Numerical List of Killed and Wounded in the various
Regiments forming the Crimean Army--Loss of the Light and
Second Divisions--Loss by Neglect, Hardships, and
Starvation--List of the Regiments that formed the various
Divisions of the Army--After the Siege--A Dreadful Explosion
in the Camp and its consequences--Lieut. Hope and the
Fusiliers again leading to almost certain death--A Peep
behind the Scenes--Lines on Miss Florence Nightingale--My
letter of 26th December, 1855, to my Parents--Concluding
Remarks, and Return Home to be nearly Killed with
Kindness--Irish Anecdotes--The Royal Fusiliers--A sketch of
the "Holy Boys"--The Connaught Rangers not to be
despised--Lines on the Campaign.
THE BRITISH KILLED AND WOUNDED.
The following tabular statement will, I feel confident, prove of much
interest. The facts and figures it contains are from official records,
and will show upon what regiments the brunt of the fighting fell
throughout that arduous campaign, from the 14th September, 1854, until
the 8th of September, 1855, or, in other words, from our landing till
the fall of Sebastopol.
Those regiments marked with the letters LD. formed the Light Division,
and those marked 2nd formed the 2nd Division. The reader will be able to
see at once by their losses that the brunt of the fighting fell upon
those two Divisions. A number of men fell afterwards by the fire from
the enemy across the harbour; and again the old Light Division sustained
heavy loss at the explosion of the right siege train in November, 1855,
which is not included in these figures.
I have never been able to ascertain the exact loss of our blue jackets
and marines, which was very heavy; they fought well all through the
campaign, as they always do, and helped to acheive the crowning
victory--the capture of Sebastopol.
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | KILLED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.|Trumpeters| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|Staff | 9 | ... | ... | ... ||
|1st King's Dragoon | | | | ||
| Guards [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... ||
|4th Royal Irish | | | | ||
| do. [B]| ... | ... | ... | 1 ||
|5th Dragoon | | | | ||
| Guards [B]| ... | ... | ... | 2 ||
|6th Carabineers [A]| ... | ... | ... | 1 ||
|1st Royal | | | | ||
| Dragoons [B]| 1 | ... | ... | 12 ||
|2nd Scots Greys [B]| ... | ... | ... | 14 ||
|4th Hussars [C]| 2 | 5 | 3 | 24 ||
|6th Inniskillings[B]| 1 | 1 | ... | 8 ||
|8th Hussars | | | | ||
| (Royal Irish) [C]| 2 | 3 | ... | 28 ||
|10th Hussars [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... ||
|11th Hussars [C]| 2 | 2 | ... | 36 ||
|12th Lancers [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... ||
|13th Hussars [C]| 3 | 3 | 1 | 25 ||
|17th Lancers | 3 | 1 | 1 | 32 ||
|Royal Artillery | 12 | 10 | ... | 94 ||
|Engineers | 12 | 1 | ... | 29 ||
|Land Transport | ... | ... | ... | ... ||
|Ambulance Corps | ... | ... | ... | ... ||
|3rd Batt. Grenadier | | | | ||
| Guards | 5 | 3 | 1 | 51 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | WOUNDED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.|Trumpeters| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|Staff | 29 | ... | ... | ... ||
|1st King's Dragoon | | | | ||
| Guards [A]| ... | ... | ... | 4 ||
|4th Royal Irish | | | | ||
| do. [B]| ... | 2 | ... | 13 ||
|5th Dragoon | | | | ||
| Guards [B]| 3 | ... | ... | 9 ||
|6th Carabineers [A]| ... | ... | ... | 4 ||
|1st Royal | | | | ||
| Dragoons [B]| 4 | 1 | 1 | 15 ||
|2nd Scots Greys [B]| 4 | 5 | ... | 48 ||
|4th Hussars [C]| 2 | 1 | ... | 33 ||
|6th Inniskillings[B]| 2 | 1 | ... | 14 ||
|8th Hussars | | | | ||
| (Royal Irish) [C]| 3 | 2 | 1 | 19 ||
|10th Hussars [A]| 1 | ... | ... | 6 ||
|11th Hussars [C]| 3 | 3 | 1 | 31 ||
|12th Lancers [A]| ... | ... | ... | 2 ||
|13th Hussars [C]| 3 | 2 | 1 | 16 ||
|17th Lancers | 5 | 3 | 2 | 38 ||
|Royal Artillery | 26 | 22 | ... | 428 ||
|Engineers | 16 | 8 | ... | 70 ||
|Land Transport | ... | ... | ... | 3 ||
|Ambulance Corps | ... | ... | ... | 3 ||
|3rd Batt. Grenadier | | | | ||
| Guards | 15 | 16 | 1 | 348 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++-----+
| | MISSING. || |
| +-------+------+----------+--------++-----+
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.|Trumpeters| Rank ||Grand|
| | | | | & file ||Total|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++-----+
|Staff | ... | ... | ... | ... || 38|
|1st King's Dragoon | | | | || |
| Guards [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 4|
|4th Royal Irish | | | | || |
| do. [B]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 16|
|5th Dragoon | | | | || |
| Guards [B]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 14|
|6th Carabineers [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 5|
|1st Royal | | | | || |
| Dragoons [B]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 34|
|2nd Scots Greys [B]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 71|
|4th Hussars [C]| ... | ... | ... | 6 || 76|
|6th Inniskillings[B]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 27|
|8th Hussars | | | | || |
| (Royal Irish) [C]| ... | ... | ... | 8 || 66|
|10th Hussars [A]| ... | ... | ... | 2 || 9|
|11th Hussars [C]| ... | ... | ... | 11 || 89|
|12th Lancers [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 2|
|13th Hussars [C]| ... | 1 | ... | 6 || 61|
|17th Lancers | ... | 1 | 1 | 12 || 99|
|Royal Artillery | ... | ... | ... | ... || 592|
|Engineers | 1 | ... | ... | ... || 137|
|Land Transport | ... | ... | ... | ... || 3|
|Ambulance Corps | ... | ... | ... | ... || 3|
|3rd Batt. Grenadier | | | | || |
| Guards | ... | ... | ... | 30 || 470|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++-----+
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | KILLED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|1st Batt. Coldstream| | | | ||
| Guards | 10 | 4 | 1 | 28 ||
|1st Batt. Scots Fus.| | | | ||
| Guards | 4 | 2 | ... | 82 ||
|1st Batt 1st Foot | 1 | ... | ... | 15 ||
|2nd Batt. | ... | 1 | ... | 13 ||
|3rd Foot (Buffs) | | | | ||
| [A] 2nd| 1 | 6 | ... | 44 ||
|4th " | 1 | ... | ... | 26 ||
|7th Royal Fusiliers | | | | ||
| LD| 14 | 15 | 2 | 78 ||
|9th Foot | | | | ||
| (Holy Boys) [A]| 1 | ... | ... | 7 ||
|13th Foot [A]| 2 | 1 | ... | 14 ||
|14th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 10 ||
|17th " [A]| 1 | 1 | ... | 20 ||
|18th Royal Irish [A]| 1 | 1 | ... | 50 ||
|19th Foot LD| 4 | 4 | 1 | 76 ||
|20th " | 1 | 2 | ... | 24 ||
|21st N.B. Fusiliers | 1 | 1 | ... | 31 ||
|23rd Royal Welsh | | | | ||
| Fusiliers LD| 11 | 7 | 1 | 116 ||
|28th Foot | 1 | ... | ... | 20 ||
|30th Foot 2nd| 8 | 1 | 2 | 101 ||
|31st " [A]| 2 | 2 | ... | 14 ||
|33rd " LD| 5 | 5 | ... | 96 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | WOUNDED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|1st Batt. Coldstream| | | | ||
| Guards | 8 | 7 | 1 | 210 ||
|1st Batt. Scots Fus.| | | | ||
| Guards | 24 | 20 | 2 | 300 ||
|1st Batt 1st Foot | 3 | 5 | ... | 74 ||
|2nd Batt. | 7 | 5 | 1 | 92 ||
|3rd Foot (Buffs) | | | | ||
| [A] 2nd| 13 | 16 | 3 | 224 ||
|4th " | 4 | 3 | ... | 122 ||
|7th Royal Fusiliers | | | | ||
| LD| 36 | 34 | 3 | 429 ||
|9th Foot | | | | ||
| (Holy Boys) [A]| 2 | 5 | ... | 83 ||
|13th Foot [A]| 4 | 6 | 1 | 112 ||
|14th " [A]| ... | 2 | ... | 46 ||
|17th " [A]| 4 | 8 | ... | 108 ||
|18th Royal Irish [A]| 11 | 26 | ... | 270 ||
|19th Foot LD| 20 | 15 | 3 | 419 ||
|20th " | 13 | 17 | 2 | 171 ||
|21st N.B. Fusiliers | 9 | 18 | ... | 80 ||
|23rd Royal Welsh | | | | ||
| Fusiliers LD| 20 | 24 | 7 | 398 ||
|28th Foot | 8 | 3 | 1 | 48 ||
|30th Foot 2nd| 20 | 15 | 4 | 363 ||
|31st " [A]| 1 | 6 | 1 | 86 ||
|33rd " LD| 23 | 25 | 2 | 350 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++------+
| | MISSING. || |
| +-------+------+----------+--------++------+
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||Grand |
| | | | | & file ||Total.|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++------+
|1st Batt. Coldstream| | | | || |
| Guards | ... | 1 | ... | 53 || 323|
|1st Batt. Scots Fus.| | | | || |
| Guards | ... | ... | ... | 19 || 453|
|1st Batt 1st Foot | ... | ... | ... | ... || 98|
|2nd Batt. | ... | ... | ... | ... || 119|
|3rd Foot (Buffs) | | | | || |
| [A] 2nd| 1 | ... | ... | 2 || 310|
|4th " | 1 | ... | ... | 2 || 159|
|7th Royal Fusiliers | | | | || |
| LD| 1 | 2 | ... | 18 || 632|
|9th Foot | | | | || |
| (Holy Boys) [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 98|
|13th Foot [A]| ... | 1 | ... | 6 || 147|
|14th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 58|
|17th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 1 || 143|
|18th Royal Irish [A]| ... | ... | ... | 1 || 360|
|19th Foot LD| ... | ... | ... | 7 || 549|
|20th " | ... | ... | ... | 29 || 259|
|21st N.B. Fusiliers | ... | ... | ... | 13 || 153|
|23rd Royal Welsh | | | | || |
| Fusiliers LD| 1 | 1 | 2 | 46 || 634|
|28th Foot | ... | ... | ... | 3 || 84|
|30th Foot 2nd| ... | ... | ... | 1 || 515|
|31st " [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 112|
|33rd " LD| 1 | ... | ... | 3 || 510|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++------+
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | KILLED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|34th Foot [A] LD| 5 | 2 | ... | 66 ||
|38th " | 2 | 4 | ... | 22 ||
|39th " [A]| 1 | ... | ... | 3 ||
|41st " 2nd| 8 | 7 | ... | 116 ||
|42nd Highlanders [D]| 1 | ... | ... | 20 ||
|44th Foot | 5 | 3 | 2 | 24 ||
|46th " [A]| 1 | 1 | ... | 9 ||
|47th " 2nd| 2 | 4 | ... | 49 ||
|48th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 6 ||
|49th " 2nd| 4 | 5 | 1 | 44 ||
|50th " (Blind | | | | ||
| Half-Hundred) | 2 | 3 | ... | 36 ||
|55th " 2nd| 5 | 1 | ... | 68 ||
|56th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 3 ||
|57th " (Die Hards) | 5 | 10 | 1 | 45 ||
|62nd " [A] 2nd| 6 | 3 | 1 | 24 ||
|63rd " | 4 | ... | ... | 17 ||
|68th " | 5 | ... | ... | 23 ||
|71st Highlanders [A]| 1 | ... | ... | 14 ||
|72nd " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 6 ||
|77th " LD| 5 | 7 | ... | 61 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | WOUNDED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|34th Foot [A] LD| 17 | 22 | 4 | 308 ||
|38th " | 8 | 12 | ... | 212 ||
|39th " [A]| ... | 2 | ... | 42 ||
|41st " 2nd| 16 | 27 | 4 | 387 ||
|42nd Highlanders [D]| 2 | 5 | 1 | 111 ||
|44th Foot | 10 | 13 | 2 | 169 ||
|46th " [A]| 4 | 5 | 1 | 100 ||
|47th " 2nd| 13 | 6 | 1 | 246 ||
|48th " [A]| 2 | 5 | ... | 54 ||
|49th " 2nd| 12 | 20 | 3 | 279 ||
|50th " (Blind | | | | ||
| Half-Hundred) | 4 | 3 | 1 | 79 ||
|55th " 2nd| 20 | 23 | 1 | 366 ||
|56th " [A]| 1 | 1 | ... | 8 ||
|57th " (Die Hards) | 11 | 21 | 1 | 224 ||
|62nd " [A] 2nd| 7 | 4 | ... | 117 ||
|63rd " | 10 | 9 | 2 | 111 ||
|68th " | 4 | 4 | 2 | 114 ||
|71st Highlanders [A]| 2 | 2 | ... | 27 ||
|72nd " [A]| 2 | 1 | ... | 47 ||
|77th Foot LD | 8 | 18 | 1 | 242 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------+----------------------------------++------+
| | MISSING. || |
| +-------+------+----------+--------++------+
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||Grand |
| | | | | & file ||Total.|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++------+
|34th Foot [A] LD| 2 | ... | ... | 10 || 436|
|38th " | ... | ... | ... | 5 || 265|
|39th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 48|
|41st " 2nd| ... | ... | ... | 16 || 581|
|42nd Highlanders [D]| ... | ... | ... | 1 || 141|
|44th Foot | ... | ... | ... | 7 || 235|
|46th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 12 || 133|
|47th " 2nd| ... | 1 | ... | 8 || 330|
|48th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | 1 || 68|
|49th " 2nd| ... | 1 | ... | 1 || 370|
|50th " (Blind | | | | || |
| Half-Hundred) | 2 | ... | ... | 11 || 141|
|55th " 2nd| ... | ... | ... | 9 || 493|
|56th " [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 13|
|57th " (Die Hards) | ... | 2 | ... | 3 || 323|
|62nd " [A] 2nd| 1 | 1 | ... | 11 || 175|
|63rd " | ... | ... | ... | ... || 153|
|68th " | ... | 4 | ... | 39 || 195|
|71st Highlanders [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 46|
|72nd " [A]| ... | ... | ... | ... || 56|
|77th Foot LD | ... | 1 | ... | 11 || 354|
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++------+
+--------------------+----------------------------------++
| | KILLED. ||
| +-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. |Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| | | | | & file ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
|79th Highlanders [D]| 1 | ... | ... | 8 ||
|82nd Foot [A] 2nd| ... | Not Engaged. | ||
|88th Connaught | | | | ||
| Rangers LD| 6 | 7 | ... | 62 ||
|89th Foot [A]| ... | ... | ... | 2 ||
|90th " [A] LD| 4 | 1 | ... | 24 ||
|93rd Highlands [D]| 1 | ... | ... | 16 ||
|95th Foot 2nd| 7 | 7 | ... | 69 ||
|97th Foot [A] LD| 6 | 3 | 2 | 43 ||
|1st Batt. Rifle | | | | ||
| Brigade | 2 | 6 | 1 | 52 ||
|2nd Batt. Rifle | | | | ||
| Brigade LD| 5 | 9 | ... | 81 ||
| | | | | ||
|Loss of the Light | | | | ||
| Division | 65 | 60 | 6 | 703 ||
|Loss of the Second | | | | ||
| Division | 39 | 34 | 4 | 515 ||
+--------------------+-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------++----------------------------------++
| || WOUNDED. ||
| ++-------+------+----------+--------++
| REGIMENTS. ||Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||
| || | | | & file ||
+--------------------++-------+------+----------+--------++
|79th Highlanders [D]|| 2 | 7 | ... | 52 ||
|82nd Foot [A] 2nd|| Not Engaged | ||
|88th Connaught || | | | ||
| Rangers LD|| 18 | 27 | 2 | 332 ||
|89th Foot [A]|| ... | 4 | ... | 77 ||
|90th " [A] LD|| 17 | 15 | ... | 236 ||
|93rd Highlands [D]|| 1 | 4 | 1 | 106 ||
|95th Foot 2nd|| 20 | 21 | 1 | 271 ||
|97th Foot [A] LD|| 11 | 16 | ... | 220 ||
|1st Batt. Rifle || | | | ||
| Brigade || 6 | 7 | 1 | 214 ||
|2nd Batt. Rifle || | | | ||
| Brigade LD|| 15 | 22 | 7 | 462 ||
| || | | | ||
|Loss of the Light || | | | ||
| Division || 185 | 218 | 29 | 3396 ||
|Loss of the Second || | | | ||
| Division || 121 | 132 | 17 | 2253 ||
+--------------------++-------+------+----------+--------++
+--------------------++----------------------------------++------+
| || MISSING. || |
| ++-------+------+----------+--------++------+
| REGIMENTS. ||Offirs.|Srgts.| Drummers.| Rank ||Grand |
| || | | | & file ||Total.|
+--------------------++-------+------+----------+--------++------+
|79th Highlanders [D]|| ... | ... | ... | ... || 70 |
|82nd Foot [A] 2nd|| Not Engaged. | || |
|88th Connaught || | | | || |
| Rangers LD|| ... | ... | ... | 21 || 475 |
|89th Foot [A]|| 1 | ... | ... | ... || 84 |
|90th " [A] LD|| ... | 4 | ... | 33 || 334 |
|93rd Highlands [D]|| 1 | ... | ... | ... || 130 |
|95th Foot 2nd|| ... | ... | ... | 3 || 399 |
|97th Foot [A] LD|| ... | 4 | ... | 36 || 341 |
|1st Batt. Rifle || | | | || |
| Brigade || ... | 3 | ... | 10 || 302 |
|2nd Batt. Rifle || | | | || |
| Brigade LD|| ... | ... | ... | 8 || 609 |
| || | | | || |
|Loss of the Light || | | | || |
| Division || 5 | 12 | 2 | 193 || 4874 |
|Loss of the Second || | | | || |
| Division || 2 | 3 | ... | 51 || 3171 |
+--------------------++-------+------+----------+--------++------+
| |
| LD Regiments that formed the Light Division. |
| 2nd Those that formed the Second Division. |
| [A] Joined the Army after Inkermann. |
| [B] The Regiments under General Scarlett that rode through and |
| through the enemy, and routed them from the plains of |
| Balaclava. |
| [C] Formed the Light Brigade under the Earl of Cardigan. |
| [D] Were not engaged at Inkermann, although they were in the |
| Crimea. |
| |
| The Light Division was near being blown up to a man in |
| November, 1855. The Magazines, just in rear of our camp, |
| caught fire and went up with a terrible crash, killing and |
| wounding a number of men. |
| |
+----------------------------------------------------------------+
LOSS OF THE ROYAL FUSILIERS
DURING THE CRIMEAN CAMPAIGN.
_Killed or died of wounds in the Crimea._
Colonel L. W. Yea, Lieutenant-Colonel F. Mills,
Capt. the Hon. W. Monk, Capt. the Hon. G. L. Hare,
Capt. A. Wallace, Capt. the Hon. C. Brown,
Lieut. Molesworth, Lieut. and Adjt. Hobson,
Lieut. the Hon. E. Fitzclarence, Lieut. O. Colt,
Lieut. W. L. Wright, Lieut. Beauchamp,
Qurtr-Mstr. J. Hogan, Asst.-Surgn. J. P. Langham,
AND
559 Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates, who fell
in action, or died of wounds or disease, during the
Campaign.
LOSS OF THE ARMY FROM DISEASE, &c.
The following is the total number of Officers, Non-Com. Officers, and
men, who died of disease, hardships, and starvation, in the Crimean
Campaign, from 14th of September, 1854, to the 30th April, 1856. This
table does not include those who died at home, almost as soon as they
landed, nor those who died of wounds, nor the losses of the Marines or
Sailors manning our heavy guns on shore--and their loss was heavy. If we
put the total loss from causes other than were incidental to actual
fighting, at 21,000, we should not be overstating it.
===============++======================++======================++
|| || ||
|| Cavalry. || Artillery. ||
|| || ||
++-----------+----------++-----------+----------++
|| | || | ||
|| Officers. | N.C.O.'s || Officers. | N.C.O.'s ||
|| | and Men. || | and Men. ||
|| | || | ||
---------------++-----------+----------++-----------+----------++
|| | || | ||
Died of || | || | ||
Disease, &c. || 23 | 1007 || 16 | 1398 ||
|| | || | ||
===============++===========+==========++===========+==========++
===============++======================++======================++======
|| || ||
|| Enginrs. || Infantry. ||
|| || ||
++-----------+----------++-----------+----------++
|| | || | ||
|| Officers. | N.C.O.'s || Officers. | N.C.O.'s || Grand
|| | and Men. || | and Men. || Total
|| | || | ||
---------------++-----------+----------++-----------+----------++
|| | || | ||
Died of || | || | ||
Disease, &c. || 5 | 177 || 115 | 15866 || 18647
|| | || | ||
===============++===========+==========++===========+==========++======
THE CRIMEAN ARMY.
The following was the composition of the various Divisions of the
Crimean Army:--
_Cavalry Division._
1st, 4th, and 5th Dragoon Guards, 1st, 2nd, and 6th
Dragoons--Heavy Brigade.
6th Dragoon Guards, 4th and 13th Light Dragoons, 12th
Lancers, 8th, 10th, and 11th Hussars, and 17th Lancers--Two
Light Brigades.
_First Division._
3rd Batt. Grenadier Guards, 1st Batt. Coldstream Guards, 1st
Batt. Scots Fusiliers Guards--First Brigade.
9th, 13th, 31st, and 56th Foot--Second Brigade.
_Highland Division._
42nd, 79th, 92nd, 93rd--First Brigade.
1st-2nd Batt. 1st Foot, 71st, 91st and 72nd--Second Brigade.
_Second Division._
3rd, 30th, 55th, and 95th Foot--First Brigade.
41st, 47th, 49th, 62nd, and 82nd--Second Brigade.
_Third Division._
4th, 14th, 39th, 50th, and 89th Foot--First Brigade.
18th, 28th, 38th, and 44th Foot--Second Brigade.
_Fourth Division._
17th, 20th, 21st, 57th, and 63rd Foot--First Brigade.
46th, 48th, 68th, 1st Batt. Rifle Brigade--Second Brigade.
_Light Division._
7th Royal Fusiliers, 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers, 33rd, 34th,
and 2nd Batt. Rifle Brigade--First Brigade.
19th, 77th, 88th, 90th, and 97th Foot--Second Brigade.
_Artillery._
Royal Horse Artillery, A. C. and I. Troops.
Batteries A. B. E. F. G. H. I. Q. W. Y. and Z.
_Engineers._
Companies 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11.
Loss of English Horses in six months, during the winters of
1854 and 1855--Strength, 5048, Died, 2122.
AFTER THE SIEGE
The remainder of September and October, 1855, passed off pretty quietly.
After the dead had been buried and the wounded removed to camp, our
commanders were at liberty to turn their thoughts towards the enemy
still on the north side of the harbour; the south side was well guarded
by British troops and those of our allies (the French). There were as
yet no signs of peace; we were still frowning at each other across the
water. The enemy's fleets had all been sent to the bottom, but the
booming of their heavy guns told us that although defeated the
Muscovites were not yet subdued, and that if we wanted the north side we
should have to fight for it. Our people were now making preparations for
destroying the huge forts, barracks, and docks of Sebastopol. This had
sometimes to be carried on under a heavy fire from the north side, but
still the work did not cease. Not a day passed without our losing a
number of men and some good officers. By the end of October many of our
wounded began to recover and to return to their duties; some, discharged
from hospital convalescent, might be seen walking about the camps with
their arms in splints, or with their heads bandaged, others limping
about with the assistance of a stick or crutch--but all appeared in high
spirits. That indomitable British pluck had been in no wise quenched, in
spite of the wounds that had been received. Our men were burning to have
another "shy" at the enemy on a grand scale, in order to wipe out the
stain of the repulse at the Redan, although that was not all their
fault. The first anniversary of the Alma was kept in camp in grand
style, as far as our means would allow, and wine was sent to all the
wounded Alma men then in hospital. When we looked back, what an eventful
twelve months that had been! Victory after victory had been added to our
already long and glorious roll; but, alas! where were the noble sons of
Britain who had gained them? Had all fallen? Had all been food for
powder or succumbed to the deadly thrust of the bayonet? No! Hundreds,
yea thousands, had been sacrificed by cruel hardships--little or no
food, hardly sufficient clothing to cover their nakedness, in the
trenches for twelve hours at a stretch, up to their ankles (or sometimes
knees) in mud, half drowned, frozen to death, their limbs dropping off
through frost-bite! There is hardly one of those men now living who does
not feel the effects of that terrible winter of 1854. Thousands have
since perished, through diseases contracted during that awful time; but
the excitement, supported by an invincible spirit, kept them up then and
for some time after. The first anniversary of Balaclava and Inkermann
found me still in hospital, slowly recovering, able to walk about, but
very shaky. Inkermann was another anniversary duly observed by the whole
army. We had by this time got into capital huts, and had plenty of good
clothing, in fact, more than we could stand under; and we had as much
food as we required--thousands of tons of potted beef, mutton, and all
kinds of vegetables, having been sent out by the kind-hearted people at
home. Indeed, it looked very much as though we were being fattened
before being let loose at the enemy again. We could now almost bid
defiance to a Russian winter. Each man's wardrobe consisted of the
following:--A tunic, well lined with flannel; a shell-jacket, well
lined; a fur coat, a rough sandbag coat, a summer coat, made of tweed;
an overcoat, a waterproof coat that came below the knees, a forage cap
and a fur cap, two pairs of cloth trousers, one sandbag ditto, one pair
of waterproof leggings, two pairs of ankle boots, one pair of long ditto
to go outside the trousers and come nearly up to the fork; three woollen
jerseys, three linen shirts, two pairs of good flannel drawers, three
ditto worsted stockings, and two cholera belts made of flannel. It would
have been rather a difficult matter to find out what regiment a man
belonged to. The greater portion of these things had been sent us by our
sympathising fellow countrymen and countrywomen; and we who received
them were deeply grateful for the kindness shown. Had those gallant men
who fought and conquered at the Alma, rode through and through the enemy
on the plains of Balaclava, rolled their proud legions back time after
time from the heights of Inkermann, and sent them headlong into
Sebastopol in indescribable confusion--had they been supplied with one
quarter of the clothing that we now had, we should have had them with us
to help to storm the Redan, and a far different tale would have been
told. The Bells of Old England would have clashed again for victory, as
at the Alma, Balaclava, and Inkermann. But, alas! the bones of the
greater portion of those victorious Britons were rotting in the Valley
of Death--
I saw the Valley of Death, where thousands lay low,
Not half of whom e'er fell by the hands of the foe;
The causes are many, as well known to the State,
But I might give offence if the truth I relate.
A BRITISH HEROINE.
I must not leave this subject without just reminding the reader that the
Sick and Wounded in the Crimea owed much to gentle English ladies, who
bravely came out as nurses, but foremost amongst this devoted band was
one whose name has since remained a synonym for kindly sympathy,
tenderness, and grace--Miss Florence Nightingale. I cannot forbear
quoting the following lines written in praise of this estimable lady:--
MISS FLORENCE NIGHTINGALE.
Britain has welcomed home with open hand
Her gallant soldiers to their native land;
But one alone the Nation's thanks did shun,
Though Europe rings with all that she hath done;
For when will 'shadow on the wall' e'er fail
To picture forth fair Florence Nightingale?
Her deeds are blazon'd on the scroll of fame,
And England well may prize her deathless name.
A NIGHTINGALE IN THE CAMP.
The men before Sebastopol--a more heroic host
There never stood, in hardship and in peril, at their post.
The foremost of these warriors 'twas a famous thing to be,
And there the first among them goes, if thou hast eyes to see.
It's not the good Lord Raglan, nor yet the great Omar,
No, nor the fierce Pellisier, though thunderbolts of war.
Behold the Soldier who in worth excels above the rest--
That English maiden yonder is our bravest and our best.
Brave men, so called, are plentiful, the most of men are brave;
So, truly, are the most of dogs, who reck not of a grave:
Their valour's not self-sacrifice, but simple want of heed,
But courage in a woman's heart is bravery indeed.
And there is Mercy's Amazon, within whose little breast
Burns the great spirit that has dared the fever and the pest;
And she has grappled with grim Death, that maid so bold and meek,
There is the mark of battle, fresh upon her pallid cheek.
That gallant, gentle lady the camp would fain review,
Throughout the Chief exhorts her with such honour as is due.
How many a prayer attends on her, how many a blessing greets;
How many a glad and grateful eye among that host she meets;
Among the world's great women thou hast made thy glorious mark,
Men will hereafter mention make of thee with Joan of Arc;
And fathers, who relate the Maid of Saragossa's tale,
Will tell their little children, too, of Florence Nightingale.
A PEEP BEHIND THE SCENES.
BY AN OLD FUSILIER.
The following will, we trust, prove interesting to all classes of the
community:--
On the memorable foggy morning of November 5th, 1854, I went
on picquet with my company, No. 1 of the Royal Fusiliers, to
relieve a company of the Royal Welsh, in the White-house
ravine. An officer of the 77th[11] commanded us, as we had
not sufficient officers of our own, after our heavy loss at
the Alma. We arrived at our post about the usual hour (a
little before daylight), and relieved the Royal Welsh, who
retired a short distance to wait for clear daylight before
returning to camp--a practice observed when in presence of
an enemy. Shortly afterwards our sentries came running in
with the news that the enemy were advancing in great force.
Our officer at once disposed his picquet to the best
advantage to resist them. They were soon upon us in
overwhelming numbers, but were received with a fire that
staggered them. The Royal Welsh at once rushed to our
assistance; every rock and stone was hotly disputed, and the
enemy received such a warm reception that they were
compelled to fall back for a time. All ranks in the two
Fusilier companies seemed to vie with each other in deeds of
valour. This was only the first scene in that unequal
contest that no native in our sea-girt isle need blush at,
but remember with pride. The picquets on our right, composed
of the Second Division, fought with desperation, hurling the
Muscovites over the rocks in grand style. It has been
acknowledged by all ranks that the picquets this morning
nobly did their duty, and checked the massive Muscovite
drunken columns until the main body of our army had time to
get under arms. The cool intrepidity of a mere handful of
men had saved the allied army; our principal magazine was
just in our rear, and our orders were to hold this position
to the last, and then retire to the five-gun battery; the
massive columns of the enemy were gradually forcing back the
picquet on our right, who retired in good order, disputing
every inch of ground, but compelled to leave their poor
wounded comrades behind, who were bayoneted to a man by the
cruel enemy. Our flank was now exposed, and the enemy got in
rear of us, unobserved in the dense fog. As soon as we found
that we were surrounded, we were ordered to make the best of
our way towards the five-gun battery; a general rush was
made in that direction, the enemy pouring volley after
volley into us. A number of our poor fellows were shot dead
or wounded. The wounded who were found afterwards were all
bayoneted. I was in the act of loading when a number of them
rushed at me with the bayonet. I at once fired, and one of
the enemy fell. I was the next moment knocked down with the
butt end and stunned. When I came to, I found my arms tied
behind me. They hurried me off under a strong escort. I had
not proceeded far when I found they had another of the
picquet, a corporal of the Royal Welsh. His arms were bound
in like manner. We had not gone many yards when one of the
cowardly brutes shot him dead. Every moment I expected the
same treatment; but, thank God, my escort were more merciful
(being Poles). I was taken to that part of the field where
all the Russian staff were stationed. I was surprised when I
arrived to see a number of my comrades of the White-house
ravine picquet; the officer (Captain Duff, Royal Welsh
Fusiliers) and twenty of his men had been cut off, and
taken, likewise seven of the Royal Fusiliers. I did not now
feel so lonely; the officer who commanded our company was
also taken, but his escort marched him towards Sebastopol.
As soon as he got clear of the enemy's columns, he took out
his revolver from an inside pocket of his overcoat, knocked
the man down on his right senseless, shot the one on his
left dead, and the third man at once surrendered himself his
prisoner, whom he brought into our camp. Most of the
prisoners taken were shamefully treated, particularly the
captain of the 23rd R. W. His uniform was torn off his back,
and he was robbed of all articles of value, but recovered
them by explaining in French to a General officer, and
pointing out the men who had robbed him. The General gave
them all a good thrashing, which quite amused us; but we
soon found that this was a usual practice, the senior boxing
the ear of the junior. During the whole of that dreadful day
we were kept under fire from our own little army. The
attacking columns of the enemy were driven back with fearful
slaughter. Liquor vodkie was freely used, until they were
mad drunk. But, drunk or sober, our comrades hurled them
back from the field time after time. Their princes and
generals were mad with rage, to see their huge columns
driven from the field, time after time, by a mere handful of
men (they knew our strength); they were in such a rage we
expected every moment they would turn upon us defenceless
prisoners.
The attacking columns of the enemy numbered thirty thousand
men, and their supports and reserves thirty thousand more.
These columns were in such a state of disorder from the
repeated vehement charges of the British that they had not
the slightest chance of victory. They were nothing more nor
less than a confused and enraged mob. Our men, and the
French, who had come up to our assistance, continued pouring
volley after volley into them, and some of our heavy siege
guns were ploughing roads through them. Their loss at this
stage of the battle was enormous. Their massive columns of
supports and reserves were mowed down wholesale, until the
dead lay in heaps. When the retreat of this confused and
enraged Muscovite mob commenced we expected every moment to
be despatched by these well-thrashed drunken brutes. They
carried as many of their wounded away as possible. Noticing
the confusion all round, the captain of the 23rd passed the
word for us to make a dash for our liberty, saying, "We can
but die, my boys." We instantly got on the alert, but our
good intentions were stopped. We were then doubly guarded,
and hurried from the field. The retreat was in no formation,
but a complete rabble, our huge Lancaster guns cutting lanes
through them. There was but one column we saw leave the
field in anything like order. We were a little on their
flank, when an officer of the leading company perceived us.
He came over to us and addressed us in good English as
follows, "Well, Englishmen, if you are prisoners, there is
one consolation for you, you have given us a sound good
thrashing to-day," and then rejoined his company. As soon as
he left, our captain said, "Men, I believe that officer to
be an English gentleman serving in the Russian army, and is
delighted his countrymen have gained such a glorious
victory." The enemy captured no more prisoners, except a few
wounded who escaped being bayoneted, and those were placed
in carts with other wounded. I was one of those appointed to
look after the poor wounded. My care was a Guardsman, shot
under the left breast, passing out under the left shoulder
blade; the poor fellow was bleeding inwardly, and I had to
keep him in a sitting position. We were at this time in the
centre of the retiring mass, when a wounded Russian drummer
tried to get into the cart, and, in endeavouring to do so,
placed his arm on the wounded knee of one of the men of the
47th whose knee-cap had been shot away. He instantly struck
the wounded Russian under the chin and sent him headlong
amongst his retiring comrades. We then made sure that we
should be all bayoneted; but no, all the pluck and vodkie
was fairly thrashed out of them. In crossing to the north
side of Sebastopol on bridges of boats, the enemy suffered
dreadfully. Our heavy siege guns mowed them down wholesale.
How we escaped was a miracle. Our officer spoke to some of
the Russian officers about our wounded, and one in
particular he wished a doctor to see at once, viz., the
Guardsman. Our officer's request was quickly attended to; a
doctor dressed the poor fellow's wound, passing a long piece
of lint through the wound right through his body, causing
the blood to flow outwards, not inwards. After the doctor
had finished dressing the poor fellow, he said to our
officer in French, "I thought the Russians were soldiers,
but I never witnessed anything like this in the Russian
army; I really believe an Englishman would bear to be cut to
pieces and show no symptoms of pain." This poor fellow
during the operation did not show the slightest symptom of
pain.
Our wounded were sent into hospital in Sebastopol; not one
of them left there alive, at least we never heard of them
again. The whole of the night after the battle the handful
of prisoners (thirty) were marched through their camp from
regiment to regiment, and from one division to another, to
exhibit to their troops what a great capture they had made.
We had a little kindness showed us by these heathen
Muscovites; they brought us some of their vodkie, but
nothing to eat, which we wanted most. We had had nothing to
eat up to the present. Next day we were placed in Fort Paul,
and kept there three days. It was not till the third day,
the 8th, that we received anything to eat. On the second day
the two Grand Dukes visited us, and questioned us respecting
our army, trying to pump all they could out of us. But the
sucker was dry. An old General said, "You think to deceive
us, but we can tell even to the conversation that takes
place in your tents." When they had done questioning us, the
two Grand Dukes Constantine and St. Michael addressed us as
follows, "We must admit that England is possessed of the
finest infantry in Europe, but we do not care for your
cavalry or artillery;" and informed us that we should next
day commence our march to the place appointed for us while
we were their prisoners, which place was about 1500 miles
from Sebastopol; that we should find the people of the
country very hospitable; also that we were classified,--the
English first-class prisoners, French second, Turks third;
and would receive allowance for support accordingly. Before
they left us we reported that we had had nothing to eat
since taken. They said that we should have something at
once, and gave instructions accordingly, but, nevertheless,
we did not receive any till next day. We commenced this long
and dreary march under great disadvantage, and with a
Russian winter to contend against. We were very poorly clad,
our clothing and boots nearly worn out, working in the
trenches night and day, and our hardships were terrible to
relate. We were allowed ten kopecks daily, which is equal to
fourpence. Every article of food in Russia is very cheap,
but they imposed on us, as we did not know the language,
therefore we were nearly starved. Our first halt was at
Peracoff; here we remained a few days, and then proceeded to
Simperopol. We had a few days halt here, and were joined by
thirty Turks, taken at Balaclava. The whole of us here
received one sheepskin coat and one pair of long boots, the
only articles of clothing given to us whilst we were
prisoners until the day of our exchange, when we received an
overcoat and cap, similar to those worn by their infantry.
We marched from Simperopol with a gang of convicts for
Siberia. It was pitiful to see the way they were treated.
They were classified according to crime. Some had the whole
of their hair shaved off the front part of the head, the
remainder left long; others the right half of the head
shaved, some the left half shaved, and others the back part
of the head. All wore irons on their legs, male and female.
They were placed in two ranks at three paces apart. A long
chain was placed between them, one rank handcuffed by the
right hand to this chain, the other rank by the left. Each
of the prisoners had a certain number of lashes to receive
annually during the term of imprisonment, of which they
received a number daily before they marched. We witnessed
this punishment. Every morning the culprit was placed face
downwards on the ground, two soldiers held him or her whilst
another administered the punishment with birch rods tied
together. We often pitied them this long march, with the
irons cutting to the very bone; the blood marking the prints
in the snow. These poor creatures, we were told, scarcely
ever reach their destination. In every large town we picked
up fresh convicts, whilst others were left behind to die. I
often thanked God that I was born under the British flag.
Every day's march was very nearly alike, except when
entering large towns. Our guard sent word ahead to acquaint
the inhabitants about the time of our arrival, and we were
met at the entrance to the town by large crowds of people;
some of whom spit at us and called us English dogs. I must
say that the people who offered these insults to us were of
the poor and ignorant class. The better class treated us
with much civility, and visited us in prison after our
arrival, and obtained permission from the Governor to take
us out to dine with them. The gentry and middle class
admired the English prisoners for their fine military
bearing, and often compared us with their own slovenly
soldiers.
We continued our march day after day, till we arrived at
their University town, Kharcoff, a magnificent place with
any number of colleges. We had a week's halt here, and were
visited by many of our own country people and French people,
all in good positions. Some of them were professors of
languages in the colleges. We were out visiting daily; we
likewise received a great many presents from our people, and
from French and Russian gentry, in the shape of warm
clothing, woollen and leather gloves, tea, and sugar, and a
few roubles each. We had completed 500 miles, and during
that long march seldom had a hot meal. This we mentioned to
the Governor of Kharcoff prison. He asked us what our usual
meals consisted of. We told him bread and butter. "Well," he
said, "You can have a change; have butter and bread to-day,
and bread and butter to-morrow." This was all the pity we
got from this gentleman. We received good news here. It got
to the knowledge of our Government that we were badly off,
and nearly starving with the small amount allowed us to live
upon. Our Government requested the Emperor to raise our
allowance to twenty kopeks daily--this is equal to
eightpence--and we were usually paid this allowance seven
days in advance. We had now plenty of food, and picking up a
little of their language, were able to make our purchases
without being imposed upon; but the cold at night was
something terrible. We were allowed no covering of any
sort, and nothing but our wet clothing to lie down in.
Sometimes a little wet straw would be thrown in to keep us
from the bare ground, after a long fatiguing march. Often
the snow would be two or three feet deep. We left a number
of men behind in towns where there would be a hospital,
frost-bitten. Shortly after leaving Kharcoff, one day our
march was thirty versts (a verst is three-quarters of a mile
English). On the morning before starting we were paid our
seven days' allowance. We had completed half the distance,
when an occurrence happened which was near the cause of us
all visiting Siberia with our chain gang. There was what we
call a half-way house here, and not another house within
three versts. Our guard acquainted us of this, and told us
we could have anything we wanted in the way of vodkie. We
were delighted at this, for the snow at the time was over
two feet deep, and hot grog was quite acceptable. The whole
of the prisoners, Turks excepted, had refreshments, the
guards receiving the same at our (the English) expense. All
went as merry as a marriage bell till the French did not
want to stop any longer, but push on, and complete the
journey. Our guard did not feel inclined to do so, and we
were of their opinion. The French would persist in marching,
and made a start to go by themselves. The guard would not
allow them till all marched together, and struck one of the
French on the head with the butt end of his rifle, knocking
him down. Although we were on good terms with the guard, we
could not see our allies, the French, beaten; so at it we
went, a regular hand to hand fight, the Turks remaining
quietly looking on. The guard used their rifles and bayonets
freely, we and the French our sticks. We disarmed our guard,
and broke their rifles and bayonets, after giving them a
good thrashing. Both sides had their casualties: one
Frenchman, three English, and seven Russians had to be taken
to the next town in carts, and placed in hospital. One
Russian was very badly wounded, his jaw-bone being broken.
Had we been near a village not one of us would have told the
tale. Another lucky thing for us was that the guard had sent
on their ammunition with their knapsacks. The surrounding
villagers had to be summoned to escort us to the next town,
armed with every description of weapon they could lay their
hands upon, such as pitchforks, reap-hooks, scythes, &c.
(This was the result of indulging in vodkie.) The next day
the affair was investigated by a Russian officer or
magistrate. After hearing the guard's statement, he told us
we should all be sent to Siberia; but we turned the tables
on the guard. One of the French asked the officer if he
spoke French, and being answered in the affirmative, the
Frenchman explained all truthfully as above quoted, and the
guard came off second best. The magistrate, when in
possession of the true facts, had the whole of the guard
placed in irons, and sent back under escort whence they
came.
We had then a fresh escort, commanded by an officer, but
were deprived of our sticks for the remainder of the march,
as they considered us dangerous even with that weapon. The
weather was now getting more severe every day, which
contributed a great deal to our hardships, having often to
face a blinding, drifting snow all day, and then lie down in
our frozen clothing. We still continued to receive great
kindness from the better class of Russians. In due course we
arrived in Veronidge, a distance of 1,500 miles from
Sebastopol. We remained here until our exchange took place.
We were all located in a large house expressly taken for our
quarters. A guard mounted daily over us, and we were allowed
our liberty through the town, but had to be in our quarters
at night. We had no work to do, and the gentlefolk of
Veronidge vied with each other in having us at their homes
to eat and sup with them. I must say that we were very
comfortable here until bed time came. We had no bedding of
any sort except a little straw, and our clothing was
nothing but a bundle of rags. We were not very long here
before we were supplied with a good suit of uniform by our
countrmen, residents in Russia. The clothing was nearly a
_fac-simile_ of our own. Our men now looked quite smart with
this new rig-out, and the inhabitants of the town seemed to
admire us. We were not long before each of us had his
sweetheart. After a time another party of English prisoners
arrived, men who had recovered from sickness, who had been
left behind on the road. Of course we must repair to a
public-house to have a meeting glass. It was night time when
four of us went in to enjoy ourselves, all peaceably
inclined. We found the house full of Russian soldiers. We
had only partaken of one glass when they insulted and struck
us, but the white feather was not to be shown here any more
than on former occasions, no matter what their strength
might be. As soon as the Russians commenced the disturbance
one of our men extinguished the lights: this added greatly
to our advantage, as the enemy were numerous, and pitched
into each other in the darkness. Our small party being equal
to the occasion, one of them broke up a sleigh (a cart
without wheels). I got possession of a portion of this and
my comrades the remainder, which we used in good style, and
soon cleared the house; upon our opponents gaining the
street others quickly came to their assistance. One of them
made a thrust at me with a sword. I warded it off my head,
but received a wound in the right hand. The fellow who
delivered the cut the next moment was biting the dust. I was
as unfortunate here as at Inkermann--was taken prisoner, and
conveyed to the police-station, covered with blood from my
own wound, as well as that of our adversaries. Next morning
I looked much like a man just coming out of a
slaughter-yard. I was taken before the magistrates just as I
was, not being allowed to wash. The court was well filled
with military officers. I had not the slightest knowledge
what the charge preferred against me was, being ignorant of
their language. The magistrate believed every word of the
witnesses against me, left his seat on the bench, came
forward to me, and was in the act of slapping my face (a
usual custom with their own prisoners), when I at once
placed myself in position to resist it (a fighting attitude,
English style). This took the old gentleman by surprise, and
set the whole court in roars of laughter, the military
officers in particular. He retired a few paces, cursing and
swearing at me, and again came forward to strike me. I again
placed myself in defence; the laughter was greater than
before. He never expected this from a prisoner. He had been
used to despotic authority with his own people. He
immediately sentenced me to seven days' imprisonment with
black bread and water, and 500 lashes at the expiration of
my imprisonment. I had done six days of it, when,
fortunately for me, a General Officer was sent from the
Emperor Nicholas to visit the prisoners, and to ascertain if
we were treated according to his instructions. I was brought
out of my cell to muster with the remainder, to show the
number the authorities were issuing pay for. There is no
trust to be placed in any Russian in authority; they rob
each other from the highest to the lowest. This state of
things is pretty well known, but through their despotic laws
cannot be stopped. (The Emperor Nicholas once said to an
English nobleman, he believed he was the only honest man in
Russia.) The General asked us several questions as to the
amount of pay we received, and if we received it regularly,
and how we were treated by the authorities. I took a pace to
my front and saluted him in English military style, which
took his fancy, as the salute of the Russian soldier is to
stand cap in hand when addressing an officer. I asked him if
he would allow me to have a word or two with him, which was
at once granted. I explained what had occurred, and how I
was treated by the very gentleman standing by his side, and
also the sentence he passed upon me, that I had one day more
to finish my confinement on black bread and water, when I
should receive the corporal punishment of 500 lashes. The
officer seemed delighted with my explanation, and the
straightforward manner in which I told him everything. He at
once placed his hand on my shoulder, and said, "You are a
fine fellow, you are a good soldier; I remit the remainder
of your punishment; you are released, join your comrades." I
have not the slightest doubt that the 500 lashes would have
killed me. This is one instance of the severity of their
despotic laws.
One day on going to the bazaar, or market, with a comrade of
my own regiment, we had to pass through a large square, and
in this were mustered 15,000 men, new levies to join the
army in the Crimea. Clergymen were present blessing their
new colours, and also giving them their blessing previous to
marching. One of the soldiers saluted my comrade with the
compliments of the day, which he politely returned. Another
of them deliberately spit in his face, calling him an
"English dog." The words were hardly uttered by him when my
comrade, a powerfully built man, knocked the fellow down
like a bullock in their midst. We were instantly surrounded
by numbers of them, and would soon have been made short work
of only for the timely interference of an officer, who had
witnessed the whole. This officer, with sword drawn, stepped
in between us and them, and ordered them to stand back and
clear the way for us to pass, saying at the same time to my
comrade (malidates), "You are a fine fellow." Instances like
this show plainly, no matter how British soldiers are
situated, that indomitable pluck cannot be stamped out of
them. During our stay in Veronidge a police officer was
appointed our paymaster. He was very irregular in issuing
our pay or allowance. On one occasion he left us fourteen
days in arrear. The consequence was we were in distress. We
all marched in military order to his quarters and formed in
line in front of his house. When he observed us he made his
appearance at his front door, enquiring our business there,
and came forward towards the right of the line. A tall,
powerfully built Irishman, belonging to the 4th R. I.
Dragoon Guards, stood on the extreme right, seemingly taking
very little notice of what was going on, as we had appointed
one to make our complaint. He walked straight up to this
dragoon, and gave him a slap in the face. The blow was no
sooner delivered than the dragoon returned the compliment
with a straight one from the shoulder. He fell as if he had
a kick from a horse. In an instant a number of police rushed
forward to arrest the dragoon, but we were equal to the
occasion, and would not allow him to be arrested. This
caused the affair to be officially reported and duly
investigated, when it was proved the police officer was at
fault. They cancelled his appointment, and severely
reprimanded him; and also issued a ukase (a special order
from the Czar) that no Russian officer was in future to
attempt to strike an English soldier, as it was not a custom
in the English army for officers to strike their men; and
the Russian officer that struck an Englishman must put up
with the consequence. This order had the desired effect, for
they never attempted it after this. The daily papers took it
up, it ran thus, "the French are too polite to kick up a
row, the Turks too frightened, but the English are neither
one or the other. Whenever they think they are insulted or
imposed upon, they resent it in grand style, no matter the
odds against them." We were informed by an English gentleman
of an occurrence that took place in St. Petersburg, with one
of our officers, a prisoner of war, who was in company with
a Russian gentleman of rank, walking in the streets, when he
was met by a Russian noble, who grossly insulted him, and
spit in his face. It was at once resented in true English
style; our officer's friend made it known to the Czar, who
had this brave noble summoned before him. The Czar said, "I
am informed you very much dislike the English, that you have
already given proof of the same, by insulting an English
officer and gentleman. I require such people as you; you
shall have a good opportunity of giving vent to your
dislike, you will be deprived of rank, all your property
confiscated, and join immediately our army at Sebastopol, as
a private soldier." This is another instance of their
despotic laws. We might well say, "O! England with all thy
faults I love thee still." After a few months stay at
Veronidge, we were visited a second time by an officer of
rank from St. Petersburg. He informed us that our exchange
had been arranged, and that we should start next day for
Odessa. The names of all the prisoners were called over, and
those cowardly ruffians called deserters, separated from the
men lawfully taken in action. Addressing the latter, he
said, "I am commissioned by our Government to inform you,
that any who wish to remain can do so; all who remain in our
country will receive two years' pay at the same rate as you
receive now, a piece of ground will be given you, and house
rent free for your lives; should you marry and have children
they will be all free subjects of Russia." After coaxing us
a little time, he said, "Step to the front all who wish to
remain in Russia." I am proud to say not a man embraced the
offer. He next addressed the deserters, informing them that
they were at liberty to return to their own people. At the
same time he reminded them of the severity of the English
martial law against deserters. "It is death, as no doubt you
are aware. When peace is settled, you will be sent to some
country where your own language is spoken; you will not be
allowed to remain in Russia; you are traitors to your own
country, and no ornament to ours." Two of the deserters
stepped to the front, and expressed a wish to return to
their own army. He again reminded them of the consequence.
One man said he did not care, that he would sooner be blown
away from the guns of his own army than stay a day longer in
their d----d country. The other man was of the same opinion.
These two men returned with us, and strange to say neither
of them were deserters, but out of their lines skirmishing
for grog, lost their way and got nabbed by the enemy's
outposts, but through some mistake of the Russians were
returned as deserters. The punishment awarded them was, on
rejoining, to forfeit their pay and service whilst in the
hands of the Russians. We did not march this time, but were
conveyed in cars covering from ninety to one hundred miles
per diem, changing horses every twenty-five miles. We were
not long before we arrived at Odessa; there were ninety of
us all told, but only fifty fighting men, the remainder
being camp followers. But the crafty Muscovite returned them
all as English soldiers and exchanged as such. We had to
remain a few days in Odessa for a ship to receive us. One
morning whilst there, the combined fleets of England and
France assembled before the town, and a small steamer with a
flag of truce put off from the fleet. She was met by one
from Odessa also bearing a truce; this was to give notice to
the authorities that the Allied fleets would open fire on
the town next morning. When this information was announced
to the inhabitants, I never shall forget the confusion that
followed, old and young, rich and poor, male and female,
carrying their movable property inland, out of the range of
fire. The whole town was lighted up with torch lights, to
enable the soldiers and press-gang to erect barricades in
the streets. The authorities at Odessa at once wired to
Kinburn for assistance. A strong force was at once put in
motion from that garrison, which was three days' march from
the threatened town. Next morning not a ship of war was to
be seen; all disappeared during the night. The force from
Kinburn had just got half way when the bombarding of that
town could be distinctly heard. This was a capital game of
war-chess by the Allied fleets. They had no intention of
bombarding Odessa from the first, British and French capital
being largely invested there, but it had the desired effect
of weakening the Kinburn garrison. After bombarding the
forts in grand style for a couple of hours, troops were
landed and the garrison surrendered. Next day the Agamemnon
came to Odessa for us in all the majesty of war, when we
were duly handed over, and right royally did these Trafalgar
Lambs and Nile Chickens treat us. She at once steamed off to
Kemish Bay and landed us, where we were directed to find our
respective regiments, and once more faced the enemy till the
conclusion of the war. I need hardly say we got a warm
reception from all ranks on rejoining from those who had
escaped the carnage of war during our absence from the
front.
JAMES WALSH,
Sergeant, 7th Royal Fusiliers.
AWFUL EXPLOSION IN THE CAMP.
LIEUT. HOPE AND THE 7TH FUSILIERS.
But I must proceed. We were, as I have said, now very comfortable. Sir
W. Codrington, the former commander of the First Brigade of the Light
Division, was appointed our Commander-in-chief in the beginning of
November, 1855. Sir William had no sooner assumed the command than a
terrible catastrophe occurred, that for a time threatened to destroy the
whole of the old Light Division. About 3·30 p.m. on the 14th November,
our camp was startled by a terrible explosion close to the Fusiliers'
Hospital. We could not conceive what was up, but all at once, shot,
shell, grape, canister, &c., were sent flying in all directions. One of
the principal magazines in the French artillery park, just in rear of
us, had exploded. Some hundreds of guns that had been captured from the
enemy--some loaded with shot, some with shell, some with grape, and
pointed in all directions--had been fired by the heat or the concussion,
sending death and destruction all around for upwards of a mile. Wounded
men were killed as they lay, and others wounded again. Some 500 shell
were up in the air at one time, and about 60,000 ball cartridges were
flying about the camp like hail. Huts were smashed to pieces and tents
blown into the air. A number of poor fellows were so shattered that we
could not tell who they were, or what regiment they belonged to. Our
Allies suffered heavily. Their loss was 19 officers, and nearly 400
non-commissioned officers and men killed and wounded. Our loss, in a few
seconds, was 5 officers and 116 non-commissioned officers and men. It
was truly a horrible scene--men going about with baskets or skeps,
picking up the remains of their comrades who had been blown to atoms.
But, even in the midst of all this, men could be found ready to face
almost certain death. A large windmill close by had been converted into
a powder magazine by our people. Close upon 200 tons of powder and other
explosives were lodged in it; the roof, doors, and windows were blown
in, and the contents thus exposed, with tons of powder going off, and
hundreds of rockets flying in all directions. The peril was imminent.
Had one spark dropped into the mill, or had one of the fiery rockets
fallen or burnt into it, another explosion would have ensued, and all
within a radius of at least half a mile must have been destroyed. In the
midst of the excitement, General Straubenzee exclaimed: "If the mill
goes up, all is lost." Then, he called, in a voice of thunder, for
volunteers from the 7th Royal Fusiliers, for an enterprise more
hazardous than a forlorn hope--to climb the walls of the powder mill,
and to cover it with tarpaulins and wet blankets. "It must be done, or
all is lost!" Lieutenant Hope, and 25 men of the Fusiliers, immediately
stepped to the front, and the gallant Lieutenant led his Fusiliers up to
the top of the mill and covered it; while another party, consisting of
men of the 34th regiment, the 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade, and
Artillerymen, courageously volunteered to block up the doors and windows
with sandbags. Lieutenant Hope was presented with the Victoria Cross for
his conduct,--and he deserved it. But surely every man of that noble
band ought to have had something, if not the Cross! Had the mill gone
up, our hospital, huts, and marquees, would have been destroyed, with
every wounded and unwounded man in or near them, as we were only about
300 yards from the scene. As it was, we lost several men in killed and
wounded, and would probably have lost many more, but for the fact that
the greater portion were out on fatigue some three miles away. One man
who has within the last few years made himself famous was dangerously
wounded that day--Lieutenant F. C. Roberts, now Lieutenant General Sir
F. C. Roberts, V.C. Thank God, I escaped once more, although it seemed
as if all would have been destroyed. Our camping ground was covered with
fragments of shell, and musket balls lay about in thousands. The hut
that I should most likely have been in, had I not been in hospital, was
blown to pieces with shell, the only man in it being dangerously
wounded.
* * * * *
Once more I wrote home as follows:--
Camp before the Ruins of Sebastopol,
26th December, 1855.
My Dear Parents,
Just a few lines from this cold, bleak corner once more. I
am happy to inform you that, thanks to the good people at
home, we had a good day yesterday; Christmas was kept up in
camp in grand style, with plenty of good beef and pudding,
and a good fire or two in our huts; the day passed off very
comfortably, the only drawback being that both the geese
intended for my sub-division of the company, were walked off
with by some hungry Frenchman--the Zouaves got the credit of
it. I for one hope they did them good, as we had plenty to
eat without them. It's bitterly cold, but we have all got
plenty of warm clothing and waterproofs, and can almost bid
defiance even to a Crimean winter. If last year we had only
had half what we now have, many an aching heart at home
would be rejoicing, for men whose bones are now rotting in
the valley of Death, would most likely have been with us.
Our men look well and cheerful. We have got all sorts of
things out of the town, and are making ourselves quite at
home; the enemy treat us now and again to a long ranger,
just to let us know, I suppose, that we did not kill them
all on the 8th September. I have done no duty yet, am still
convalescent, my arm is in a sling and so is my head, but I
am happy to inform you that I am getting on capitally, I
must not walk about much, as it's so slippery. There is any
amount of life in the camp, and plenty of books to read; a
great number of the men who have been wounded keep returning
to their duty, and I do believe in the spring we shall march
to the north side the Russians to bleed, that is, if they do
not get out of the way. Our men are kept well in exercise,
marching out two or three times a week, from ten to fifteen
miles at a time; it would amuse you or any one else, to see
our men returning to camp with icicles, some of them six or
seven inches long, hanging to their beards and moustaches,
but yet we have capital health. I have had two or three
attempts at this letter. I hope you will be able to make out
this scrawl. My hand, I am sorry to inform you, is very
painful just now; the wounds in my head are rapidly healing.
I hope you will not forget me at the Throne of Grace. I must
now conclude,
Believe me ever, Dear Parents,
Your affectionate Son,
T. GOWING,
Sergeant, Royal Fusiliers.
A FEW FACTS.
The following facts may be of interest. According to the statement of
one in high position just after the war was over, Russia lost
half-a-million of men by sword, sickness, and fatigue, in forced marches
through the inhospitable regions they had to traverse. The expense of
the war that England had to bear, up to February, 1856, exceeded sixty
millions sterling; the British had to convey nearly the whole of the
French and Sardinian Armies to and fro, and nearly 400,000 tons of
military stores. Without our transports our Allies would have been
powerless--and yet our own men were dying like rotten sheep for the want
of a few tents! The Turks might well say afterwards that our Government
looked to others and forgot their own! It was not the fault of the
Government, but there was a great deal too much red tape. If men were
dying by wholesale, and the requisition for stores or necessaries was
not properly made out, or in accordance with some intricate form that
some old maid had been driven nearly mad in trying to bring out during
the forty years' peace, the articles, it mattered not what they were,
could not be had; "the return was incorrectly filled up," the men that
would go anywhere and do any thing might die! The cold was so bitter
that one could hardly feel the pen, but the return must be correct or no
stores would be sent! Thousands of tons of food, clothing, blankets, and
everything that could be thought of by a kind-hearted people at home,
were, as I have stated in an earlier chapter, lying rotting at
Balaclava, and could not be brought up to the front, for the want of a
few hundred mules, that could be procured in Asia Minor and elsewhere
for about £5 each. But I will leave this painful subject, as the deeper
we go into it, the more offensive it becomes.
AFTER THE PEACE.