy. In circumstances that contrast so

pitifully with those of the employing classes, it would seem natural if

they were full of bitterness and envy; yet that is by no means the case.

Being born to poverty and the labouring life, they accept the position

as if it were entirely natural. Of course it has its drawbacks; but they

suppose that it takes all sorts to make a world, and since they are of

the labouring sort they must make the best of it. With this simple

philosophy they have contrived hitherto to meet their troubles calmly,

not blaming other people for them, unless in individual cases, and

hardly dreaming of translating them into social injustice. They have no

sense of oppression to poison their lives. The truth which economists

begin to recognize, that where there are wealthy and idle classes there

must as an inevitable result be classes who are impoverished and

overworked, has not found its way into the villager's head.

So, supported by an instinctive fatalism, the people have taken their

plight for granted, without harbouring resentment against the more

fortunate. It may be added that most of them are convinced believers in

those fallacies which cluster around the phrase "making work." It were

strange if they were not. The labourer lives by being employed at work;

and, knowing his employer personally--this or that farmer or tradesman

or villa-resident--he sees the work he lives by actually being "made."

Only very rarely does it occur to him that when he goes to the shop he,

too, makes work. In bad times, perhaps, he gets an inkling of it; and

then, when wages are scarce, and the public-house landlord grumbles,

old-fashioned villagers will say, "Ah, they misses the poor man, ye

see!" But the idea is too abstract to be followed to its logical

conclusion. The people do not see the multitudes at work for them in

other counties, making their boots and ready-made clothes, getting their

coal, importing their cheap provisions; but they do see, and know by

name, the well-to-do of the neighbourhood, who have new houses built and

new gardens laid out; and they naturally enough infer that labour would

perish if there were no well-to-do people to be supplied.

Against the rich man, therefore, the labourers have no sort of

animosity. If he will spend money freely, the richer he is the better.

Throughout the south of England this is the common attitude. I remember,

not long ago, on a holiday, coming to a village which looked rarely

prosperous for its county, owing, I was told, to the fact that the

county lunatic asylum near by caused money to be spent there. In the

next village, which was in a deplorable state, and had no asylum, the

people were looking enviously towards this one, and wishing that at

least their absentee landlords would come and hunt the neighbourhood,

though it appeared that one of these gentlemen was a Bishop. But the

labouring folk were not exacting as to the sort of person--lunatics,

fox-hunters, Bishops--anybody would be welcome who would spend riches in

a way to "make work." And so here. This village looks up to those who

control wealth as if they were the sources of it; and if there is a

little dislike of some of them personally, there has so far appeared but

little bitterness of feeling against them as a class.

I do not say that there has never been any grumbling. One day, years

ago, an old friend of mine broke out, in his most contemptuous manner,

"What d'ye think Master Dash Blank bin up to now?" He named the owner of

a large estate near the town. "Bin an' promised all his men a blanket

an' a quarter of a ton o' coal at Christmas. A _blanket_, and a _quarter

of a ton o' coal_! Pity as somebody hadn't shoved a brick down his

throat, when he _had_ got 'n open, so's to _keep_ 'n open!" The

sentiment sounds envious, but in fact it was scornful. It was directed,

not against the great man's riches, but against the well-known meanness

he displayed anew in his contemptible gifts.

A faint trace of traditional class animosity sounds in one or two

customary phrases of the village, for instance in the saying that there

is one law for the rich and another for the poor. Yet this has become

such a by-word as to be usually stated with a smile; for is it not an

old acquaintance amongst opinions? The older people even have a humorous

development of it. According to their improved version, there are not

two only, but three kinds of law: one kind for the rich, one for the

poor, and one "the law that nobody can't make." What is this last? Why,

the law "to make a feller pay what en't got nothink." By such witticisms

the edge of bitterness is turned; the sting is taken out of that sense

of inequality which, as the labourer probably knows, would poison his

present comfort and lead him into dangerous courses if he let it rankle.

With one exception, the angriest recognition of class differences which

I have come across amongst the villagers was when I passed two women on

their way home from the town, where, I surmised, they, or some friend of

theirs, had just been fined at the County Court or the Petty Sessions.

"Ah!" one was saying, with spiteful emphasis, "_there'll_ come a great

day for they to have _their_ Judge, same as we _poor_ people." Yet even

there, if the emotion was newly-kindled, the sentiment was too

antiquated to mean much. For it is a very ancient idea--that of getting

even with one's enemies in the next world instead of in this. So long as

the poor can console themselves by leaving it to Providence to avenge

them at the Day of Judgment, it cannot be said that there is any

virulent class-feeling amongst them. The most that you can make of it is

that they occasionally feel spiteful. It happened, in this case, to be

against rich people that those two women felt their momentary grudge;

but it was hardly felt against the rich as a class; and if the same kind

of offence had come from some neighbour, they would have said much the

same kind of thing. In the family disputes which occur now and then over

the inheritance of a few pounds' worth of property, the losers put on a

very disinterested and superior look, and say piously of the gainers:

"Ah, they'll never prosper! They _can't_ prosper!"

Change in the Village · 第 5 / 17 段