THE FIASCO
_The best laid schemes o' mice and men
Gang aft a gley._
--BURNS
On Sunday morning, October 16th, 1859, Captain Owen Brown and Privates
Coppoc and Merriam were detailed for duty at the Kennedy farm; the
others were under marching orders during the day, awaiting the signal to
"fall in," and move to the scene of active operations. "The night was
dark, ending in rain." About eight o'clock Brown is reported to have
said: "Men, get your arms, we will proceed to the Ferry." The column was
soon in motion. It does not require a long time for eighteen men, who
are otherwise in readiness to move, to put on their accoutrements and
pick up their arms. In addition to a rifle, two revolvers, and forty
rounds of ball cartridges, each man carried, in lieu of an overcoat, a
long gray shawl, of the kind which was fashionable for men's wear at
that time. The headquarters train--a horse and wagon--was brought to the
door of the Kennedy farm house, and "some pikes, a crow-bar, and a
sledge-hammer, were quickly thrown into the wagon." A recent biographer
says, dramatically:
In a moment more, the commander-in-chief donned his old
battle-worn Kansas cap, mounted the wagon, and began the
solemn march.
Knowledge of the condition, as to wear and tear, of the cap worn by the
commander-in-chief on this occasion, is not essential to a true
understanding of the purposes of the movement. But knowledge of the fact
that the historian drew upon his active and resourceful imagination,
when writing the history of these operations, and that it contributed,
immoderately, to the character of the writings which he put forth, is
essential to such understanding. It is therefore pointed out, that the
statement, while purporting to be one of fact, is altogether fanciful.
Also, that the biographer's treatment of this trifling incident is
characteristic of the coloring which embellishes his exposition of the
general subject. But to return to the cap. The Kansas origin of it will
not be denied; it may have been bought or stolen in the Territory; but
it was not "battle-worn." It will be remembered that Brown had but two
"battles" in Kansas, so far as the record shows, and that in the last
one--the Battle of Osawatomie, August 30, 1856--Brown "lost his hat" or
his cap or whatever his head gear may have been.[373]
A special order, "drawn up and carefully read to all" set forth the
details of the movement to be executed. In the line of march Captains
Cook and Tidd walked ahead of the wagon. The others, in files of two,
followed it. At 10:30, after a lonesome but uninterrupted march of more
than five miles, they arrived at the bridge which spanned the Potomac at
Harper's Ferry. It was used for both railroad and wagon road purposes.
Cook and Tidd, in the meantime, had detoured to cut the telegraph wires
leading into the town, and Kagi and Stevens had the head of the column.
While crossing the bridge, they took William Williams, the bridge
watchman, into custody as a prisoner. Then, after posting Captain Watson
Brown and Private Taylor at the bridge, the company proceeded to the
Harper's Ferry end of the Shenandoah bridge, a few yards distant, where
Captain Oliver Brown, Captain William Thompson, and Private Newby were
placed on duty. From there they went to the United States Armory,
located up the Potomac, about sixty yards from the ends of the two
bridges. At the armory gate the watchman on duty, Daniel Wheelan, was
taken into custody. Of this incident Wheelan said:[374]
One fellow took me; they all gathered about me and looked
in my face; I was nearly scared to death, so many guns
about; I did not know the minute or the hour I should drop;
they told me to be very quiet and still, and make no noise
or else they would put me to eternity.
Addressing the two prisoners--Wheelan and Williams--Brown made the
following declaration of his intentions:[375]
I came here from Kansas, and this is a slave State; I want
to free all the negroes in this State; I have possession
now of the United States armory, and if the citizens
interfere with me, I must only burn the town and have
blood.
Brown then crossed the street to the arsenal building, where arms and
military equipment, valued at several millions of dollars, were stored,
and took possession of it, placing Captain Hazlett and Lieutenant Coppoc
in charge of the property. From there, with the remainder of the party,
he proceeded to the rifle works, located about a half mile up the
Shenandoah. Here the watchman was made a prisoner and Captain Kagi and
Private Copeland were placed on duty. Private Leary was also assigned to
duty at this post and later reported to Kagi.
These dispositions of his forces having been made, Brown's occupation of
Harper's Ferry was complete. All of the United States property--the
military stores accumulated at the arsenal; the armory and the rifle
works; and the principal highways entering the town, were in his
possession. The plans for the occupation of the place had been
accomplished without the firing of a shot. The initial movement of the
invasion had been successfully executed.
After the occupation. Brown sent a detail into the country to bring in
Colonel Lewis T. Washington and Mr. John H. Allstadt, whom he intended
to hold as hostages for the proper treatment of any of his men who might
happen to fall into the hands of the "enemy." The party was made up of
Captains Stevens, Cook, and Tidd, and Privates O. P. Anderson, Leary,
and Green. The Washington home was four or five miles from the town.
Colonel Washington was a great-grandnephew of George Washington. Of this
raid into the country, Mr. Villard says:[376]
In Colonel Washington's possession was a pistol presented
to General Washington by Lafayette, as well as a sword now
in possession of the State of New York, which, according to
an unverified legend, was the gift of Frederick the Great
to George Washington. John E. Cook had seen these weapons
in Colonel Washington's home, and John Brown, beginner of a
new American revolution, wished to strike his first blow
for the freedom of a race with them in his hands.
The closing sentence of this quotation is dramatic and rings true; but
it is inconsistent with the author's theory of the movement, which is,
that Brown intended to do trifling things instead of heroic things.
The raiders entered the house by breaking down the back door with a
fence rail; and Washington was awakened by hearing his "name called in
an undertone." He opened the bed-chamber door and was met by "four armed
men, one, with a revolver, carrying a burning flambeau, and the others
with their guns drawn upon him." Stevens was in command. Cook had
reconnoitered the Washington home a month or so before and had been
shown the historic weapons herein referred to. These Stevens now
demanded and received. He also demanded the Colonel's money and his
watch, but on the refusal of the latter to deliver them, the demand was
not pressed. When asked by Washington what the performance meant, they
said, "We have come here for the purpose of liberating all the slaves of
the South, and we are able (or propose to do it) or words to that
effect." While matters were progressing in-doors, Tidd had been busy
hitching up the Colonel's two-horse carriage and four-horse farm wagon.
After putting Colonel Washington into the carriage and loading the
slaves, four men, into the wagon, the caravan moved to the Allstadt
home, where the front door was broken down with a fence rail, as before,
and Allstadt and his son, together with his adult male slaves, were
taken into custody. Father and son were put into the seat of the wagon
with the negroes and all were driven to Harper's Ferry and delivered to
Brown at the armory. Brown told Colonel Washington that he had taken him
for the "moral effect it would give his cause to have one of the name a
prisoner." With the sword of Frederick the Great, and Washington, in his
hand, Brown now directed his desperate defense. Tuesday morning
Washington recovered the sword.[377]
In the meantime, at 12 o'clock, Patrick Higgins--also a
night-watchman--went to the Potomac bridge to relieve Night-Watchman
Williams who had been taken prisoner. As he approached he was "halted"
by Oliver Brown, at the Shenandoah bridge, and upon refusing to obey the
order, was fired upon, the bullet making a wound in his scalp.[378] Upon
the arrival at Harper's Ferry, of the east-bound Baltimore and Ohio
train, Higgins reported to the conductor--Phelps--what had happened to
him. The engineer of the train and the baggage-master, on going forward
toward the bridge to investigate, were also fired upon. At or about the
time this incident occurred, Shephard Hayward, the station
baggage-master, a free negro, went from the station toward the Potomac
bridge to look for Watchman Williams. Upon being ordered to halt, he
turned to retrace his steps to the station and was fired upon with fatal
effect, by Watson Brown's party, "A bullet passing through his body a
little below the heart," from the effect of which he died during the
afternoon, about 4 o'clock. The arrival of the train being reported to
Brown, he personally informed Conductor Phelps why it was being held,
saying:
We have come to free the slaves and intend to do it at all
hazards.
Later, at 3 A. M., Brown notified Phelps that he could now proceed with
his train and directed him to say to the management of the road: "This
is the last train that shall pass the bridge either East or West; if it
is attempted, it will be at the peril of the lives of those having them
in charge."[379] Phelps however, decided not to move until daylight.
From Monocacy, at 7:05 A. M., he wired the situation to Master of
Transportation Smith, at Baltimore; repeating what Brown had said to
him, and suggesting that he notify the Secretary of War at once;
concluding his dispatch with this statement: "The telegraph wires are
cut East and West of Harper's Ferry and this is the first station that I
could send a dispatch from."
The first alarm of what was occurring in the town was given out by a
resident physician, Dr. John D. Starry. But the note which he sounded
was not of the "Paul Revere" variety. The Doctor was aroused from his
slumbers by the firing of the shot that struck Hayward, and went to his
relief. The remainder of the night he spent in observing what was going
on but gave out no information concerning it. "At daylight," it is said,
"he could stand it no longer; he saddled his horse, rode to the
residence of Mr. A. M. Kitzmiller, who was in charge of the arsenal
during the absence of the superintendent, Mr. Barbour; acquainted him,
and a number of other officials and workmen with the story of the night.
He then put spurs to his horse, and ascended the hill to Bolivar
Heights, where he awoke some more sleepers."[380] After arousing the
town, the Doctor rode to Charlestown, eight miles distant, where the
alarm was given by ringing all the bells. The local military
company--the Jefferson Guards--fell in promptly; also a second company,
composed of men and boys, was organized on the spot, both companies
taking a train at 10 o'clock for the scene of the trouble.
By 10:30 President Garrett of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company,
had informed the President of the United States of the conditions
existing at Harper's Ferry. He also wired the information to Governor
Wise, of Virginia; and to Major General Stewart, commanding First
Division Maryland Volunteers, at Baltimore.[381] The news soon became
general. From Monocracy it was wired to Frederick, and by 10 A. M. the
Frederick companies were under arms and had marching orders. A
Martinsburg company, under Captain E. G. Alburtis, arrived at Harper's
Ferry during the afternoon, and shortly thereafter a company from
Winchester reported for duty. Earlier in the day two local companies
were "mustered into service;" one under command of Captain Botts and the
other under Captain John Avis. Two companies from Shepherdstown also
arrived--the "Hamtrack Guards" and the "Shepherdstown Troop." During the
evening three companies arrived from Frederick, and five companies from
Baltimore. In all sixteen companies of State Volunteers were assembled
at Harper's Ferry within twelve hours from the time the first alarm was
given out.
The second casualty of the day occurred about 7 o'clock A. M., when Mr.
Thomas Boerly, an Irishman and a resident of Harper's Ferry, was fatally
shot by one of Brown's men. From that time until after 10 o'clock
nothing of importance occurred in the town, except that Brown ordered
breakfast for his war party and his prisoners, forty-five in all. The
meals were prepared and served from a nearby hotel--the Wagner House.
In the early morning, after the prisoners--Colonel Washington and the
Allstadts--had been delivered to Brown at the armory gate, Cook and
Leeman proceeded to the Kennedy farm with the teams that they had taken
from Colonel Washington, and began moving the military equipment, which
had been left there, in care of Owen Brown, to a school-house, that was
located about a mile from the Ferry. Later, Brown dispatched William
Thompson to the school-house with a message to Owen, saying that "all
was going well." Between 9 and 10 o'clock Leeman and Thompson returned
to Harper's Ferry, bringing with them another prisoner, Mr. Terence
Brown, a Maryland farmer of the neighborhood. After 10 o'clock Brown's
position became critical. It was fast becoming evident that his plans
had miscarried; that the slaves had failed to strike for their freedom;
that the fundamental movement of the campaign--_the insurrection of the
slaves_--had not been executed. "THE BLOW" which he planned to strike
had not been delivered. The attempt to "assail the Slave Power with the
only weapons that it fears," had "flashed in the pan."
It was not important that the Potomac and the Shenandoah bridges were
still in his possession and that access to the Maryland mountains was
free; for Brown was not equipped for flight, and there are limitations
upon physical endurance. Besides, these Southern mountains were, to him,
inhospitable, and would furnish neither subsistence nor shelter. Also
the inhabitants of the vicinity were rising in arms against him, their
passions inflamed to a condition of frenzy because of the assault which
he had made upon their lives and property. He well knew the excited mob
would be upon his trail from the start; and that escape, except for a
possible straggler or two, was impossible. But there still existed the
possibility that the fifteen hundred self-emancipated slaves, whom he
hoped to have under arms by 12 o'clock,[382] would begin to arrive.
Details of the subsequent occurrences are given in a very interesting
manner by Mr. Villard, on pages 429 to 454. He relates that after 10
o'clock, the citizens of Harper's Ferry became aggressive, and opened a
scattering or desultory fire upon Brown's position at the armory
building. The "Jefferson Guards," upon their arrival at Bolivar Heights,
marched to a point about a mile above the town, where they crossed the
Potomac in boats, and came down the Maryland side of the river to the
Potomac bridge, driving Watson Brown and Taylor from their post. This
movement compelled William Thompson and Newby to abandon their station
at the Shenandoah bridge, and seek shelter in the armory. The Galt House
was then occupied by Captain Botts's company, while Captain Avis took a
position near the crest of Bolivar Heights, overlooking the town, from
where he opened fire upon the armory. Newby was killed by this fire
before he reached the armory enclosure. It is said that his body was
shockingly mutilated. About 1 o'clock Leeman sought to effect his
escape. He left the arsenal and attempted to cross the Potomac, a short
distance above the bridge, and succeeded in getting as far as a small
island in the river, where he was overtaken and killed by a Mr. A. G.
Schoppert. The body of the late captain, his commission in his pocket,
as it lay upon the rocks in the river, became an object for target
practice, by citizens, and by members of the volunteer military
companies then assembling.
During the afternoon Brown sought to have the firing cease by
negotiating with the citizens for a truce; and sent out a prisoner, Mr.
Cross, and William Thompson, to make the arrangement. Thompson was
immediately taken and held as a prisoner, for a time, at the Galt House.
Later he was led out upon the trestle leading to the Shenandoah bridge,
where he was shot by a mob under the leadership of George W. Chambers
and Harry Hunter; his body falling into the shallow water below, where
it became a general target for the mob, in mob fashion. Still later,
Brown sent Stevens and Watson Brown out, accompanied by Mr. Kitzmiller,
under a flag of truce. This flag was fired upon from the windows of the
Galt House with the result that both Stevens and Brown received severe
wounds. Brown succeeded in dragging himself back to the armory
engine-house, where he died thirty hours later. One of the prisoners, a
Mr. Brua, went out and had Stevens carried into the Wager House.
Between 2 and 3 o'clock a small party, under the command of a young man
by the name of Irwin, made an attack upon the rifle-works on the
Shenandoah, where Kagi and his men were stationed. The latter sought to
escape across the river, but were shot down before reaching the middle
of the stream. Kagi fell and died in the water. Leary was mortally
wounded, and died the following night. Copeland was taken prisoner by
Mr. James H. Holt, of Harper's Ferry, and by him delivered to the
Virginia authorities. In the confusion, the detail at the
arsenal--Hazlett and O. P. Anderson--managed to escape unnoticed. They
probably abandoned their post as soon as it became evident to them that
the insurrection feature of the venture had miscarried. It is said they
first went to the Kennedy farm, where they got supplies of provisions,
and from there they made their way into Pennsylvania. Five days later
Hazlett was captured at Carlisle, and taken back to Virginia under
extradition papers, issued by the Governor of the State. His trial was
had at Charlestown, and he was hanged there, with Stevens, March 16,
1860. Anderson fared better: he managed to reach Canada, and lived to
write a marvelous story of his adventures.
Cook's party, and the detail under Owen Brown, met with better success,
Cook alone being arrested. He was taken at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania,
October 25th, and returned to Charlestown, Virginia, where he was hanged
December 16th. E. Coppoc, Green, and Copeland were hanged at the same
time. The others: Tidd, Barclay Coppoc, Merriam and Owen Brown all
succeeded in making good their escape. The negroes who had been taken
returned to their masters.
About 2 o'clock, George W. Turner was killed. Turner was a prosperous
farmer of the vicinity. He had been graduated from West Point, and had
served creditably with the army, in Florida. Riding into town, with his
shot-gun on his shoulder, he became a target for one of Brown's rifles.
A shot struck him in the neck and killed him instantly. About 4 o'clock
Mr. Fontaine Beckham, the mayor of the town, was killed. Beckham was the
station agent for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company. He stepped
out of the station-house to observe what was going on, when he was
fired upon by Edward Coppoc, from the engine-house, with fatal effect.
He also died instantly.
The beginning of the final collapse came about 4 o'clock, with the
arrival of the Martinsburg company. Alburtis attacked the armory
enclosure and drove Brown, with his most prominent prisoners--Colonel
Washington, the Allstadts, Brua, Byrne, Wells, the armorer, Ball,
master-machinist, and J. E. Daingerfield, pay-master's clerk--into the
engine-house. Of his attack Captain Alburtis said:[383]
During the fight, we found, in the room adjoining the
engine-house, some thirty or forty prisoners, who had been
captured and confined by the outlaws. The windows were
broken open by our party and these men escaped. The whole
of the outlaws were now driven into the engine-house, and
owing to the great number of wounded requiring our care,
and not being supported by the other companies, as we
expected, we were obliged to return.... Immediately after
we drew off, there was a flag of truce sent out to propose
terms, which were that they were to be permitted to retire
with their arms, and, I think, proceed as far as some lock
on the canal, there to release their prisoners. The terms
were not acceded to.
There were troops enough on the ground at this time to have carried
Brown's position by assault; and it is probable that an attack upon the
armory would have been ordered, had such extreme measures been deemed
necessary, which was not the case. Besides, if an assault had been made
by these undisciplined men, it would have been attended with the loss of
many lives, which, under the circumstances, would have been without
justification. Brown and his party were in a position from which they
could not escape; neither could his surrender be long deferred. A
prevailing report, too, that a detachment of United States
troops--marines--would soon arrive, under the command of an experienced
officer of the regular army, may have had some influence in determining
what should be done. However, before nightfall, a Mr. Samuel Strider
delivered a summons to Brown, demanding his surrender, to which Brown
replied as follows:
Capt. John Brown Answers:
In consideration of all my men, whether living or dead, or
wounded, being soon safely in and delivered up to me at
this point with all their arms and ammunition, we will then
take our prisoners and cross the Potomac bridge, a little
beyond which we will set them at liberty; after which we
can negotiate about the Government property as may be best.
Also we require the delivery of our horse and harness at
the hotel.[384]
The terms of the note were promptly declined by Colonel Robert W.
Baylor, of the Virginia Cavalry, who seems to have been the ranking
officer present. He said that "under no conditions would he consent to a
removal of the citizen prisoners across the river." Still later in the
evening the three companies, in uniform, arrived from Frederick,
Maryland. One of these was under the command of Captain Sinn. This
officer proceeded to the engine-house and entered into a lengthy
conversation with Brown. During this interview Brown renewed his
proposal to leave the place, and complained of the treatment his men,
bearing a flag of truce, had received; that they "had been shot down
like dogs." Being told that men in his position must expect such
treatment, Brown replied that before coming there "he had weighed the
responsibility and should not shrink from it." He thought, however, that
he was entitled to better treatment from the people because of what he
had _not_ done to them; that he "had had full possession of the town and
could have massacred all the inhabitants had he thought proper to do
so."
During afternoon of the 17th, President Buchanan ordered three companies
of artillery, from Fortress Monroe, to the scene of the trouble; also
the detachment of marines, at the Washington Navy Yard. The latter were
under the command of Lieutenant Israel Green, U. S. M. C. He also
ordered Lieutenant Colonel Robert E. Lee, Second United States Cavalry,
brevet colonel United States army, to proceed to Harper's Ferry and
assume command of all the United States troops concentrating there.
General J. E. B. Stuart, at that time a first lieutenant in the First
United States Cavalry accompanied Lee as a volunteer aide. The artillery
from Fortress Monroe was detained at Baltimore by order of Colonel Lee.
With two howitzers and ninety men Green left Washington for Harper's
Ferry, at 3:30 P. M. En route he received orders from Colonel Lee to
stop at Sandy Hook, a station within a mile, nearly, of his destination.
At 10 o'clock Lee arrived at Sandy Hook on a special train. The marines
were then formed, and marched to Harper's Ferry, leaving the howitzers
aboard the cars. Arriving at the town, after consultation with the
volunteer commanders present, Lee ordered the militia to vacate the
armory grounds, and put the control, or care of the situation, in the
hands of Lieutenant Green.
Before ordering the assault upon the engine-house, which, to save the
lives of Brown's prisoners, was to be executed with the bayonet, Lee
offered the honor of commanding the action to the regimental commanders
of the volunteers: Colonel Shriver of the Maryland troops and Colonel
Baylor of the Virginians; an offer which both of these officers, in
behalf of their men, had the moral courage to wisely and properly
decline. Colonel Shriver said, in effect, that they had come to help the
people of Harper's Ferry in an emergency: that the emergency, in view of
the United States troops present, was now passed; that his men had wives
and children at home, and since it was not necessary to expose them to
such risk as this attack involved, he would not voluntarily do so.
Colonel Baylor expressed similar views. But, later, there was trouble
over the matter. The pride of the Governor of Virginia, Henry E. Wise,
was hurt because the Virginia troops had not done on the 17th what Lee,
Stuart, Green, and the marines did so creditably on the morning of the
18th. As a result, charges of misconduct were preferred against Colonel
Baylor, by Mr. O. Jennings Wise, a son of the Governor; and a court of
inquiry was convened in June, 1860, to investigate the case. Mr. Villard
states that in a letter addressed to the court, by Mr. Wise, the latter
charged that Colonel Baylor had assumed command on the 17th, "contrary
to his grade and the nature of his commission." That he had acted
without orders; that he was guilty of cowardice in not storming the
engine-house, and of "unofficer-like conduct in assigning a false,
cowardly and insulting reason for not leading the attack on the
engine-house when the service was offered to him by Colonel Lee:
to-wit--that it was a duty which belonged to the _mercenaries_ of the
regular service--meaning the marines--who were paid for it"; and,
finally for using "violent and ungentlemanly language about his
Commander-in-Chief (Governor Wise)."
After the militia officers had declined the command of the storming
party, it was offered to Lieutenant Green, who, of course, accepted it,
and, taking off his cap, thanked his commander for the honor, with
soldierly courtesy.
Early on the morning of the 18th, Colonel Lee sent a demand upon Brown
to surrender, which was read to him at the door of the engine-house by
Lieutenant Stuart. The order read as follows:[385]
Headquarters Harper's Ferry,
October 18, 1859.
Colonel Lee, United States Army, commanding the troops,
sent by the United States to suppress the insurrection at
this place, demands the surrender of the persons in the
armory buildings.
If they will peaceably surrender themselves and restore the
pillaged property, they shall be kept in safety to await
the orders of the President. Colonel Lee represents to
them, in all frankness, that it is impossible for them to
escape; that the armory is surrounded on all sides by
troops; and that if he is compelled to take them by force,
he cannot answer for their safety.
R. E. LEE,
Colonel Commanding United States Troops.
It had been agreed upon between Stuart and Green, that, after having
read the order to Brown, if he should refuse to surrender, as they
supposed he would, Stuart would then signal by a wave of his cap, at the
sight of which Green would order his company forward to the assault. His
plan of attack was to advance with twelve men, holding another twelve in
reserve to support them, if they should be disabled, and with a heavy
sledge-hammer break down the door of the engine-house, and if
successful, then, with the full command rush the insurgents with fixed
bayonets. Upon seeing the signal agreed upon, Green ordered the attack.
While being fired upon from within the engine-house, the marines, armed
with the sledge, attempted to beat down the doors, but without success;
then seeing a heavy ladder lying nearby, Green ordered some of the men
to take it up and use it against the doors as a battering-ram. This
expedient was successful. Two blows by the improvised engine of war
sufficed to break a ragged hole, low down, in the right-hand door.
Through the opening thus made, Green, and Major Russell, pay-master,
United States Marine Corps, sprang, followed by the enlisted men.[386]
Rising to his feet, Green ran back of the engine to the rear of the
room, where he saw Colonel Washington, who, pointing to Brown said,
"this is Osawatomie." Lieutenant Green states:
When Colonel Washington said to me, "This is Osawatomie,"
Brown turned his head to see who it was to whom Colonel
Washington was speaking. Quicker than thought, I brought my
sabre down with all my strength, upon his head. He was
moving as the blow fell, and I suppose I did not strike him
where I intended, for he received a deep sabre cut on the
back of his neck. He fell senseless on his side, then
rolled over on his back. He had in his hand a short Sharp's
Cavalry carbine. I think he had just fired as I reached
Colonel Washington, for the marine who followed me into the
aperture made by the ladder, received a bullet in the
abdomen from which he died in a few minutes. The shot might
have been fired by some one else in the party, but I think
it came from Brown. Instantly, as Brown fell, I gave him a
sabre thrust in the left breast. The sword I carried was a
light uniform weapon and either not having a point, or
striking something hard in Brown's accouterments, did not
penetrate. The blade bent double. By that time three or
four of my men were inside. They came rushing in like
tigers, as a storming assault is not a play-day sport. They
bayoneted one man, skulking under the engine, and pinned
another fellow up against the rear wall, both being killed
instantly. I ordered the men to spill no more blood. The
other insurgents were at once taken under arrest, and the
contest ended. The whole fight had not lasted over three
minutes.[387]
Of Brown's eleven prisoners, whom he was holding as hostages, Lieutenant
Green says:
They were the sorriest lot of people I ever saw. They had
been without food for over sixty hours, in constant dread
of being shot, and were huddled up in the corner where lay
the body of Brown's son and one or two others of the
insurgents who had been killed.
The scrimmage being over, Green and Coppoc were taken into custody, and
the dead and wounded were carried from the engine-house and laid upon
the armory lawn, where they were protected from violence by a guard
detailed from the company of marines. Later, Mr. Villard states, Brown
was carried to the office of the pay-master of the armory and there
given medical attention, when it was found that his wounds were far less
serious than they were at first supposed to be.
Of the twenty-two ambitious men who courageously undertook to organize
the "Provisional Army," ten had been killed: Kagi, Oliver Brown, Watson
Brown, William Thompson, Dauphin Thompson, Jeremiah G. Anderson, Leeman,
Newby, Leary, and Taylor. Five were prisoners: Brown, Stevens, E.
Coppoc, Green, and Copeland. Seven had got away: Cook, Hazlett, Tidd,
Owen Brown, Barclay Coppoc, Osborn P. Anderson, and Merriam.
Those killed and wounded by the insurgents were as follows: Killed: G.
W. Turner, Thomas Boerley, Fontane Beckham, Heywood Shepherd, and
Private Quinn. Wounded: Mr. Murphy, Mr. Young, Mr. Richardson, Mr.
Hammond, Mr. McCabe, Mr. Dorsey, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Woolet, and Private
Rupert.[388]
About noon, on the 18th, some notable persons of that period arrived at
Harper's Ferry, anxious to know the facts relating to the alarming
events which had taken place. An interview with Brown was accordingly
arranged, which was held at the office of the armory pay-master. The
wounded Stevens had, in the meantime, been carried into the office and
laid upon a mattress on the floor beside Brown. Those present were
Governor Wise, of Virginia, Colonel Robert E. Lee, Lieutenant Stuart,
Senator Mason of Virginia, Congressmen Vallandigham of Ohio and Faulkner
of Virginia, Colonel Lewis Washington, Andrew Hunter, special counsel
for the State of Virginia, and a half dozen citizens of the town and
vicinity. Brown was able to answer freely, and seemed anxious for an
opportunity to present his version of the situation to the public. He
was "glad," he said, "to make himself and his motives clearly
understood." Extracts from this interview are as follows:[389]
_Senator Mason._ Can you tell us who furnished money for
your expedition?
_John Brown._ I furnished most of it myself; I cannot
implicate others. It is my own folly that I have been
taken. I could easily have saved myself from it, had I
exercised my own better judgment rather than yielded to my
feelings.
_Mason._ You mean if you had escaped immediately?
_Brown._ No. I had the means to make myself secure without
any escape; but I allowed myself to be surrounded by a
force by being too tardy. I should have gone away; but I
had thirty odd prisoners, whose wives and daughters were in
tears for their safety, and I felt for them. Besides, I
wanted to allay the fears of those who believed we came
here to burn and kill. For this reason I allowed the train
to cross the bridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on.
I did it only to spare the feelings of those passengers and
their families, and to allay the apprehensions that you had
got here in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard
for life and property, nor any feelings of humanity.
_Mason._ But you killed some people passing along the
streets quietly.
_Brown._ Well, sir, if there was anything of that kind
done, it was without my knowledge. Your own citizens who
were my prisoners will tell you that every possible means
was taken to prevent it. I did not allow my men to fire
when there was danger of killing those we regarded as
innocent persons, if I could help it. They will tell you
that we allowed ourselves to be fired at repeatedly, and
did not return it.
_A Bystander._ That is not so. You killed an unarmed man at
the corner of the house over there at the water-tank, and
another besides.
_Brown._ See here, my friend; it is useless to dispute or
contradict the report of your own neighbors who were my
prisoners.
* * * * *
_Mr. Vallandigham (who had just entered.)_ Mr. Brown, who
sent you here?
_Brown._ No man sent me here; it was my own prompting and
that of my Maker, or that of the Devil--whichever you
please to ascribe it to. I acknowledge no master in human
form.
* * * * *
_Vallandigham._ Did you get up this document that is called
a Constitution?
_Brown._ I did. They are a constitution and ordinance of my
own striving and getting up.
_Vallandigham._ How long have you been engaged in this
business?
_Brown._ From the breaking out of the difficulties in
Kansas. Four of my sons had gone there to settle, and they
induced me to go. I did not go there to settle, but because
of the difficulties.
* * * * *
_Mason._ What was your object in coming?
_Brown._ We came to free the slaves, and only that.
* * * * *
_A Volunteer._ What in the world did you suppose you could
do here in Virginia with that amount of men?
_Brown._ Young man, I do not wish to discuss that question
here.
_Volunteer._ You could not do anything.
_Brown._ Well, perhaps your ideas and mine on military
subjects would differ materially.
* * * * *
_Mason._ Did you consider this a military organization in
this Constitution? I have not yet read it.
_Brown._ I did in some sense. I wish you would give that
paper close attention.
_Mason._ You consider yourself the commander-in-chief of
these "provisional" military forces?
_Brown._ I was chosen, agreeably to the ordinance of a
certain document, commander-in-chief of that force.
_Mason._ What wages did you offer?
_Brown._ None.
_Stuart._ "The wages of sin is death."
_Brown._ I would not have made such a remark to you if you
had been a prisoner, and wounded, in my hands.
* * * * *
_A Bystander._ Do you consider this a religious movement?
_Brown._ It is, in my opinion, the greatest service man can
render to God.
_Bystander._ Do you consider yourself an instrument in the
hands of Providence?
_Brown._ I do.
_Bystander._ Upon what principle do you justify your acts?
_Brown._ Upon the Golden Rule. I pity the poor in bondage
that have none to help them: that is why I am here; not to
gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or vindictive
spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed and the
wronged, that are as good as you and as precious in the
sight of God.
_Bystander._ Certainly. But why take the slaves against
their will?
_Brown._ I never did.
_Bystander._ You did in one instance, at least.
Stephens, the other wounded prisoner, here said, "You are
right. In one case I know the negro wanted to go back."
* * * * *
_Vallandigham._ How far did you live from Jefferson?
_Brown._ Be cautious, Stephens, about any answers that
would commit any friend. I would not answer that.
(Stephens turned partially over with a groan of pain, and
was silent.)
_Vallandigham._ Who are your advisers in this movement?
_Brown._ I cannot answer that. I have numerous sympathizers
throughout the entire North.
_Vallandigham._ In northern Ohio?
_Brown._ No more there than anywhere else; in all the free
States.
* * * * *
_Bystander._ Why did you do it secretly?
_Brown._ Because I thought that necessary to success; no
other reason.
_Bystander._ Have you read Gerrit Smith's last letter?
_Brown._ What letter do you mean?
_Bystander._ The "New York _Herald_" of yesterday, in
speaking of this affair, mentions a letter in this way:
"Apropos of this exciting news, we recollect a very
significant passage in one of Gerrit Smith's letters,
published a month or two ago, in which he speaks of the
folly of attempting to strike the shackles off the slaves
by the force of moral suasion or legal agitation, and
predicts that the next movement made in the direction of
negro emancipation would be an insurrection in the South."
_Brown._ I have not seen the "New York _Herald_" for some
days past; but I presume, from your remark about the gist
of the letter, that I should concur with it. I agree with
Mr. Smith that moral suasion is hopeless. I don't think the
people of the slave States will ever consider the subject
of slavery in its true light till some other argument is
resorted to than moral suasion.
_Vallandigham._ Did you expect a general rising of the
slaves in case of your success?
_Brown._ No, sir; nor did I wish it. I expected to gather
them up from time to time, and set them free.
_Vallandigham._ Did you expect to hold possession here till
then?
_Brown._ Well, probably I had quite a different idea. I do
not know that I ought to reveal my plans. I am here a
prisoner and wounded, because I foolishly allowed myself to
be so. You overrate your strength in supposing I could have
been taken if I had not allowed it. I was too tardy after
commencing the open attack--in delaying my movements
through Monday night, and up to the time I was attacked by
the Government troops. It was all occasioned by my desire
to spare the feelings of my prisoners and their families
and the community at large. I had no knowledge of the
shooting of the negro Heywood.
* * * * *
_Dr. Biggs._ Were you in the party at Dr. Kennedy's house?
_Brown._ I was at the head of that party. I occupied the
house to mature my plans. I have not been in Baltimore to
purchase caps.
* * * * *
_Q._ Where did you get arms? _A._ I bought them.
_Q._ In what State? _A._ That I will not state.
_Q._ How many guns? _A._ Two hundred Sharpe's rifles and
two hundred revolvers,--what is called the Massachusetts
Arms Company's revolvers, a little under navy size.
_Q._ Why did you not take that swivel you left in the
house? _A._ I had no occasion for it. It was given to me a
year or two ago.
_Q._ In Kansas? _A._ No. I had nothing given to me in
Kansas.
_Q._ By whom, and in what State? _A._ I decline to answer;
it is not properly a swivel; it is a very large rifle with
a pivot. The ball is larger than a musket ball; it is
intended for a slug.
_Reporter._ I do not wish to annoy you; but if you have
anything further you would like to say, I will report it.
_Brown._ I have nothing to say, only that I claim to be
here in carrying out a measure I believe perfectly
justifiable, and not to act the part of an incendiary or
ruffian, but to aid those suffering great wrong. I wish to
say, furthermore, that you had better--all you people at
the South--prepare yourselves for a settlement of this
question, that must come up for settlement sooner than you
are prepared for it. The sooner you are prepared the
better. You may dispose of me very easily,--I am nearly
disposed of now; but this question is still to be
settled,--this negro question I mean; the end of that is
not yet. These wounds were inflicted upon me--both sabre
cuts on my head and bayonet stabs in different parts of my
body--some minutes after I had ceased fighting and had
consented to surrender, for the benefit of others, not for
my own. I believe the Major would not have been alive; I
could have killed him just as easy as a mosquito when he
came in to receive our surrender. There had been loud and
long calls of "surrender" from us,--as loud as men could
yell; but in the confusion and excitement I suppose we were
not heard. I do not think the Major, or any one, meant to
butcher us after we had surrendered.
_An Officer._ Why did you not surrender before the attack?
_Brown._ I did not think it was my duty or interest to do
so. We assured the prisoners that we did not wish to harm
them, and they should be set at liberty. I exercised my
best judgment, not believing the people would wantonly
sacrifice their own fellow-citizens, when we offered to let
them go on condition of being allowed to change our
position about a quarter of a mile. The prisoners agreed by
a vote among themselves to pass across the bridge with us.
We wanted them only as a sort of guarantee of our own
safety,--that we should not be fired into. We took them, in
the first place, as hostages and to keep them from doing
any harm. We did kill some men in defending ourselves, but
I saw no one fire except directly in self-defense. Our
orders were strict not to harm any one not in arms against
us.
_Q._ Brown, suppose you had every nigger in the United
States, what would you do with them? _A._ Set them free.
_Q._ Your intention was to carry them off and free them?
_A._ Not at all.
_A Bystander._ To set them free would sacrifice the life of
every man in this community.
_Brown._ I do not think so.
_Bystander._ I know it. I think you are fanatical.
_Brown._ And I think you are fanatical. "Whom the gods
would destroy they first made mad," and you are mad.
_Q._ Was your only object to free the negroes? _A._
Absolutely our only object.
_Q._ But you demanded and took Colonel Washington's silver
and watch? _A._ Yes; we intended freely to appropriate the
property of slave-holders to carry out our object. It was
for that, and only that, and with no design to enrich
ourselves with any plunder whatever.
_Bystander._ Did you know Sherrod in Kansas? I understand
you killed him.
_Brown._ I killed no man except in fair fight. I fought at
Black Jack Point and at Osawatomie; and if I killed
anybody, it was at one of these places.
Mr. Sanborn publishes a conversation that Brown had with his jailer
concerning his interview with Governor Wise.[390]
"'A Virginian,'" he says, "gives me this addition to Brown's
conversation with Wise":
_Jailer._ I see in the papers that you told Governor Wise
you had promises of aid from Virginia, Tennessee, and the
Carolinas. Is that true, or did you make it up to "rile"
the old Governor?
_Brown._ No; I did not tell Wise that.
_Jailer._ What did you tell him that could have made that
impression on his mind?
_Brown._ Wise said something about fanaticism, and
intimated that no man in full possession of his senses
could have expected to overcome a State with such a handful
of men as I had, backed only by struggling negroes; and I
replied that I had promises of ample assistance, and would
have received it too if I could only have set the ball in
motion. He then asked suddenly in a harsh voice, as you've
seen lawyers snap up a witness: "Assistance! From what
State, sir?" I was not thrown off my guard, and replied:
"From more than you'd believe if I should name them all;
but I _expected_ more from Virginia, Tennessee, and the
Carolinas than from any others."
_Jailer._ You "expected" it. You did not say it was
promised from the States named?
_Brown._ No; I knew, of course, that the negroes would
rally to my standard. If I had only got the thing fairly
started, you Virginians would have seen sights that would
have opened your eyes; and I tell you if I was free this
moment, and had five hundred negroes around me, I would
put these irons on Wise himself before Saturday night.
_Jailer_. Then it was true about aid being promised? What
States promised it?
_Brown (with a laugh)._ Well, you are about as smart a man
as Wise, and I'll give you the same answer I gave him.
A reporter for the New York _Herald_ who was present said of Brown:[391]
"He converses freely, fluently and cheerfully, without the slightest
manifestation of fear or uneasiness, evidently weighing well his words,
and possessing a good command of language. His manner is courteous and
affable, while he appears to be making a favorable impression upon his
auditory."
A reporter for the Baltimore _American_ who was present at the interview
said:[392] "No sign of weakness was exhibited by John Brown. In the
midst of his enemies, whose homes he had invaded; wounded and a
prisoner, surrounded by a small army of officials, and a more desperate
army of angry men; with the gallows staring him full in the face, he lay
on the floor, and, in reply to every question, gave answers that
betokened the spirit that animated him. The language of Gov. Wise well
expresses his boldness when he said, 'He is the gamest man I ever saw.'"
During the afternoon of the 18th, while the interview with Brown was in
progress, Mr. John C. Unseld accompanied Lieutenant Green, with a
detachment of marines, to Brown's recent headquarters at the Kennedy
farm, where a quantity of war material was found, including bed
clothing, canvas for tents, some axes, two cast-iron hominy mills, a
good deal of clothing boxed up--new clothing for men, and some boots.
Here also they found Brown's trunk containing his official papers and
correspondence; copies of the constitution for the Provisional
Government and other important documents; also maps of Kentucky,
Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida,
and Georgia. Each map had a slip pasted on the side, evidently cut from
the census report of 1850, showing the number and kind of inhabitants
(whether free or slave, white or black, male or female) in each county
of the State or States which it represented. On the maps of South
Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia, there were various
ink-marks in the shape of crosses at different points.[393] With the
consent of Brown, John E. Cook had taken a similar census of the
inhabitants living in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry.[394]
On the morning of the 19th the military stores that had been transferred
to the school-house, on Monday, from the Kennedy farm, were taken
possession of by the "Baltimore Greys," a company belonging to the
Maryland regiment present, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel
Mills. Among them were the following articles:[395]
102 Sharp's Rifles 3 Gross Steel Pens
10 Kegs Gunpowder 5 Ink Stands
23000 Percussion Rifle Caps 21 Lead Pencils
100000 Percussion Pistol Caps 34 Pen Holders
13000 Sharp's Rifle Cartridges 2 Boxes Wafers
483 Pikes 47 Small Blank Books
16 Picks
40 Shovels (The railroad waybill called for several dozen, showing that
more were to come)
On Wednesday morning, October 19th, the prisoners were safely
transferred to Charlestown, under an escort of marines commanded by
Lieutenant Green. Upon their arrival there they were delivered into the
custody of the sheriff of Jefferson County and the United States marshal
for the Western District of Virginia, and by them placed in the county
jail. Brown and Stevens, being unable to walk, were transferred to and
from the train, in a wagon.
The comments of the press of the country, upon the occurrences herein,
however interesting they may be, are not especially valuable. The
writers of the time had but little correct information upon which to
base their opinion as to the scope of the undertaking. Even at the
present time, after the lapse of more than fifty years, opinion is
divided as to whether this incident in our history was just an
altruistic "_Foray into Virginia_"; or whether it was, practically, a
harmless and utterly senseless "_raid_," or whether it was an organized
reality--an invasion of the State of Virginia by Brown and his captains,
having for their object, the conquest of the Southern States.