MAORI MANNERS.
III.
Half-breeds, or Anglo-Maori men and women, form no inconsiderable
section of the native community. Some have said of them, that
they inherit the vices of both their parents, and the virtues of
neither, but I cannot say that my own observation goes to support
such a sweeping allegation. I have had some good friends among the
Anglo-Maori, and never noticed any predominant vice in their character
at all.
In complexion and general appearance, the Anglo-Maori resemble
Spaniards or Italians, though they possess more or less marked traits
of either the English or the Maori blood that mixes in their veins.
Their physique is usually good, though they incline to slenderness
and delicacy. They are by no means to be stigmatized as idle, but
their capacity for work seems less than that of either parent. They
lack the shrewdness of the Maori, and have not the mental power of
the Anglo-Saxon. When a half-breed is bad, he seems to be wholly so,
without any redeeming good qualities.
The Anglo-Maori women are nearly all very graceful and good-looking.
There are some among them that are only to be described in the
strongest language, as exceedingly beautiful. I have met a voluptuous
beauty of this mixed race, an educated and fashionable lady, whose rare
and exquisite loveliness might have made her the cause and heroine of
another Trojan war. Once I knew one who possessed the most magnificent
hair I ever expect to see.
We were playing croquet, I remember, some half a dozen people. The
ladies had been bathing, I think; at any rate, they wore their hair
flowing loose. I never saw anything like it. She, my partner in the
game, had a complete mantle of dark-brown silky tresses. Her hair
fell in volumes round her, and actually trailed on the ground when
she stood upright. What an advertisement she would have been for a
"hair-restorer!"
You know that at croquet one sometimes kneels to place the balls at a
lady's feet, in order that she may have them in proper position for
striking. That envious wind! It would blow my partner's beautiful
long hair about. And, when performing that kneeling operation, the
hair _would_ come fluttering about one, and getting entangled round
one's neck somehow. And then, dark tender eyes would look down with a
sweep of velvety lashes, and gaze mockingly through the silky meshes of
unruly floating hair, and one would be asked in caressing tones—
"Oh, dear! I'm afraid I've caught you! Have I, really?"
That game was a dreadfully embarrassing one, yet quite too delicious
and delightfully utter.
Anglo-Maori may be said to be divided into two distinct classes—those
whose education has been chiefly or altogether English, and those who
have "tumbled up" in the kainga, in all respects like Maori. The first
are very much the fewest. A small number have been thoroughly well
educated, perhaps in Sydney or in England, and are in all respects
ladies and gentlemen of the English pattern. Some of these ladies
have married well, into the best Australian or English society. I am
told that two or three have even secured titles. Their beauty and
sprightliness would cause them to be an ornament to any society. But
the bulk of the Anglo-Maori are more like my friend Henere Tangiao,
not appreciably different from the pure Maori among whom their lot is
cast, save in a more Caucasian physique and a lighter complexion.
Intermarriage between the races is generally considered to be a very
good and desirable thing by the Maori. Not that they hold themselves
in any degree inferior to the Pakeha, or think a Maori girl elevated
by wedding one; but they are aware of their own coming extinction as a
race, and they think that intermarriage might serve to perpetuate Maori
blood. It will be remembered that our native neighbours in the Kaipara
are strongly inclined to this view.
Settlers look upon mixed marriages with different feelings. I think
that most of us are in favour of them theoretically, but perhaps a less
number care to regard them from a nearer point of view. There are some,
of course, who are violently opposed to them in any case. But there is
here none of that _caste_ feeling which prevails in India against the
Eurasians, or in America and the West Indies against negro admixture.
Nearly all such alliances have been between Pakeha men and Maori women.
There have been instances of Englishwomen marrying men of the other
race, but they have been very rare, nor do I recollect any such case
myself. An Englishwoman, even of the lowest class, would find it
difficult to reconcile herself to the life of the wharè and to the
abject servitude, which is the lot of even the helpmate of an ariki.
The condition in which they keep their wives is even yet little better
than it used to be in former days. Moreover, there would always be the
fear of polygamy.
Polygamy is not often met with now among the Maori, yet it is not
entirely extinct, though it has become somewhat unofficial in kind. The
missionaries set their faces against it from the very first, and made
the putting away of his superfluous wives the condition of a convert's
acceptance for baptism. They seem, indeed, to have carried their
opposition to polygamy to rather too great a length, forgetting that a
new phase of thought, when it operates practically, should be a gradual
growth, if its effect is to be deep and permanent.
Under the first strong influence of conversion the Maori readily gave
in to missionary insistence in this matter; but after awhile the old
habit reconquered them. Then came individual relapses into barbarism,
individual antagonism with the missionaries, and much division and
heart-burning. It would have been better, in my humble opinion, to
have ignored polygamy, or at least not to have pointed at it so
particularly. It would have been better to have allowed things to
remain as they were, in this respect, and to have relied on bringing
up the young generations to the Christian observance of matrimony.
Indeed, some few missionaries did adopt a line of action something like
this, and found it the wisest in the long run.
By-and-by, the Maori began to seriously argue the matter. They took
their Bibles, which they had been taught to regard as the standard of
right and wrong, and asked the missionaries to show them where polygamy
was forbidden. Nay, was it not divinely sanctioned in many parts of the
Old Testament?
The Maori is naturally an acute reasoner and casuist, and those
missionaries who stood out so emphatically against polygamy now
found themselves worsted on their own ground. The arguments that
have prevailed throughout Christendom in favour of monogamy were not
accepted by the Maori. They wanted direct Biblical ordinance, and as
that was not forthcoming they assumed that polygamy was lawful, or, at
least, some of them chose to do so. Then there was great joy. There
were marriages and giving in marriage, after the good old custom.
Probably, this controversy on the matrimonial question was one of the
causes that afterwards eventuated in Hau-hau.
In these days polygamy is very rare, chiefly because the men outnumber
the women, and because Maori find it expedient to conform to Pakeha
custom. I visited a hapu once, whose chief had three wives; but he was
an earnest Christian—_à la Maori_. He held prayers morning and evening
in front of his wharè, at which all the people of the kainga attended.
He conducted a long and lugubrious service every Sunday, expounding the
Scriptures and preaching like a Spurgeon. He kept the Sabbath rigidly
sacred, and interlarded his conversation with texts. Altogether he was
a model man, never getting drunk except when he visited the township,
never cheating anybody unless he was doing business with him.
_Bonâ-fide_ marriages between white men and Maori women are seldomer
contracted now than they used to be. I knew a man whose Maori bride
brought him ten thousand acres of rich land as a dowry. She was a
delicious little brown innocent, just such another as Mrs. Tangiao.
Another man I knew married a Maori girl out of gratitude, she having
saved his life from her own people in the early warlike days. She had
acted towards him in a similar way to that in which Rahab of Jericho
did to the Hebrew spies.
Alliances of a less enduring kind than these are matters of not
infrequent occurrence. I have hinted at the hospitable customs of the
primitive kainga, and the peculiar freedom, in certain respects, of
unmarried Maori girls. It is not necessary to say any more on that
head, I think. In justice to the race, it is only fair to say, that no
more faithful or virtuous _wife_ exists than a Maori one. Derelictions
of conjugal duty both were and are very rarely known, in spite of
somewhat arbitrary match-making. Such are a heinous crime in Maori eyes.
There are certain drawbacks that are apt to mar the conjugal felicity
of the Pakeha who weds a Maori. He is received as a member of the hapu
from which he has selected his bride, and is looked upon by all Maori
as being in a closer relationship to them than other Pakeha. This adds
other inconveniences to those arising from your wife's predilection for
squatting on the drawing-room floor and smoking her pipe; her careless
_negligé_ in dress, except on state occasions; and her many little
delightful and eccentric propensities. For, you have married not only
your wife, but also all her relations and kindred.
They will visit you, twenty or thirty at a time, and stop a week or
longer. They will slaughter your pigs and sheep, dig up your potatoes
and kumera, and feed freely upon them. Your grocery bill will attain
to frightful proportions; and the friendly mob will camp all over
the house, just how and where it pleases them. If you resent these
proceedings, your wife will cry and upbraid you, and might even desert
you altogether, while the hapu would look upon it as the deadliest
insult. As a _per contra_, your wife's tribe will stand by you in all
difficulties and dangers. They will fight for you with pleasure, will
die for you and with you if required; and a slight put upon you by
anybody whatsoever, is put upon the tribe in equal degree.
You may cajole these ladies and gentlemen into helping you with any
work that is going forward, but the perquisites they will take to
themselves will be safe to ruin you. You may return their visits,
as much as you like, but that will not reimburse you much. All that
remains to you to do is to sell your land, and to remove to some
distant part of the country, where there are no Maori. You must, in
such a case, carefully prepare some artful and specious tale to satisfy
your numerous relations-in-law, and mitigate their grief at losing you.
Lastly, you must not take your wife out of New Zealand, for she will
pine, and possibly die, if you do.
Although the old Maori are commonly spoken of as savages, they
certainly did possess a degree of civilization of their own. They had
a traditional history, a well-defined mythology, a code of laws based
on the tapu, a perfect tribal organization, industries and arts of no
mean kind. Among them were men, renowned long after their death in song
and story, as great statesmen, warriors, poets, artists, and so on.
Their dwellings are of simple construction, but they are superior to
Irish cabins by a long way. Many of them were extravagantly decorated
with carvings and ornaments. The fortified pa were planned with
surprising engineering skill, and could be defended against English
troops. Even where artillery was brought against the pa, the earthworks
made the siege no light work. Sometimes our troops were actually
repulsed from before these forts, as at Ohaeawae and Okaehau.
The Maori cultivations were often extensive, though, before the coming
of Captain Cook, the articles cultivated were not of great variety.
Taro, the farinaceous bulb of an arum; Kumera, the tuber of a species
of convolvulus; and Hue, the calabash or gourd, were the crops; to
which Cook and those who came after him added potatoes, maize, wheat,
oats and barley, turnips, cabbages, peas, beans, fruit-trees, and many
other things, which were sedulously grown and spread among their tribes
by the Maori.
In many ways the Maori proved their patient and careful industry.
They made for themselves tools of all kinds—axes, adzes, chisels,
knives—out of flint and jade, shells and shark's-teeth; and they
also contrived various formidable weapons. Many of these articles are
accurately curved and shaped, polished and carved. With tools of this
nature the Maori levelled the gigantic kauri pine, and cut from its
trunk the ponderous waka-taua, or war-canoe; cut and shaped with an
accuracy that would stand the test of nice geometrical instruments.
The war-canoes were fitted with richly carved prows, stern-posts, and
side-pieces, often inlaid with shells and greenstone. They were sixty
or seventy feet in length; and would hold over a hundred men. With
forty or fifty paddles on a side, one of these canoes could be driven
through the water with all the velocity of a steam-ram or racing skiff.
Not only canoes, but also the fronts of dwelling and council-houses
were adorned with elaborate workmanship. Then there was a kind of
wooden statuary, which was set up in kainga and wahi-tapu; and there
were picture-writings cut upon rocks and trees. Weapons, tools,
personal ornaments, tiki—or image-amulets—and so forth, showed
very great care and cleverness in design. The ornamentation was very
intricate, was finished off with surprising nicety, and was executed
in a style that cannot but excite our wonder. For, it is to be
recollected, that the Maori possessed no metal tools or instruments.
Grotesque and curious as is Maori sculpture, it yet clearly evidences
some artistic leanings. There was doubtless some sort of Society of
Arts among the tribes. For, certain men or women, peculiarly skillful
in some special particular, became persons of great renown throughout
the land, and their services were sought after by favour, force, and
fraud.
The highest branch of art, or, at least, what was esteemed to be such,
was the Maori heraldry, and its emblazonment upon the living skin.
Artists skilled in this making of the moku—tattooers, as we Pakeha
call them—were tremendous dignitaries. Their talents were a gift, were
held to be genius, and no means were hesitated at which could secure
one of these persons to a tribe. Battles were fought for them, and
poetical biographies of some of them are even yet current. Such was the
Art-cultus of the Maori.
In pursuing the subject of ancient Maori civilization, there are many
points worthy of note. Dress is one of these. Although the Maori were
accustomed to walk about completely naked—save and except the moku on
their face, chest, and thighs—yet they had garments that were always
donned on state occasions, at night, and when the weather was cold.
Of course they had no idea of indecency, and, indeed, have only a
forced and artificial sense of it now. Naked as they were in person,
they were still more natural in mind, and this quality is still
notably apparent. It is not possible for a Maori to talk for five
minutes without uttering words, metaphors, and allusions, that to us
convey the most revolting and shocking notions, though the speaker is
entirely unconscious of anything but the simplest matter of fact. The
language, as colloquially used, is full of stumbling blocks to English
refinement, and it is for this reason, doubtless, that few settlers'
wives and daughters learn it at all, even though they may be living in
the midst of Maori.
The garments of the Maori consisted of a breech-clout and a toga, made
principally from phormium fibre. I have called the chief universal
garment a _toga_, instead of giving it the ordinary designation of
"mat," or "blanket," because it was worn after the manner of the old
Roman toga; and, though a heavy, bundling kind of dress, it gave a
certain sort of dignity to the wearer. These two articles were all the
garments proper, but several ornaments were added to them. A kind of
helmet was occasionally worn; and sandals were used by persons with
delicate feet, when walking over rough ground.
The mats were made in considerable variety, of dog-skins, and of
flax-fibre. Some were very elaborate and adorned with fringes, tassels,
and embroidery, being dyed of various colours. Some, made from a
choice species of phormium, were soft and silky. Into the threads of
others were woven feathers of the kiwi and other birds. These two last
kinds were highly prized.
The whole process of making the simplest of these dresses shows a
degree of patient, industrial enterprise, highly creditable to the
operators. First of all, the flax (_Phormium tenax_) was gathered,
dried, macerated, beaten, and the fibre picked out with the fingers,
combed, bleached, and otherwise prepared. By these arduous and
laborious processes it was entirely freed from the gum which permeates
the leaf, and could be wound into thread of various degrees of
fineness. That accomplished, it was woven into cloth, upon a frame
of wooden pins stuck into the ground. Fringes and embroidery were
manufactured with the simplest possible appliances, and the juice of
sundry trees, plants, and berries, yielded good dyes of different hues.
The kaitaka, a toga with a silky gloss and texture, was very highly
esteemed; but a still rarer and most valuable garment was the Weweru
mo te huru kiwi, or toga of kiwi's feathers. This was an ample robe of
woven flax, upon the outside of which were the feathers. Now, as each
feather of the kiwi is about two or three inches long, and only a line
or so in breadth—more like a coarse hair than any other feather, in
fact—and as each feather was separately worked into the texture of
the flax, and as these feathers were so plentifully disposed upon the
mat as to give it the appearance of thick fur, some idea may be gained
of the prodigious labour involved in making such a toga, from first to
last.
The commonest and coarsest mat took a woman six months to make; the
kaitaka took much longer; while the feather robe occupied the exclusive
time of several women for a period of two or three years. But then, it
was a grand property, lasting not only a lifetime, but capable of being
handed down from generation to generation. It was quite impervious to
rain or wind, and though somewhat bulky, was of light weight. Besides
these, a chief prized his robe of long-haired white and yellow dogskins.
There was another kind of closely-woven dress, te pukaha, which
served as defensive armour against javelins and lances, before the
introduction of muskets. There were various differences of make,
indicating a species of sumptuary law; but all the dresses, of men and
women, of chiefs and slaves, had the same common characteristics.
The Maori neither are nor were at any time pinched for food. An
erroneous impression has gone abroad that their cannibalism was the
result of a lack of anything else to eat. This is a totally wrong
idea, as I had occasion to point out in a former chapter, when speaking
as to the causes which are bringing about the extinction of the race.
The act of cannibalism was a part of the system of warfare; it was the
last outrage upon an always detested foeman; the utmost indignity that
revenge could heap upon the enemy. Although, in the earlier part of
this century, no less than fifteen hundred prisoners of war were killed
and eaten at a single feast by Hongi and his army, and six hundred
on another occasion, yet the last authenticated act of cannibalism
took place in 1843; and, nowadays, Maori rather avoid allusion to the
subject. But it was only the prisoners of war who were eaten, and that
usually just after the battle, before the heat and intoxication of the
conquerors' spirits had evaporated. They never ate human flesh at other
times, and prisoners whose lives were spared became slaves—an easy
kind of slavery it was, too.
In the primitive times, should the crops of a hapu fail them, or become
too soon exhausted, there was always fish in the rivers and fern-root
in the valleys, so that, however "hard up" a man might be, he would
not need to starve very long. Though the moa was probably very scarce,
if not entirely extinct, towards the beginning of this century, yet
the bush abounded with birds that the Maori knew well how to catch.
Pigeons, nestors, parrots, rail, kiwi, swamp-fowl, water-fowl, owls,
parson-birds, all these and more were eaten; while the native dogs and
rats were held to be great dainties. The former were bred in numbers,
and were fattened up for food, and their skins were highly valued for
togas and mantles. An elaborate code of ceremonies, songs, and customs
are connected with rat-hunting, showing that rats were so numerous as
to be no inconsiderable part of the food supply.
Then there were certain grubs and insects that were held to be delicate
morsels. The loathsome larva of the weta, a large white grub, is
speared on a stick, toasted at the fire, and eaten with a silent
rapture that my pen could only feebly pourtray.
In the bays and tidal rivers are the mango or sharks—the most
highly-prized food-fish—the tamure or schnapper, the whapuka or
rock-cod, the kahawai or mackerel, the porahi or herring, the kanae
or mullet, the patiki or sole, and many others. On the shores are
oysters, mussels, cockles, mutton-fish, crabs, and other shell-fish in
profuse abundance. In the fresh-water creeks are eels (tuna), lampreys
(pipiharau), and whitebait (inanga).
Among indigenous vegetable productions came first the universal
fern-root (_Pteris esculenta_), which was cooked in various ways
and made into a kind of bread. Then there was the tap-root of the
cabbage-tree palm, yielding a highly farinaceous food when baked; the
pith or young shoot of the nikau; the root of the toi; the root of the
raupo, and the pollen of the same plant made into bread; the berries of
hinau, similarly treated; the flower and fruit of kiekie or tawhera;
a species of seaweed boiled with the juice of tupakihi berries, and
forming a nutritious jelly; some orchids, green spinach, cresses, and
fungi; the inner stems of mamaku or tree-fern; the berries of poroporo,
tawa-tawa, koraka, kahi katea, rimu, and other trees.
The expressed juice of the tupakihi berry is called by the Maori
tutu. It is a pleasantly insipid drink when fresh made, but appears
to undergo a slight fermentation when allowed to stand some time, and
when mixed with some other ingredient. The seeds are always carefully
eliminated from this preparation, as they contain a dangerous narcotic
principle. The old Maori say, that in ancient times, before going
into battle, they used to eat taro to make them strong and enduring,
shark-meat to make them ferocious, and used to drink tutu to make them
brave and unflinching.
The Maori cooking operations were, in former times, always performed by
women and slaves; now, though women are invariably the cooks in the
kainga, yet no man considers it beneath him to prepare his own food
when obliged to do so. Most of the old methods of cooking have fallen
very much into disuse, since the modern Maori possess kettles, iron
camp-ovens, billies, and other Pakeha appliances; but still, in remote
spots, one may come across a relic of the olden time.
The only method of boiling formerly employed was by dropping heated
stones into the water contained in a calabash or rind of the hue.
Expert as they were in this process, it was still a rather toilsome
and ineffective one, and in these days of kettles and pans it is never
returned to. Fish and meat were frequently roasted on the clear side
of the fire in the ordinary hunters' fashion, but the great national
culinary institution was the earth-oven, the kopa or hangi.
A pit was dug in the ground, one foot or more in depth, and suited in
size to the quantity of provisions to be cooked. In this hole a fire
was built, completely filling it, and in the fire a number of pebble
stones were heated. When the fire had reached a proper heat it was
entirely raked out of the pit. A layer of the red-hot stones was laid
along the bottom, by means of improvised tongs of green wood, and these
were carefully and quickly covered with certain green leaves. Then the
pork or fish or potatoes, previously washed, cleaned, and wrapped up in
green flax, were put into the hangi; a quantity of the red-hot stones
were put over and round it; water was poured over the whole; green
flax mats were hastily heaped on top and tucked in at the sides; and,
lastly, the pit was filled in with earth well stamped and beaten down.
In the course of an hour or more, according to the size of the joint,
the hangi was opened, the provisions lifted out, the wrappings
unfolded, and their contents placed in baskets of green flax, and thus
dinner was served. The steam, generated under pressure in the ovens,
was forced into every fibre of the articles cooking, so that these
were most thoroughly done. Whole pigs—and whole human bodies in the
cannibal times—are cooked in these hangi to perfection. I have eaten
meat and vegetables done in them, that could not have been better
cooked by a _chef de cuisine_ decorated with the red ribbon of _la
Légion d'honneur_.
It was one of the old customs never to eat in the living-houses.
Cooking was always performed in the open air, and usually is so still.
A rude shelter protected the fire in rainy weather; and at such times
the meal was eaten under the verandah of the wharè.
Burial customs among the old Maori were peculiar and complicated, and
differed much among various hapu. In the case of slaves and inferiors,
the bodies were thrown aside in some place where they could not be
offensive to the living, or they were hastily interred on the beach, or
somewhere in the forest.
The death of a chief, or rangatira of note, was an affair of great
importance. It was announced by loud wailing and crying—the Maori idea
of grief being a noisy and demonstrative one. The corpse was washed
and painted, dressed in the finest garments and ornaments possessed
by the defunct, and laid in state in the verandah of the wharè, with
a great display of weapons and trophies of various kinds around it.
All the near relations of the deceased assembled to cry over him, and
many—particularly of the ladies of his family—gashed their faces,
breasts, and arms, with shells and obsidian knives. It was thought to
be the most decorous and decent show of mourning to have the face and
breast completely covered with the dried and clotted blood resulting
from the numerous self-inflicted gashes.
After a day or two of these ceremonies, the body was taken by the
tohunga and his assistants within the sacred grove, or wahi tapu.
There, still wrapped in his most cherished robes, with all his
ornaments, weapons, and ensigns of dignity around him, with baskets of
food to support him on his journey to the other world—and, in olden
times, with a strangled wife and slave or two—the corpse was left,
either placed in the fork of a tree, on an ornamental platform or
stage, or buried in the ground.
Meanwhile, during the progress of these ceremonies, many karakia, or
prayers, were uttered; and the multitude of friends, relations, and
followers assembled outside the wahi tapu made the air resound with
their frantic shouts and yells, with the firing of guns, and every
possible kind of noise. When the body had been thus deposited and left,
a great feast took place, something after the manner of an Irish wake.
In the course of a couple of years or so after, when the tohunga deemed
that decomposition was complete, a second series of ceremonies took
place. This was called the hahunga, or scraping of the bones. Amid
renewed wailing and weeping from the assembled friends, the bones of
the dead were collected by the tohunga. They were scraped clean with
a good deal of ceremony and karakia, were painted, garnished with
feathers, wrapped up in rich mats, and abundantly wept over. Finally,
they were deposited high up in some sacred tree, or in a fissure of the
rock, or upon an elevated stage profusely ornamented, and then they
were done with.
Many burying-places still exist, filled with these weird mementoes of
the past. Of course no Maori, however Christianized or civilized he
may be, will knowingly trespass within their limits; but Pakeha do so
frequently. Collectors of "curios" have found in these places a rich
field for treasure-seeking; but, even at the present day, and among the
most law-abiding tribes, it is by no means safe to go curio-hunting in
the old and apparently forgotten wahi tapu. The Maori are intensely
averse from allowing any stranger to penetrate these places, and if
they caught any one despoiling their dead, it would rouse a flame among
them not easily to be appeased. Certain lands upon which are situated
such sacred spots are not to be bought for love or money from their
Maori owners. Still, as the rising generation steps into the shoes of
its fathers, prejudices of this kind give way before the influence of
Pakeha gold.
Some land, in a settled district that I know well, was much sought
after a year or two ago by persons settling in the neighbourhood, it
being of particularly choice quality; but the central part of this
block being a burial-place, the old chief, who was the principal
owner, refused large offers, and would not part with an acre of the
sacred soil for any inducement that could be held out to him. Lately,
however, he died, and his young heirs were persuaded—not without much
difficulty, though—to sell the block to an English settler.
Nowadays, the burial of a man of rank is conducted upon different
principles. I witnessed the interment of a lady of high rank among
the Ngapuhi, at Waimate, which may serve to illustrate modern customs
in this respect. The deceased, though externally differing but little
from the usual dirty, repulsive-looking, and hag-like appearance of
old Maori women, was yet a personage of great note and consequence.
She was the last lineal descendant of a great chief, and possessed all
the authority of a queen or princess-absolute herself. Consequently,
when she died, the hapu—or section of the tribe—of which she was
the undisputed head resolved to celebrate the occasion with the most
gorgeous obsequies it was in their power to get up.
The body was laid in state and wailed over, but there was not much
cutting of faces done, only a sort of compromise between the old custom
and the usages of a more enlightened age—a scratch or two here and
there, made by the most conservative among the mourners. A coffin was
made, or procured, and a rich pall of black velvet and white silk
covered it. The procession then set out for Waimate, distant some eight
or ten miles from the deceased's kainga.
The coffin was borne on a litter between two horses, and the procession
was formed by several hundred mounted Maori, of both sexes and all
ages, all dressed in their best attire, some with crape scarves, but
mostly without. They proceeded in a long straggling line, the coffin
being borne along in front, and in that manner wound over the ranges
and through the bush towards the settlement and mission-church of
Waimate.
At times there was much cheerful laughter and talking in the
procession, and parties would suddenly dash out of the ranks for a
furious gallop. Then there would be a mournful wave pass over the
cavalcade, and long-drawn wails and cries of sorrow would break forth
from all. This again would alternate with sudden gaiety; and so, in
such manner, the churchyard was reached. The horses were tethered all
round the churchyard fence, and their riders, augmented by a crowd of
others who had assembled on foot, and by the whole population of the
settlement, entered the church.
The service was conducted in the ordinary manner of the Church of
England. But when the coffin was lowered into the grave, the Maori who
crowded round it appeared heart-broken with grief. Tears streamed down
every face, eyes were turned up to heaven, while sobs and moans and
clamorous wailing broke out on all sides.
A few minutes after the service was completed the sorrowing crowd
dispersed, all hastening in the direction of the village where the
funeral feast was to be held. Many of the cavaliers started off with
loud whoops, upon an exciting race at the utmost speed of their horses,
while all banished, for the time being, every semblance of grief.
I went to the kainga in the evening, as unobtrusively as possible, to
see how the feasting was conducted. Men and women sat, stood, lay,
or lounged about, clustering round the fires and ovens every now and
then to do some feeding, or laughing, chatting, smoking, and generally
enjoying themselves. But, every now and then, some one would set up a
loudly-chanted lament, and instantly all would crouch upon the ground
in a sitting posture, and, while the tears fell in abundance from
their eyes, would wail and rock themselves about in the most terrible
anguish of grief, apparently. In a minute or two this would subside,
and all would return at once, and without an effort, to their former
cheerfulness.
O'Gaygun, who had accompanied me, said that if there had only been
a fiddler present, to play _The Coina_ or _Savournah Deelish_, the
resemblance to a wake in "ould Oireland" would have been complete; for
"lashins of whiskey was goin', annyhow!"
In this manner several days and nights were spent. I am afraid to
say how many sheep and pigs were killed, how many tons of potato and
kumera, and sacks of flour, were devoured; but the total, I know,
was something prodigious. The stores at Ohaeawae and Waitangi did a
roaring trade in supplying tea, sugar, tobacco, liquor, and the other
requirements of the feasters.
There was a very singular custom prevalent among the Maori called
the moru. If a misfortune of any kind happened to a man, all his
neighbours, headed by his nearest and dearest friends, instantly came
down upon him and pillaged him of everything he possessed.
In 1827, Mr. Earle, who resided some time in New Zealand, and
afterwards published a narrative of his experiences, relates that the
houses or huts belonging to himself and his companions on Kororareka
Beach accidentally caught fire. The fire took place at a rather
critical moment, just when a number of Maori had arrived to do battle
with the Kororareka natives, who were Earle's allies. Directly the
fire broke out, both parties suspended preparations for hostilities
and rushed upon the devoted little settlement, which they pillaged of
everything that could be carried off. Earle and his party could do
nothing to prevent them, and they were thus stripped of the greater
part of their possessions, according to the custom of the moru.
A peculiarity of the Maori race is the singular power that imagination
has over them. It seems, indeed, to take practical effect, and the
suddenness with which the will can operate is not less startling than
the action so induced.
A Maori can throw himself into a transport of rage, grief, joy, or
fear, at a moment's notice. This is not acting either, it is grim
reality, as many an instance proves. For example, there is Hau-hau.
The principal manifestation in that singular new religion is the
ecstasy and excitement into which whole congregations appear to throw
themselves. There is something akin to the mesmeric phenomena in the
extraordinary gusts of feeling that sweep over a Hau-hau conventicle.
The leader works himself up first, and then the rest follow. They
shout, they scream, they roll on the ground, they weep, they groan,
and, while in this state, appear insensible to every external influence
but the strange excitement that possesses them.
Any Maori can die when he likes. He wills it, and the fact is
accomplished. He says, perhaps, "I am going to die on Wednesday next!"
and when the day comes, he really goes into the bush, lays down and
expires.
Then they can weep at will. A tangi (weeping) can be performed by
any Maori at a moment's notice. Though they are a cheerful and
laughter-loving people, they make the tangi a frequent ceremony. A
Maori will be laughing and talking in the greatest glee and high
spirits, when he is suddenly accosted by a friend of his whom he may
not have seen for some time. Instantly the two will crouch upon the
ground with faces close together, and, rocking their bodies from side
to side, wailing and sobbing, the tears will drop from their eyes and
roll down their cheeks more abundantly than most Britons would think
possible; like a shower of summer rain, in fact.
This is the ordinary mode of recognition of friends, founded, no
doubt, upon the insecurity of life that formerly prevailed. Partings
are effected in the same way; and on all occasions where grief is
really felt, or where it is considered necessary or in accordance with
etiquette to put on the semblance of grief, a tangi takes place.
Modern usage, however, following even more closely in the European
style with every succeeding generation, has rather spoilt this among
other customs. That is to say, most young Maori of the period do not
tangi unless they are really affected with the emotion of grief,
although they do not seem to have lost the power of weeping at will.
One of our neighbours, who had formed a close intimacy with the Maori
of the district, went home on a visit to England. We heard that he
intended to return in the ill-fated ship _Cospatrick_, and when the
news arrived of the terrible disaster which overtook that vessel, we
mourned our friend as among the lost.
A party of his Maori friends arrived at his farm, and held there a sort
of combined tangi and prayer-meeting. When he finally turned up, having
luckily come out in another ship, the Maori assembled from all sides,
and so warmly did they congratulate him on his safety, that they were
obliged to hold another tangi to give proper effect to their feelings.
Though there may seem to be something childlike and pleasing about this
custom theoretically, I cannot say that it is particularly agreeable in
practice or to participate in.
The old Maori method of salutation was to press the noses together.
Like many more old customs, it is now nearly quite forgotten; the
Pakeha handshaking and the Pakeha kissing having altogether superseded
it. Only once was I subjected to the nose-pressing process, which was
done to me by a very old rangatira,—our very good friend the Rev.
Tama-te-Whiti, in fact—who took that means of showing a more than
ordinary esteem for me on a certain occasion elsewhere spoken of.
In these days the Maori no longer manufacture any of their old tools,
weapons, ornaments, clothes, etc. They now buy Pakeha goods at the
stores, and prefer them to their old appliances; in fact, the latter
are becoming very scarce, since the bulk of them are eagerly bought up
by collectors as "curios." Very few of the waka-taua, or war-canoes,
are now in native possession, though, until recently, there used to be
a race of them at the Auckland regatta on Anniversary Day (January 29).
The various sorts of ordinary canoes are still plentiful enough, though
they are probably destined to disappear before very long. The Maori
do not make them now, they build or purchase boats made after the
Pakeha fashion. The old canoe is an ungainly and uncomfortable vessel,
hollowed out of the trunk of a single tree. It rides flat on the water,
and is very seaworthy, being with difficulty upset, and going as well
when full of water as when dry. The canoes are driven by slender
spear-shaped paddles, that are dug into the water, as it were; with
them a great speed can be attained, nevertheless. The ordinary canoes
will carry from a dozen to a score of persons; but some are larger,
like the war-canoes, and would hold a hundred or more, pretty tightly
packed, though.
The race at the Auckland regatta used to be an exciting sight. The
canoes, with their high, carved prows and stern-posts, were richly
decorated with all sorts of barbaric ornaments. (It was only the
waka-taua that were so furnished, ordinary canoes not having prows,
stern-posts, or bulwarks attached to them.) They were crammed with
rowers, chosen from among the strongest men of the contesting hapu.
At the stern, upon a sort of deck, stood the chief, costumed in his
bravest robes and ornaments, and carrying a patu, truncheon, or long
wand in his hand.
The race would start with boat-chaunts among the paddlers, gradually
enlivened by jibing shouts at the rival canoes. Then, as the race
grew hotter, the foam would begin to fly as the paddles dashed up the
water; the chiefs would stamp and rage on their platforms, shouting
encouragement to their own men and yelling defiance to the others. When
the termination of the race drew near, the yells and screams would
be deafening, the energy of the paddlers exerted to the utmost, the
gesticulations and cries of the chiefs only to be compared to those
of frenzied madmen, and the excitement and fury of all concerned would
seem only to be ended in bloodshed.
But all this excitement would quiet down after the goal was won, and
no fighting or ill-feeling was the consequence. Nowadays, at the
various regattas held on the rivers at different times, craft of all
kinds, owned and manned by Maori, will amicably contest with those of
settlers; and, whether in the whaleboat or the skiff, the Maori are
formidable opponents to the Pakeha, who by no means invariably snatch
the prize.
In common with the disappearance of the canoe is that of many other
articles of native manufacture. Their old tools and weapons are
rarities even among themselves, having long ago been bartered away for
the more useful instruments of the Pakeha; and the art of making them
has been forgotten. Even the almost sacred merè ponamu is a thing of
the past. It was a large axe formed of "greenstone," or transparent
green jade, often exquisitely shaped and polished. It was sometimes
mounted on an elaborate handle, much carved and ornamented; or, in
most cases, it was shaped in the short club-like form of the favourite
weapon, all in one piece, and adapted for one hand.
The merè ponamu was the special weapon of the ariki, and was emblematic
of his dignity. A good deal of sanctity attached to it, and it was held
to be a tribal treasure. When defeated or threatened with its loss, the
ariki or tohunga would hide the merè; and often the hiding-place would
be unknown, since the chief might be killed before he could reveal
it to his successor. In such a case the most careful and painstaking
search would be afterwards entered upon by the tribe, who would even
continue it for years, until the treasure was discovered.
It will be remembered how Tuwharè hid the tiki of the Ngatewhatua,
after the capture of Marahemo by Hongi. A tiki is a grotesque image,
carved out of the same stone—ponamu—as the merè. Much the same degree
of sanctity attached to either. Merè made of wood, bone, or other kinds
of stone had, of course, no especial value. When a new ariki was called
to lead the tribe, he was invested with the merè ponamu with much
important ceremony, just as Turkish sultans are girded with the sword
of Othman, in token of their assumption of supreme power.
Not many years ago, it chanced that a gum-digger accidentally found a
merè ponamu in the bush. The first person he happened to meet was a
Maori, to whom he showed his "find." The Maori examined it carefully,
and questioned the digger as to the precise locality in which he had
found it. He then asked the digger to sell it to him, which, after
some demur, the latter eventually consented to do, the price he put on
the "curio" being three notes (£3). The Maori went off to fetch the
money; and by-and-by returned to the digger's camp with one or two of
his compatriots. The sale was then concluded, and after the Pakeha
had expressed himself as satisfied with the bargain, he was somewhat
chagrined at being told that the merè was the long-lost weapon of a
great chief, which had been unsuccessfully searched for during long
years, and that, had he demanded three hundred pounds instead of only
three, the tribe would have found means to raise it, so much did they
prize the relic.
It speaks highly for the sense of justice and peaceableness of the
modern Maori that no thought of forcibly taking possession of the merè
seems to have occurred to these men, although the digger was alone, and
they were numerous. How different might the climax have been had they
been Irish peasants instead of semi-civilized Maori!
The Maori have no sense of honour, but they have a keen love of
justice, which suffices to take its place. Manifestations of their
principles of equity are often very amusing to us; but they might
sometimes serve to improve the decisions of our law-courts, despite
their crudity. They are generally based on the idea of utu, or
compensation, and are deliciously simple. Thus, adultery is now
punished among the Maori themselves in the following fashion:—
The chiefs hold a korero, or palaver, over the offenders, and settle
the amount of utu to be paid. The man has to pay a fine to the husband,
father, or nearest relative of the woman; she, in like manner, is
sentenced to pay a similar sum to the wife, mother, or nearest relative
of the man. If a culprit has no property, he or she has to go to work
among the Pakeha, or dig gum, or raise it in some such fashion. There
never seems to be any attempt to evade a fine of this kind; it is
always faithfully paid to the last penny.
A Maori stole a bag of sugar from a store. He was pulled up before the
local magistrate, and sent for a month's imprisonment. When the term
expired and he returned to the tribe, the chiefs held a korero over
him as usual. To their ideas of equity, the imprisonment counted for
nothing, it was simply one of the stupid Pakeha customs, and had merely
delayed the course of real (Maori) justice. Accordingly, the thief was
sentenced to pay the value of the stolen sugar to the proprietor of
the store. Next, he had to pay utu to the same person; and, finally, he
had to pay utu to the chiefs as representing the tribe, to compensate
them for the loss of credit the community had sustained through his
offence.
The following incident occurred in a district not otherwise alluded to
in these sketches, and the locality of which is purposely concealed.
Should it meet the eye of any person concerned, I beg he will hold me
excused for recording it. It could only be identified by himself. I
insert it simply because it is the best instance within my knowledge of
Maori justice, and of modern Maori manners in this particular.
There were two brothers who had settled in a remote district. The
elder of the two had occasion to go over to Sydney on business for
some months, and left the younger to manage the farm in his absence.
The young fellow had only a hired lad to bear him company, besides
occasional visits from some of his chums among the neighbouring
settlers. By-and-by the lad left him, and he hired a couple of Maori
girls to do some of the necessary work.
I have described what Maori girls are like, and so, here, close
intercourse very soon had its natural result, and human nature
triumphed over Pakeha morality. The girls went back to their kainga
after a time, and, after the wont of their race, made no secret of
anything that had occurred.
Now the ariki of the little hapu had "got religion," as I have heard
it phrased, and tried his best to be sanctimonious and pharisaic. He
chose to affect violent rage on hearing of the young farmer's breach
of Pakeha moral law, and sent off a demand for a large sum of money as
utu, in default of payment of which he promised to come up and burn the
farmer's house and drive off his stock.
The settler resented and repudiated this claim for utu altogether, and,
hearing that the Maori were getting their guns ready for the raid, he
summoned all his neighbours to assist in his defence. A dozen or more
of them armed and came over to stop with him, and a very pretty little
disturbance seemed imminent.
However, there was a clergyman who had great influence with the
hapu. At first, he probably helped to kindle the chief's ire by
inveighing against the hideous guilt of the farmer, after the manner
of unworldly clerics; but, seeing subsequently the direction things
were about to take, he altered his tactics. Knowing the Maori character
thoroughly, he took what was certainly the best possible step under the
circumstances.
Instead of preaching against war and bloodshed, he stopped the
war-party, as it was setting off, by intimating that the house,
land, and bulk of the stock belonged to the absent brother, and that
it would, therefore, be wrong to touch it. Maori justice instantly
perceived the point, and a korero was immediately held to discuss it.
Then the chief and his advisers began to find themselves in a hopeless
muddle. They could not withdraw the claim for utu honourably—according
to their notions—and in default of it they must exact something. At
the same time, it was repugnant to their ideas of justice to meddle
with what belonged to an unoffending man, and he an absentee to boot.
So the korero lasted day after day, and the Maori could find no way out
of their dilemma.
Meanwhile, the father of the girl who had caused the mischief, and who
was a greedy old wretch, happily cut the Gordian knot. While things
were still unsettled, he sneaked off one day alone, and made his way to
the farm. There he intimated to the young settler that he was prepared
to take five notes for his daughter's wrong, and would consider all
claims liquidated by it. The young man's blood was up, however, and he
refused to pay the fraction of a penny as utu. But some of his friends
were cooler; and after a long palaver the young fellow consented to
purchase a horse from the Maori, at a price somewhat above its value.
Back went the outraged father to the hapu and told what he had done.
The ariki scolded him heartily for his baseness, that is to say, for
the small amount of utu he had exacted. But all were overjoyed at
the incident, which served to make a way out of the difficulty. An
ambassador was sent up to the farm with the following message from the
ariki, which I roughly translate—
"Oh, friend! There is now peace, and things are smooth between us. Pita
is a fool, he took what was too little. That is his affair, and I have
told him my mind. You have made utu to him and the wretch is satisfied.
That ends all. I have no more to say. We are friends as before."
And now arose a new phase of Maori character. They are always very
desirous to get up alliances between the races, and will do anything to
induce a Pakeha to marry a Maori girl. Even such informal engagements
as that just hinted at are so far from being repugnant to them,
that they generally show an increased regard for the Pakeha who is
indiscreetly amorous among their _unmarried_ women.
The chief in this case was governed, in the first instance, by an
artificial veneer of sentiment inculcated by the new religion. Now that
this was broken through, and the vexed question of utu disposed of,
the genuine Maori feeling rose to the surface, and a warm friendliness
arose for the Pakeha—the _rangatira_ Pakeha be it remembered—who had
shown that he "liked the Maori girls."
Accompanied by a score or so of the rangatira of his hapu, the
ariki rode over to the young settler's place. As proof of the
re-establishment of cordial relations, kitsful of peaches, melons,
kumera, taro, and other gifts were carried by the party. The young man
met them with all hospitality, killed a pig and feasted the party for a
couple of days, presented a dog to the ariki, and finally paid a return
visit to the kainga, where he was received with open arms by the entire
hapu. He has ever since remained a prime favourite with the Maori,
who, singularly enough, respected him for his line of action when the
difficulty arose, almost as much as they warmed to him for his amorous
predilection.
Little misunderstandings of this sort now and then arise between Pakeha
and Maori, but they are generally smoothed down in some such fashion as
the above. The worst difficulties are those where Maori of different
tribes come into collision with one another, when the ancient feuds
and hatreds spring up and cause much trouble. Especially is this the
case when Christian sectarianism is an added element of bitterness and
strife. I remember an instance of this that occurred in the north in
1875 or 1876.
There was a Land Court held in what was then quite a new district,
and at it the chiefs of a Ngapuhi hapu laid claim to a certain block,
which they had agreed to sell to a settler. But a Ngatewhatua, who was
present by the merest chance, disputed the claim on the ground that
the block formed a part of his tribal territory. The Ngapuhi ridiculed
him, and replied that their tribe under Hongi had, in former times,
conquered the Ngatewhatua and annexed their territory, leaving only a
corner for the remnant of the conquered to live on. This was according
to ancient Maori law.
But the Ngatewhatua declared that, also in accordance with Maori usage,
the conquerors having never taken possession of the district nor
resided on any part of the block, it reverted to its original owners,
the Ngatewhatua. Both sides had thus a fair show of right, and neither
having occupied the land within the memory of man, it was difficult to
decide which had the best claim.
The commissioner left the Maori to come to some agreement among
themselves, for he could not adjust their differences, while he was
bound to find a native owner for the block before the Crown grant
could be made out. Both sides now withdrew in great dudgeon, while the
few Pakeha in the neighbourhood began to feel somewhat nervous and
anxious as to what was to follow.
The Ngatewhatua returned to his hapu and related all that had occurred.
A korero was immediately held and rapidly concluded. It was agreed at
once that decisive action was necessary; so the ariki ordered his men
to take their guns and other arms, to launch their boats, and proceed
with him to the township where the Land Court was being held. All the
available men of the hapu, some forty or fifty in number, were ready at
the chief's command, and at once set off; while messages were sent to
warn other communities of the Ngatewhatua, and to invite them to take
part in the coming fray.
In due time, the ariki of the Ngatewhatua and his band arrived at the
scene of action. They rowed up the river to the township where the Land
Court was being held, and which was near the disputed block, with all
the pomp and circumstance of Maori war, so far as it was possible in
their modern civilized condition.
Near the little township, awaiting their arrival, was a still more
numerous body of armed Ngapuhi, who greeted them with yells of
defiance. The few officials and Pakeha at the place did their best to
allay the excitement of the natives, but without success. They were
not listened to, or were told to leave things alone. This was a purely
Maori question, with which Pakeha had nothing to do; _they_ were not in
any way threatened; let them keep out of it, then.
But the settlers knew that this faction fight, if it once took place
and resulted in bloodshed, might lead to a general conflagration among
the northern tribes. They were at their wit's end to know what to do.
It was no use sending to Auckland, for there were very few of the armed
constabulary there; and, had there been more, they could not have got
up to the scene of action within a week's time. The next best thing
that could be done had been done—messengers had been sent off post
haste to summon a certain Wesleyan missionary, who of all men had the
greatest influence with the Ngatewhatua, and would be patiently heard
by the Ngapuhi, although the hapu concerned were professedly converts
to Roman Catholicism.
This gentleman resided near the principal Ngatewhatua kainga, and was
unluckily absent from home when the news came from the Land Court. Had
he been there, the ariki would have probably consulted him, and the war
party would consequently not have started. But he was absent on a visit
to a distant river.
The reverend gentleman was not very popular among the scattered
settlers in the district, and had often made himself obnoxious to them,
as they considered. He had lived among the Maori many years; and, being
a somewhat narrow-minded man, seemed to look upon the settlers as
disturbers of that Christian peace which he believed had covered the
tribe among whom he ministered. However, when the emergency arose and
he received notice of the impending conflict between the rival tribes,
he proved himself equal to the occasion. Taking boat to a suitable
point, he there borrowed a horse from a farmer; and, riding at full
speed for some thirty miles across the ranges and through the bush,
arrived at the township just in the nick of time.
Meanwhile, the rival Maori had been occupied in the usual preliminaries
to a fight. The Ngatewhatua had disembarked; and on the following day
the two parties were drawn up, facing one another, at a short distance
apart. The korero then commenced, and was kept up hour after hour
by alternate orators on either side. These delivered themselves in
the verbose and florid style customary, running up and down between
the lines, and using very unparliamentary language, I have no doubt.
The men of the two factions were seated on the ground meanwhile,
occasionally grimacing or defying each other. The modern veneer of
civilization and Christianity seemed entirely to have disappeared,
and the ancient Maori manners to have superseded it. At length, such
a pitch of rage was reached that the war-dance appeared inevitable,
and after that nothing would stop the conflict. It was just at this
juncture that the missionary rode up. Dismounting, he at once strode
between the rival lines, being greeted with growls and opprobrious
epithets by the Ngapuhi, and with cries of "Go home! Go home!" from his
own flock.
I think I can see that scene now. In the foreground the broad surface
of the river, flowing between low banks covered with light scrub. To
the right the few houses of the little settlement, with a group of
pale-faced Pakeha, men, women, and children, anxiously awaiting the
upshot of the "muss." In front, a stretch of open land, partly grassed
and partly covered with fern, with stumps and logs here and there
visible. Behind it clumps of scrub, and, close to, the line of the
heavy bush, extending all round and covering the hill-ranges that rise
further back.
In the centre of this scene are the two bands of Maori; brown
tatterdemalions in ragged shirts and trousers, armed with guns, and
merè, and patu, and axes, some squatting on the ground, some standing
erect, all convulsed with anger and ungovernably excited. Before each
rank is the ariki, and one or two principal men on either side.
Between the two armies strides the tall, gaunt form of the missionary,
his arms raised and gesticulating, his grey hair and beard floating on
the wind. Heedless of his reception he begins to talk. He is a perfect
master of Maori oratory, with its long quotations from old tradition
and from the Bible, its short pithy sentences, its queer interjectional
effects. Gradually the tumult quiets down, the Maori begin to listen,
the Ngapuhi forget they are Catholics.
For two mortal hours he talks to them, preaches at them. What arguments
he uses I cannot say; they are effective ones evidently, for there is
a perfect hush among the combatants at last, and all eyes are turned
attentively upon the speaker. Finally, he proposes an equal sharing of
the sum to be obtained for the disputed land. There is hesitation—he
enforces the point, drives it home to the minds of his hearers. Then
comes an "Ai!" from the Ngatewhatua ariki, followed by a reluctant
"Kuia!" from the Ngapuhi chief. A chorus of "Ai! Ai! Kuia! Kuia!" "Yes!
agreed!" resounds on all sides; the dispute is at an end.
But all is not over, the happy moment must be seized by the minister
of the gospel. Standing on a little knoll between the lately hostile
taua, he slowly uncovers, raises one hand upwards, looks to heaven,
solemnly enunciates the Lord's Prayer. The effect is marvellous,
the Maori go down on their knees around him and fervently chorus
the words as he utters them, while tears stream from many eyes, and
groans of contrition break from many breasts. The prayer finished,
the missionary looks about him on the rival warriors, who now crouch
like chidden children before him. He commands them, in the Name they
have just invoked, to lay aside their weapons, and to be friends. With
unquestioning faith and simple alacrity they obey his summons, and
Ngapuhi and Ngatewhatua rush into each other's arms.
That night a grand feast is held to cement the new-made friendship;
and next day the two chiefs go arm-in-arm to the Land Court, there
to conclude the sale of the disputed land, while the bulk of their
followers, with much friendly leave-taking, depart on their several
ways.
So eventuated the worst difficulty of the kind that has arisen in the
North for many years. The affair made no stir beyond the district,
for "our special correspondent" was not present, while settlers and
officials had very good reasons for not giving publicity to the
matter. In view of emigration, and all the rest of it, government, and
colonists too, have a disposition to hush up any little perplexities of
such a sort; so only a short and garbled account of this narrow escape
from a battle reached the Auckland papers, which may be found in them
by those who like to look for it.
I think this anecdote may serve to conclude my sketches of Maori
manners. It shows the childlike temper of the Maori, their easily
excited passions, quick gusts of rage, and equally ready return to
docility and good-humour. It is an instance of how modern Maori
character is driven by two widely different forces, and of how it
oscillates between two systems—the tapu Maori and the tapu Pakeha. It
illustrates with strange force—more so than any other incident which
has happened in this generation, perhaps—that wonderful power, once
so extensive and real, but now almost obsolete except in such rare
instances as this—that influence which I have previously spoken of,
and have named "the Mana of the Missionary."