BLACK JACK
_There is a tide in the affairs of men which taken at the
flood leads on to fortune._
--JULIUS CAESAR, ACT IV
The tide in Free-State sentiment was soon to flow strongly in Brown's
favor. He had wisely deferred the execution of his "sudden coup" on the
Pottawatomie, until a time when public attention would be distracted
from a close observance and inquiry into his actions. In the flames of
burning Lawrence he saw the fruition of his hopes. The storm of passion
awakened by the outrages there, swept by the malignant winds of revenge,
spread and lighted the fires of partisan spirit and partisan hate in the
hearts of the Free-State men, to the borders of the remotest prairie.
They were aroused and united in their common cause, as never before, and
were prepared not only to condone any outrages that might be committed
upon pro-slavery men, but to approve of them. In this spirit they
received the news of the "murder on the Pottawatomie" and congratulated
the murderers. But when Brown won his victory over Captain Pate at Black
Jack and humiliated that boasting aggravation of border ruffianism, they
went wild in their enthusiasm for him and his name was upon every
tongue. The criminal of the age became the hero of the hour. Had Brown
sought to serve the cause of Freedom, and to engage the forces of
slavery at "close quarters," he would have been carried to leadership
upon the crest of the wave of Free-State enthusiasm which then swept
over the Territory. But such was neither his intention nor his ambition.
It was sordid gain which he sought--that, and that only. Free booty,
and not Free Kansas, was the slogan in the Brown camp.
May 26th Brown received some reënforcements. August Bondi and A. O.
Carpenter joined the band. Bondi was a member of the Pottawatomie
Rifles; also, he was an associate with Benjamin. Carpenter, it is said,
knew of a safe hiding place. The retreat to which he invited the party
was in a secluded ravine, opening into Ottawa Creek bottom, in the
vicinity of Palmyra, some twenty miles northward. The flight of the
Browns, during the night of the 26th, from their concealment on Middle
Creek, to the more secure hiding place on Ottawa Creek, is thus
described by Mr. Bondi. He says:[157]
There were ten of us--Captain Brown, Owen, Frederick,
Salmon and Oliver Brown; Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner,
James Townsley, Carpenter and myself.... The three youngest
men, Salman Brown, Oliver and I--rode without saddles. By
order of Captain Brown, Fred Brown rode first, Owen and
Carpenter next; ten paces behind them, Old Brown; and the
rest of us behind him two and two....
It will be observed that the little company of six which was on foot on
the 24th, was now mounted; and the fact that Bondi rode without a
saddle, indicates that his mount was not his own property, but that it
had been furnished by the Browns. It thus appears that they had seven
horses in their possession, exclusive of the fast running horse in the
hands of John Brown, Jr.
Another incident therein related reflects some historical light upon the
state of Brown's mind at the time. Generally, the leader of such a party
rides at the head of it. On this occasion Brown assigned to himself a
position of safety in the line of march not consistent with the
reputation he earned later as a fighter; or with the biographical axiom:
"Where John Brown was, he led." Danger was imminent on the route of this
column. But Brown did not lead. His conduct can only be accounted for
upon the hypothesis that a man cannot be a thief and a hero at the same
time. The subject of personal safety, by _flight_, was uppermost in
Brown's mind. His study was how to escape from the country with his
booty. He was fleeing, under cover of the night, from the wrath of his
fellow citizens, and from the officers of the law whom he suspected
might be upon his trail. He was in the rôle of a thief, pure and simple,
and he acted the part. June 1st, under very much altered circumstances,
his conduct was different. Having been encouraged to fight, he had made
an honorable alliance with Captain Shore, and had started from his
hiding place to join him in a contemplated attack upon a party of
Missourians, then in the vicinity, to effect the arrest of the Browns.
This march is also described by Bondi:[158]
Still in the best of spirits, and with our appetites still
better, just whetted by a scant breakfast, we followed
Captain Brown,--he alone remaining serious, and riding
silent at our front.
Continuing his narrative of the all-night ride, Bondi says that about 4
o'clock on the morning of May 27th, they reached the secluded spot, on
Ottawa Creek, which Carpenter had indicated as a safe place for camping;
in the midst of a primeval wood, perhaps half a mile deep to the edge of
the creek.
Whether by premeditation or otherwise, the party lost no time from the
pursuit of the purposes of their organization. During the afternoon of
that day they went to the store of Mr. J. M. Bernard, at St. Bernard, or
Centropolis, and helped themselves to such goods as pleased their fancy;
principally blankets and clothing, and, returning next day they carried
away, practically, the remainder of the stock. The value of the goods
taken amounted to probably $3,000.[159]
June 19, 1856, Mr. John Miller testified concerning the robbery of Mr.
Bernard's store, as follows:
I was at St. Bernard on Tuesday, May 27th, 1856. I was in
the store (J. M. Bernard's) with Mr. Davis. Whilst there a
party of 13 men came to the store on horseback, armed with
Sharp's rifles, revolvers and bowie knives. They inquired
for Mr. Bernard. I told them he had gone to Westport. One
of them said to me, "You are telling a God damn lie," and
drew up his gun at me. They called for such goods as they
wanted and made Mr. Davis and me hand them out and said if
we didn't hurry they would shoot us--they had their guns
ready. After they had got the goods they
wanted--principally, blankets and clothing--they packed
them upon their horses and went away.... On the next
evening, a party of 14 men came to the store on horseback.
Thirteen of the party I recognized as the same that came to
the store the day before and the other man I knew--William
S. Ewitt is his name--and who I know is a Free-State man.
They had a wagon along with them. They came into the store
each having his gun ready. Some carried goods and some put
the goods in the wagon.... They also took away with them
Mr. Bernard's two large horses and three saddles and two
bridles and nearly all the provisions that were
there--bacon and flour and other provisions. They asked Mr.
Davis for all the money he had in the store. There were but
4 dollars in the drawer which he handed to them. When they
first came they looked up at the sign and said they would
like to shoot at the name.[160]
An incident of vast importance to John Brown occurred in his secure
retreat. What he then needed above all other earthly things, was a
friend who could and would create a diversion in his behalf and present
his case in a favorable light to the world. Here he met James Redpath, a
correspondent for the New York _Tribune_, and other newspapers. Redpath
had come to interview Brown, and to get a story for the press. Just how
Redpath happened to know that Brown was due to arrive at that time, at
that particular point on Ottawa Creek, is not publicly known; but he
knew of it, and was there awaiting his arrival.[161] The location of
Brown's hiding place was so well concealed that Captain Pate, in pursuit
of the Browns northward, passed by without discovering it; and Redpath,
notwithstanding he had explicit directions, lost his way and had
difficulty in finding the place. His description of the camp is as
follows:
I shall not soon forget the scene that here opened to my
view. Near the edge of the creek a dozen horses were tied,
all ready saddled for a ride for life, or a hunt after
southern invaders. A dozen rifles and sabres were stacked
against the trees. In an open space, amid the shady and
lofty woods, there was a great blazing fire with a pot on
it; a woman, bareheaded, with an honest, sun-burnt face,
was picking blackberries from the bushes; three or four
armed men were lying on red and blue blankets on the grass;
and two fine looking youths were standing, leaning on their
arms, on guard near by. One of them was the youngest son of
Old Brown, and the other was "Charley," the brave
Hungarian, who was subsequently murdered at Osawatomie. Old
Brown himself stood near the fire, with his shirt sleeves
rolled up, and a large piece of pork in his hand. He was
cooking a pig. He was poorly clad, and his toes protruded
from his boots. The old man received me with great
cordiality, and the little band gathered about me. But it
was for a moment only, for the Captain ordered them to
renew their work. He respectfully but firmly forbade
conversation on the Pottawatomie affair, and said, that, if
I desired any information from the company in relation to
their conduct or intention, he, as their captain, would
answer for them whatever it was proper to communicate.[162]
Redpath remained for an hour in Brown's camp, an hour of importance to
Brown, the most fortunate hour of his life. Redpath not only pledged to
him his professional support, but assured him that the Free-State men
would defend him, and promised to have the formidable "Stubbs" Rifle
Company, armed with Sharp's rifles, march immediately to his relief. At
the close of the interview he returned to Lawrence and began his vivid
exploitation of Brown in the Territorial and Northern press. He
succeeded in stemming the current of condemnation of the Pottawatomie
murders which came sweeping up from Osawatomie, and turned the tide of
Free-State opinion to Brown's advantage. He was thereafter Brown's
foremost representative, and became his first and most lurid biographer.
While the incidents herein related were occurring in Brown's camp, the
murderers of the pro-slavery men were being diligently sought for by
voluntary pro-slavery partisans, as well as by the Territorial
authorities. The flight of the Browns caused the finger of suspicion to
point to them as the guilty persons; and when Captain Pate at the head
of a party of Missourians came into the Osawatomie district, and found
out what had happened there, he proceeded to carry off or burn all the
available property of the Browns and their allies--Weiner and Bondi. He
then followed the trail of the Browns and arrived in the vicinity of
their camp on Ottawa Creek, May 31st. Brown, in the meantime, encouraged
by the arrangements he had made with Redpath, and the prospect of
substantial assistance, abandoned the idea of further flight and
determined to fight, and if possible, capture his pursuers. With Pate's
company of twenty-five men, there were as many horses, and probably a
dozen mules, besides arms, provisions, and other plunder; all of which
looked good to the plunder band.
The Free-State men in that neighborhood had organized a military
company, the "Prairie City Rifles." It was under the command of Captain
S. T. Shore, and numbered eighteen men. Shore agreed to "mobilize" his
company, and unite his force with Brown's party of ten, and to attack
Pate, by surprise, in his camp. An attack of this character upon
undisciplined men, was practically certain of success. The command was
given to Brown, and at daylight on the morning of June 2d, the combined
forces opened fire upon the front and right flank of the astonished
"invaders." The attack was creditable, especially to Brown, who planned
it, and who preserved his poise, and displayed all the skill and courage
necessary in such an engagement. He was fighting for his existence, and
for spoils, and won the battle without loss of life on either side.
After an hour or two of desultory firing, Pate surrendered
unconditionally. The total casualties were four men wounded, two in
Pate's command, and one each in Brown's and Shore's companies. Brown
took possession of all Pate's horses and other property, and held his
men as prisoners until June 5th, when Colonel E. V. Sumner, First United
States Cavalry, arrived upon the scene and separated the belligerents.
He restored to Pate his horses, and such other property belonging to him
as he could find, and ordered all of the "companies" to disband and
return to their homes.
In view of the losses sustained by the parties engaged in the battle, it
seems as though the fighting was conducted along conservative lines.
Brown's account of it to his wife reads as follows:
Near Brown's Station K. T. June 1856.
DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERYONE:
... The cowardly mean conduct of Osawatomie and vicinity
did not save them; for the ruffians came on them, made
numerous prisoners, fired their buildings, and robbed them.
After this a picked party of the Bogus men went to Brown's
Station, burned John's and Jason's houses, and their
contents to ashes; in which burning we have all suffered
more or less. Orson and boy have been prisoners, but were
soon set at liberty. They are well, and have not been
seriously injured. Owen and I have just come here for the
first time, to look at the ruins. All looks desolate and
forsaken--the grass and weeds fast covering up the signs
that these places were lately the abodes of quiet families.
After burning the houses, this selfsame party of picked
men, some forty in number, set out as they supposed, and as
was the fact, on the track of my little company, boasting,
with awful profanity, that they would have our scalps. They
however, passed the place where we were hid, and robbed a
little town some four or five miles beyond our camp in the
timber. I had omitted to say that some murders had been
committed at the time Lawrence was sacked.
On learning that this party was in pursuit of us, my little
company, now increased to ten in all, started after them in
company of a Captain Shore, with eighteen men, he included
(June 1). We were all mounted as we traveled. We did not
meet them on that day, but took five prisoners, four of
whom were their scouts, and well armed. We were out all
night, but could find nothing of them until about six
o'clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at
once, on foot, leaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore's
men to guard the horses. As I was much older than Captain
Shore, the principal direction of the fight devolved on me.
We got to within about a mile of their camp before being
discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a brisk pace,
Captain Shore and men forming our left, and my company the
right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy, Captain
Shore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation
and continued to fire, both his men and the enemy being
armed with Sharpe's rifles. My company had no long
shooters. We (my company) did not fire a gun until we
gained the rear of a bank about fifteen or twenty rods to
the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and soon
compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore after
getting one man wounded and exhausted his ammunition, came
with part of his men to the right of my position, much
discouraged. The balance of his men, including the one
wounded, had left the ground. Five of Captain Shore's men
came boldly down and joined my company, and all but one
man, wounded, helped to maintain the fight until it was
over. I was obliged to give my consent that he should go
after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of
whom I persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there
busied one of them in shooting the horses and mules of the
enemy, which served for a show of fight. After the firing
had continued for some two or three hours, Captain Pate
with twenty-three men, two badly wounded, laid down their
arms to nine men, myself included,--four to Captain Shore's
men and four to my own. One of my men (Henry Thompson) was
badly wounded, and after continuing his fire for an hour
longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of my
company (but not of my family) had gone off. Salmon was
dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight; but
both he and Henry are fast recovering....[163]
I ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stood
their ground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken
position during the early part of the fight. I ought to say
further that a Captain Abbott, being some miles distant
with a company, came onward promptly to sustain us, but
could not reach us till the fight was over. After the fight
numerous Free-State men who could not be got out before
were on hand, and some of them I am ashamed to add, were
very busy not only with the plunder of our enemies, but
with our private effects, leaving us, while guarding our
prisoners and providing in regard to them, much poorer than
before the battle....
Your affectionate husband and father,
JOHN BROWN.
"Articles of Surrender" signed by Captains Brown, Shore, and Pate, and
his lieutenant, W. B. Brockett, provided for an exchange of prisoners,
stipulating that Brown's sons--John and Jason--then prisoners, were to
be exchanged for Pate and Brockett respectively. It also provided that
the side arms of each person exchanged were to be returned, also the
horses, "so far as practicable."
An important incident at Black Jack was the failure of the deputy United
States marshal, Wm. J. Preston, to arrest the Browns. He had warrants
for their arrest for the murders on the Pottawatomie, and came with
Sumner to accomplish it. The Colonel notified Brown that they would be
served in his presence, but when ordered by Sumner to proceed, the
marshal said: "I do not recognize any one for whom I have warrants," to
which the Colonel replied: "Then what are you here for?"[164] A man of
Brown's years and experience and courage is a dangerous animal when thus
situated. That a tragedy was impending is more than probable. At any
rate, Preston quailed under the hostile look which Brown fixed upon him.
What would have happened if the marshal had attempted to make the
arrests, none can say, but Preston decided not to mix up in a tragedy.
Another incident in the affair of historical importance was the presence
of John E. Cook, as a guest in Brown's camp. None of Brown's biographers
has referred to this incident, but the fact appears in Cook's confession
heretofore quoted from. It will be difficult for anyone to account for
Cook's presence there, at that psychological moment, upon any hypothesis
other than that he was there by virtue of an invitation from Brown, or
other notice or understanding with him. It follows, presumptively, that
this was not the first time they had met, and that they were mutually
interested in the problem which Brown had under consideration: how to
get away, safely, with the horses and mules which he had taken from
Pate. The final clause of the last sentence in the "Articles of
Surrender," foreshadows the possibility, or probability, that some of
the horses might be missing later on, and gives credit to the
suspicion, or assumption, that Cook had come to the camp to run the
stock off north and turn it into money, as had been done with the
Pottawatomie horses. That the horses and mules herein were not run off
immediately, and disposed of, was doubtless due to the negotiations that
were pending for the liberation of Brown's sons. He probably thought
that a theft of the horses would be construed as a violation of the
terms of the surrender, and might prevent the exchange of prisoners that
he hoped to effect. But whatever his hopes and his plans may have been,
they were all dissipated and broken up by a fly that unexpectedly
dropped into the ointment of his calculations: the arrival upon the
scene of Sumner, with his cavalry. He spoiled everything. First he made
Brown give back to Pate's men all the property he had taken from them,
or as much of it as was visible, and then peremptorily ordered all the
combatants to disband and return to their homes.
Sumner's orders bore lightly upon Captain Shore. It was a simple
proposition for his men to "disband and return to their regular
vocations." The presence of Pate and his band in the neighborhood was a
menace to their peace and security; they had left their work, in
response to a call from their captain, to unite in an effort to drive
out the intruders; also they had behaved creditably, and were ready to
return to their homes and to the congratulations which they were sure to
receive from their Free-State neighbors on account of their victory. But
with the Browns it was different. They were engaged in a different kind
of business: the horse and general robbery business. They too had won a
victory--a far greater victory than Shore's men. It was their personal
fight which they had won. With Shore's assistance they had beaten and
captured the posse that had come to arrest them for murder and robbery.
They had fought for their lives--also for Pate's horses and mules. But
they had no homes to which to go. They belonged to a different class of
citizens--the undesirable class. They were outlaws against whom their
neighbors and relatives had closed their doors. Mr. Villard states[165]
that on the evening of May 26th, John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown were
refused admittance into the house of their uncle, the Rev. Mr. Adair,
near Osawatomie. He said to them, "Can't keep you here. Our lives are
threatened. Every moment we expect to have our house burned over our
heads." However, after assuring Mrs. Adair that they "did not have
anything to do with the murders on the Pottawatomie" they were permitted
to come in. But later that night, when Owen Brown sought admittance to
his uncle's home, Mr. Adair refused even to parley with him, saying:
"Get away, get away as quickly as you can! You endanger our lives. You
are a vile murderer, a marked man!"
Bondi states that within an hour after Sumner ordered the companies to
disband. Camp Brown had ceased to exist. The wounded Salmon (Thompson)
was taken to Carpenter's cabin, nearby, and nursed by Bondi; the others,
with Weiner, camped in a thicket about half a mile from the abandoned
camp.[166] June 10th settlement was made with Weiner, and he left the
country. It is probable that, at this date, the horses which were taken
on the Pottawatomie had been sold; and that final settlement was then
made between the Browns and Weiner, and their unknown confederates. Mr.
Villard states that "on Thursday June 10, at a council held that day, it
was agreed to separate. Weiner had business in Louisiana. Henry Thompson
[Salmon Brown] was also taken to Carpenter's cabin, and Bondi
accompanied Weiner as far as Leavenworth."
This was the end of the first John Brown organization. The period of its
active operations covered eighteen days, May 24th to June 10th. During
this time they murdered five men; stole a lot of horses; made a big
horse trade, exchanging the whole, or a part of the stolen horses;
robbed a store; made an alliance with Captain Shore, and captured
Pate's posse at Black Jack: a record of strenuous activity,
characteristic of the aggressive speculator who directed the movements.
The chapter of robbery and murder on the Pottawatomie, of which Brown's
success over Pate at Black Jack was an incident, closes with the
settlement herein stated and the dissolution of Brown's band June 10th.
It further appears that John Brown and his unmarried sons quit the
Territory late in July, en route to the east. Inquiry then, very
properly turns to what Brown did during the fifty days intervening
between these dates. In the case of an altruistic hero, a "leader of the
Free-State Cause," such as the heralds proclaim Brown to have been, the
public supposes, naturally, that he did something during these days of
opportunity that was worthy of the great distinction with which he is
credited. But to the question: WHAT _did he do_? history gives back no
answer. The historical record of John Brown, except as to three days,
July 2d to 4th, is a total blank. Even his "whereabouts" during these
fifty days is, to the public, unknown. The history of those days of
strenuous endeavor, shows clearly where Robinson was, and what he was
doing. He was the Free-State Governor of the "State of Kansas," and was
in jail, or in confinement, under indictment in the Territorial Court
for "Constructive Treason." History shows where Lane was, and where
Walker was, and where Sam, Woods, and Deitzler, and G. W. Brown and the
others were, but not where John Brown was. His latest biographer
dismisses the question as immaterial, with the following
generalization:[167]
"Not until the beginning of July," he says, "did John Brown terminate
this life in the bush and again become active. On July 2 he boldly
entered Lawrence, and called upon the _Tribune_ correspondent, William
A. Phillips." Brown's object, in calling upon Phillips, was not to make
a report of the public services which he had rendered during the thirty
days preceding; but for the purpose of having him publish a letter which
he had written in reply to Captain Pate's report of the Black Jack
affair--a personal matter between himself and Pate. It may be said that
if Brown had done anything creditable during "this life in the bush" he
would not have failed to report the fact to Phillips for publication,
for he was vain. He did, however, the next best thing; he told Phillips
what he _intended_ to do: "That he was on his way to Topeka with his
followers, to be on hand at whatever crisis might arise at the opening
of the legislature." Continuing his remarks Mr. Villard says:
How long John Brown remained at the Willets farm, near
Topeka, to which he now proceeded, and where he spent the
next two or three weeks, is not known. He neither entered
Topeka, on the fateful July 4th, nor immediately
thereafter. It is probable that he returned promptly to the
neighborhood of his sick sons, more than ever disgusted
with the Free-State leaders and their inability to adopt
his view that the way to fight was "to press to close
quarters."[168]
Since Brown is herein creditably reported to have "terminated this life
in the bush and again become active," it is fair to inquire into the
nature of the public service which he rendered during the period of
activity thus auspiciously announced. Mr. Phillips gave out what Brown
said he intended to do. But Mr. Villard states that he did not do that;
and that there is no record of what he did do, or of where he went. It
appears, then, that "the termination of the life in the bush" was not a
termination of it at all; and that the period of his public activities
"terminated" at the end of a night ride, on stolen horses, from Lawrence
to the vicinity of Topeka. It may be worthy of note, that the above
example of Brown's activity in public affairs is probably the shortest
period of public activity by a hero, that has ever been dignified by
historical record. Further: History does not sustain the statement that
Brown "recruited his band" after the disbanding of it, June 10th. There
is no reason apparent why he should have enlarged it. He and his sons
could operate more profitably than a larger party could, and with less
risk of detection.
Brown was not a loafer: and he was not in idleness during the fifty days
of his obscuration; neither was he fighting, "pressing to close
quarters," for no fighting was being done during this time.
Investigation, however, of the record and of the various admissions and
statements subsequently made by his sons, discloses the facts that the
activities in which they were engaged were merely akin, or similar to a
state of warfare; that there was continuous "fighting," of a certain
kind, where they were, and "trouble"; so much so that the sons, at
least, had a surfeit of it, and were "tired" of the "business," and were
anxious to quit it and leave the Territory.
Salmon Brown stated to Mr. Villard, that they left "because Lucius Mills
insisted on the invalids being moved, and because they were a drag on
the fighting men": and Henry Thompson affirmed that "he, Oliver, Owen
and Salmon had had enough of Kansas. They did not wish to fight any
more. They felt they had suffered enough; that the service which they
had been called upon to perform at Pottawatomie squared them with duty.
They were, they thought, entitled to leave further work to other hands.
They were sick of the fighting and trouble."[169]
These statements show that there were violent actions somewhere, about
something long after Black Jack; and that the invalids impeded the
movements of the "fighting" men. But where this fighting took place, or
what it was about, history is silent. Salmon Brown could tell all about
the occurrences of these fifty days if he were disposed to do so. There
is ample evidence, however, of the fact that the Browns led a stormy
life during the days they are reported "unaccounted for."[170] The
friendly mantle which the night spread over their actions, at the time,
has not been lifted, but the actors therein have told enough to show
that what they did do, was done at the peril of their lives; and was of
such a character that at least one of the party, Lucius Mills, refused
to take any part in it. For this, Mills lost caste with Brown "because
he had no desire to fight, but played nurse and doctor while the others
did the fighting."[171] But since there was no fighting anywhere in
Kansas, we must conclude that they used the term "fighting" as a
convenience, or as a witticism, and that it really means stealing
horses; and that the Browns, while in hiding from the world at large,
were still carrying on the business they commenced in the bloody tragedy
on the Pottawatomie. Further evidence that they were horse thieves,
appears in an incident which occurred when they were en route home, as
related by Salmon Brown. He says:[172]
"We other four bought a double buggy and harness from the
Oberlin people, on credit at Tabor, drove to Iowa City,
sold the horses, sent back the money to pay for the wagon,
and all four went home. The horses for the double buggy we
came by thus: we heard on the way through Nebraska, that
some pro-slavery men were after us. Oliver, who was always
a dare-devil, and William Thompson ambushed these men,
deliberately turning aside for that purpose. The men,
ordered off their horses, took it for a regular hold-up in
force, and surrendered their animals. Oliver and William
immediately jumped on and lit out for Tabor. It was these
horses that took us across Iowa." The need of converting
pro-slavery animals into good anti-slavery stock, was thus
urgent with the Brown sons in peaceful placid Nebraska as
it had been in bleeding Kansas.
This incident bears all the characteristics of the daring professional
at work. It is not probable that two lone Kansas pro-slavery men
followed John Brown, who had become the Terror of the Territory, up into
Free-State Nebraska. It is much more probable that the Browns held up
two unsuspecting, unarmed, citizens of Nebraska, and took their horses.
And, having taken them in this manner, it follows, more than logically,
that they also stole the buggy and harness, to complete the outfit; for
it would be quite impossible that two irresponsible young strangers,
traveling through a country, could thus buy a "double buggy and harness
on credit."
The Browns profited by their operations in Kansas. They did not grow
rich during the short period of their outlawry, but they became
prosperous in comparison with what their circumstances were before they
became robbers. It will be remembered that Salmon Brown, when he was a
homebuilder, was very poor. Mr. Villard has been quoted as saying that
Brown and his sons "arrived in Kansas in all but destitute condition,
with but sixty cents between them, to find the settlement in great
distress." And Redpath said of Brown, when he met him in his camp May
30, 1856, "He was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots."
In contrast with these commercial ratings we have a report on Brown, as
he appeared in Nebraska about August 1, 1856:[173]
The Captain was riding a splendid horse and was in plain
white summer clothing. He wore a large straw hat and was
closely shaven. Everything about him was scrupulously
clean. He made a great impression on several of the
company, who, without knowing him, at once declared that he
must be a distinguished man in disguise.
As a result of their "fighting," and of their "pressing to close
quarters," the Browns were quite independent when they left the
Territory. "_School was out._" Also, the "_toad_" had got out from under
the harrow. They could now go wherever they wished, and they concluded
to give up "their struggle to make Kansas a Free-State" and to return to
their home in New York. At Nebraska City, when Brown changed his mind
about going east and decided to return to Kansas, he bought horses for
himself and Frederick, who was to accompany him, and sent the remainder
of the party on their way to the States.[174] When he arrived at
Osawatomie, about August 20th, he had, as stated by Bondi, "a spick and
span four mule team, the wagon loaded with provisions; besides he was
well supplied with money."[175] In poverty and on foot, the Browns
entered the valley of the Pottawatomie May 23, 1856; seventy days
thereafter, they left the Territory, in independent circumstances.
During the latter part of July and the first days of August. 1856, some
incidents occurred in Kansas which are interrelated. The pro-slavery men
living in the vicinity of "New Georgia," near Osawatomie, built a
"block-house" for the protection of pro-slavery settlers from Free-State
aggressions. Following this, John Brown and his band of Free-State
aggressors suddenly left the Territory. August 5th, Captain Cracklin,
with the Stubbs Rifles, routed the Georgians at New Georgia and burned
their block-house; also, upon receipt of this intelligence, at Nebraska
City, Brown changed his mind about going east, and returned to Kansas to
raid the Osawatomie district. The first of these incidents, the building
of the block-house, was a pro-slavery demonstration in Brown's
territory. It was notice to him that further stealing from pro-slavery
settlers would be unsafe in that neighborhood; it was also a challenge
to John Brown to fight, if he chose to accept it as such. That the
leaving of the Browns was not a premeditation, but the result of a
"sudden impulse," appears from a statement made by Mr. Adair to Mr. T.
H. Hand in a letter dated July 17, 1856: "Bro. J. B. and unmarried sons
expect to leave the territory immediately."[176] Also, from the further
fact that at the time they left, William Thompson, brother of Henry
Thompson, was due to arrive in Kansas to join the Brown colony. They met
him near the Nebraska line and took him back east with them.[177]
The abrupt leaving of the Browns, under these circumstances, is
inconsistent with the theory that they were "fighting men;" or that they
were anxious to fight. If John Brown had actually desired to "engage the
slave-power at close quarters" as has been insisted upon, boastfully,
for more than fifty years, he would have joined his force with Captain
Shore, or others, and would have attacked the Georgians at New Georgia,
and driven them out, as Captain Cracklin did August 5th, while
they--Brown and his sons--were running away from the job.