HIS PUBLIC SERVICES
_Peace rules the day, where reason rules the mind._
--COLLINS
It was in the fall of 1855 that John Brown came to Kansas to try another
venture with fortune, in a new field of opportunity.
During the spring of 1854 his son John was seeking a new location, and
had written to his father in relation thereto; who replied to him in a
letter dated April 3, 1854, "I do not know of a good opening for you
this way."[87] But during the fall of that year five of Brown's
sons--John, Jason, Owen, Frederick, and Salmon--decided to settle in
Kansas. Having completed their arrangements they moved to the Territory
in the spring of 1855, arriving, about May 1st, in the vicinity of
Osawatomie. They were attracted to the Territory, as thousands of others
were, by the glowing accounts published by emigration societies north
and south. These prospectuses described the beauty of the prairies, the
fertility of the soil, the delightful and health-giving climate; and set
forth the prospective rewards in wealth, health, and happiness which
were awaiting all who took advantage of the great opportunities the
country offered. That they were not disappointed upon their arrival,
appears from their letters expressing eminent satisfaction with
everything pertaining to the settlement, and their desire to have their
father locate in Kansas with them.
May 24th John Brown, Jr., wrote to his father: "Salmon, Frederick, and
Owen say that they never was in a country that begun to please them as
well, and I will say that the present prospect for health, wealth, and
usefulness much exceeds even my most sanguine anticipations. I know of
no country where a poor man, endowed with a share of common sense and
with health, can get a start as easy. If we can succeed in making this a
free state, a great work will be accomplished for mankind."[88]
Long before the coming of the Browns, the Free State leaders in the
Territory had determined to repudiate the laws enacted by the
Territorial Legislature; also, to defend themselves by force of arms
against the aggressions of their over-zealous pro-slavery neighbors in
Missouri. They had during April, 1855, secured from Boston a hundred
Sharp's rifles to arm the companies organized at Lawrence, and were
negotiating for further consignments of arms. After their arrival in the
Territory, the Browns realized the importance of this movement, and
since they had not brought any serviceable arms with them--having come
with axes instead of rifles--they wrote to their father to try to get
some for them, and bring them with him when he came. The letter which
John Brown, Jr., wrote to his father on the subject is as follows:[89]
And now I come to the matter, that more than all else I
intended should be the principal subject of this letter. I
tell you the truth when I say, that while the interests of
despotism has secured to its cause hundreds and thousands
of the meanest and most desperate of men, armed to the
teeth with Revolvers, Bowie Knives, Rifles and
Cannon--while they are not only thoroughly organized, but
under pay from Slaveholders--the friends of freedom are NOT
ONE FOURTH of them HALF ARMED, and as to MILITARY
ORGANIZATION among them it NO WHERE EXISTS IN THIS
TERRITORY unless they have recently done something in
Lawrence. The result of this is that the people here
exhibit the most abject and cowardly spirit, whenever their
dearest rights are invaded and trampled down by the lawless
bands of Miscreants which Missouri has ready at a moment's
call to pour in upon them. This is the GENERAL effect upon
the people here so far as I have noticed, there are a few,
and but a few exceptions. Of course these foreign
Scoundrels know what kind of "ALLIES" they have to meet.
They boast that they can obtain possession of the polls in
any of our election precincts without having to fire a gun.
I enclose a piece which I cut from a St. Louis paper named
the St. Louis _Republican_; it shows the spirit which moves
them. Now Missouri is not alone in the undertaking to make
this a Slave State. Every Slaveholding State from Virginia
to Texas is furnishing men and money to fasten Slavery upon
this glorious land, by means no matter how foul.
Now the remedy we propose is, that the Anti slavery portion
of the inhabitants should IMMEDIATELY, THOROUGHLY ARM and
ORGANIZE THEMSELVES in MILITARY COMPANIES. In order to
effect this, some persons must begin and lead in the
matter. Here are 5 men of us who are not only anxious to
fully prepare, but are thoroughly determined to fight. We
can see no other way to meet the case. As in the language
of the memorial lately signed by the people here and sent
to Congress petitioning help, "it is no longer a question
of negro slavery, but it is the enslavement of ourselves."
The General Government may be petitioned until the people
here are grey, and no redress will be had so long as it
makes slavery its paramount interest.... We have among us
5, 1 Revolver, 1 Bowie Knife, 1 middling good Rifle, 1 poor
Rifle, 1 small pocket pistol and 2 slung shot. What we need
in order to be thoroughly armed for each man, is 1 Colts
large sized Revolver, 1 ALLEN & THURBER' RIFLE--they are
manufactured somewhere in Mass or Connecticut (Mr. Paine of
Springfield would probably know) and 1 heavy Bowie Knife--I
think the Minnie Rifles are made so that a sword bayonet
may be attached. With this we could compete with men who
even possessed Cannon. The real Minnie Rifle has a killing
range almost equal to Cannon and of course is more easily
handled, perhaps enough so to make up the difference. Now
we want you to get for us these arms. We need them more
than we do bread. Would not Gerrit Smith or someone,
furnish the money and loan it to us for one, two or three
years, for the purpose until we can raise enough to refund
it from the Free soil of Kansas?...
In so far as the Brown family is concerned, this letter contains the
first recorded evidence of an intention, or of a desire of any of them
to actively oppose slavery in Kansas or elsewhere. It treats the subject
as an original proposition; as though it had never been theretofore so
much as mentioned in their family councils. The letter has historical
significance: it secured John Brown's introduction to the public. It
opened the way that enabled him to go to Kansas; where he began a career
which led, ultimately, to Harper's Ferry and to Charlestown.
Following the suggestion of his son he took up with Gerrit Smith the
matter of securing a loan wherewith to purchase the arms desired. The
latter, instead of making an arrangement with them for the necessary
amount, personally presented the case before a convention of
Abolitionists that was held at Syracuse, New York, June 28th, with the
result that a collection was taken up which yielded Brown sixty dollars
in cash, twenty dollars of which was given by Smith.
The success Brown met with in collecting funds "for the cause of Kansas"
at the Syracuse convention, opened before his commercial vision that
easy field for profitable enterprise, which he afterward occupied and
worked, in a professional manner, until the end of his career. After the
Syracuse meeting he began a system of personal solicitations for money,
arms, and clothing. At Akron, Ohio, he held open meetings in one of the
public halls of the village. Mr. Villard says of these meetings:[90]
Because of their interest in the Kansas crisis, and in the
Browns, their former neighbors, the people were quickly
roused by Brown's graphic words, and liberally contributed
arms of all sorts, ammunition and clothing. Committees of
Aid were appointed and ex-Sheriff Lane was deputed to
accompany Brown in a canvass of the village shops and
offices for contributions.
At Cleveland, also, he solicited aid with very satisfactory results. He
obtained there guns, revolvers, swords, powder, caps, and money. He was
so successful "that he thought it best to detain a day or two longer on
that account." Mr. Villard says, "He had raised nearly two hundred
dollars in that way in the two previous days, principally in arms and
ammunition."
Brown, with his son Oliver and his son-in-law, Henry Thompson, left
Chicago August 23d, on their journey to Kansas. Brown states that before
leaving he purchased "a nice young horse for $120 but have so much load
that we shall have to walk, a good deal." The journey was accomplished
without either accident or incident worthy of the note, the party
arriving at Osawatomie, October 6, 1855.
Brown himself, being very tired, did not cover the last
mile or two until the next day. They arrived in all but
destitute condition, with but sixty cents between them, to
find the little family settlement in great distress, not
only because of the sickness already noted, but because of
the absence of any shelter save tents.[91]
At the time Brown arrived, the Free-State cause in the Territory was
well advanced and was progressing satisfactorily.
Out of all the meetings and conventions of the nine months
after the stolen March 30th election, there had come then,
great gains to the Free State Movement. The liberty party
had been organized, leaders had been developed, and a
regular policy of resistance by legal and constitutional
measures adopted. If counsels of compromise were still
entirely too apparent, and too potent, the train of events
which resulted in Kansas's admission as a free State was
well under way.[92]
As a result of the measures that had been adopted, an election was
pending for the selection of a Free-State Territorial Delegate to
Congress; and delegates to a Free-State Constitutional Convention. This
election had been called by the Free-State men to be held October 9th.
The regular Territorial election had been held October 1st, the
Free-State men not taking any part therein. Brown and his sons attended
the second, or Free-State election, October 9th.
An election is a political incident. A reference to an election by any
one invites an expression of his opinions upon the questions involved in
the election, if he have any special interest therein. Since Brown's
presence at this election was his introduction into the political
affairs of the Territory, we may reasonably conclude that his comments
on it cover the range of his general interest in the election and in the
issues involved therein. His letters to his family in the East
announcing his arrival at his destination, and describing the condition
of affairs, domestic as well as political, are herewith republished.
Osawatomie, K. T. Oct. 13, 1855.
Saturday Eve.
DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE--We reached the place
where the boys are located one week ago, late at night; at
least Henry and Oliver did. I, being tired, stayed behind
in our tent, a mile or two back. As the mail goes from here
early Monday morning, we could get nothing here in time for
that mail. We found all more or less sick or feeble but
Wealthy and Johnny. All at Brownsville appear now to be
mending, but all sick or feeble here at Mr. Adair's. Fever
and ague and chill-fever seem to be very general. Oliver
has had a turn of the ague since he got here, but has got
it broken. Henry has had no return since first breaking it.
We met with no difficulty in passing through Missouri, but
from the sickness of our horse and our heavy load. The
horse has entirely recovered. We had, between us all, sixty
cents in cash when we arrived. We found our folks in a most
uncomfortable situation, with no houses to shelter one of
them, no hay or corn fodder of any account secured,
shivering over their little fires, all exposed to the
dreadful cutting winds, morning and evening and stormy
days. We have been trying to help them all in our power,
and hope to get them more comfortable soon. I think much of
their ill health is owing to most unreasonable exposure.
Mr. Adair's folks would be quite comfortable if they were
well. One letter from wife and Anne to Salmon, of August
10, and one from Ruth to John, of 19th September, is all I
have seen from any of you since getting here. Henry found
one from Ruth which he has not shown me. Need I write that
I shall be glad to hear from you? I did not write while in
Missouri, because I had no confidence in your getting my
letters. We took up little Austin and brought him on here,
which appears to be a great comfort to Jason and Ellen. We
were all out a good part of the last night, helping to keep
prairie fire from destroying everything; so that I am
almost blind today, or I would write you more.
Sabbath Eve, October 14.
I notice in your letter to Salmon your trouble about the
means of having the house made more comfortable for winter,
and I fondly hope you have been relieved on that score
before now, by funds from Mr. Hurlbut, of Winchester,
Conn., from the sale of the cattle there. Write me all
about your situation; for, if disappointed from that
source, I shall make every effort to relieve you in some
other way. Last Tuesday was an election day with Free State
men in Kansas, and hearing that there was a prospect of
difficulty we all turned out most thoroughly armed (except
Jason, who was too feeble); but no enemy appeared, nor have
I heard of any disturbance in any part of the Territory.
Indeed, I believe Missouri is fast becoming discouraged
about making Kansas a slave State, and I think the prospect
of its becoming free is brightening every day. Try to be
cheerful, and always "hope in God," who will not leave nor
forsake them that trust in him. Try to comfort and
encourage each other all you can. You are all very dear to
me, and I humbly trust we may be kept and spared to meet
again on earth; but if not, let us all endeavor earnestly
to secure admission to that eternal home, where will be no
more bitter separations, "where the wicked shall cease from
troubling and the weary be at rest." We shall probably
spend a few days more in helping the boys to provide some
kind of shelter for winter, and mean to write you often.
May God in infinite mercy bless, comfort, and save you all,
for Christ's sake!
Your Affectionate husband and father,
JOHN BROWN.
In simple language and at considerable length. Brown thus announced his
arrival at his destination, and described the conditions prevailing in
Kansas and in the Brown colony. A half dozen lines in this letter
sufficed to relate the incident of the important election of October
9th, and to give his opinions of the vital questions involved in the
political situation as it then appeared to him. These lines are void of
any hostile word or phrase; also they are void of any sentiment that can
be made to suggest that Brown was different from the ordinary immigrant
that came from the North to found a home and help to make a Free State.
No settler from the North ever wrote a letter less war-like or more
peaceful and domestic in its character than this letter written by John
Brown. The clause, "I think the prospect of its becoming free is
brightening every day," is a truer index to the state of Brown's mind,
and is better evidence of the peaceful character of his quest in Kansas,
than the combined reckless assertions of his biographers to the
contrary.
In violence of contemporary evidence, all of his biographers and some
of the historians have sought to educate the public to believe that
Brown came to Kansas on a hostile mission. The public has been led to
accept the fictitious John Brown, the picturesque character of history,
instead of the real man under consideration. To this character
constructing propaganda Mr. Redpath was an ardent contributor. One of
his many effective flights has reference to the letter, heretofore
published, which his son John wrote May 24th. He said concerning it:
He undoubtedly regarded it as a call from the Almighty to
gird up his loins and go forth to do battle "as the warrior
of the Lord" as "the warrior of the Lord against the
Mighty" in behalf of His despised poor and His downtrodden
people. The moment long waited for had at length arrived;
the sign he had patiently expected had been given; and the
brave old soldier of the God of Battles prepared at once,
to obey the summons.... John Brown did _not_ go to Kansas
to settle there. He did not dare to remain tending sheep at
North Elba when the American Goliath and his hosts were in
the field, defying the little armies of the living
Lord.[93]
While Mr. Redpath did very well, his panegyric is not comparable with
some of the latest and more scholarly studies of Brown. Here is one of
Mr. Villard's efforts:
Thenceforth John Brown could give free rein to his
_wanderlust_; the shackles of business life dropped from
him. He was now bowed and rapidly turning gray; to
everyone's lips the adjective "old" leaped as they saw him.
But this was not the age of senility, nor of weariness with
life; nor were the lines of care due solely to family and
business anxieties or to the hard labor of the fields. They
were rather the marks of the fires consuming within; of the
indomitable purpose that was the main spring of every
action; of a life devoted, a spirit inspired. Emancipation
from the counter and the harrow came joyfully to him at the
time of life when most men begin to long for rest and the
repose of a quiet, well ordered home. Thenceforth he was
free to move where he pleased, to devote every thought to
his battle with the slave-power he staggered, which then,
knew nothing of his existence.
The metamorphosis was now complete. The staid, sombre
merchant and patriarchal family-head was ready to become
Captain John Brown of Osawatomie, at the mere mention of
whose name Border Ruffians and swashbuckling adherents to
the institution of slavery trembled and often fled. Kansas
gave John Brown the opportunity to test himself as a
guerrilla leader for which he had longed; for no other
purpose did he proceed to the Territory; to become a
settler there as he had hoped to in Virginia in 1840 was
furthest from his thoughts.[94]
At the time the chrysalis of the Osawatomie guerilla is said to have
emancipated himself bodily from the harrow and was burning to take up
arms against the "swashbucklers," he wrote a letter to his son Salmon
concerning his intentions to join the colony and asked him some
questions relating to their condition, and to their requirements.
Strange as it may seem this letter contained nothing that called for a
war-like, or even a moderately ferocious reply from Salmon. His answer
to it is scarcely dramatic; in fact it seems to relate more to the
harrow, and to such disinteresting sublunary topics as the condition of
his simple but more or less dilapidated wardrobe, than it does to
"indomitable purposes" or to armies of a Lord who Mr. Redpath represents
as being still alive. He wrote, June 22d:[95]
In answer to your questions about what you will need for
your company, I would say that I have an acre of corn that
looks very well, and some beans and squashes and turnips.
You will want to get some pork and meal, and beans enough
to last till the crop comes in, and then I think we will
have enough grain to last through the winter. I will have a
house up by the time you get here. My boots are very near
worn out, and I shall need some summer pants and a hat. I
bought an ax and that you will not have to get.
In a series of thirty-eight letters, published in Mr. Sanborn's _Life
and Letters of John Brown_, commencing with the date, January 18, 1841;
and ending with the letter herein, of October 14, 1855, there is not an
expression relating to slavery that has not been heretofore quoted or
referred to in this work. That Mr. Sanborn was a partisan writer, and
that he sifted Brown's correspondence in a search for letters which
could be quoted in support of the assumptions of these and other
panegyrists, concerning his alleged hostility to slavery, will not be
denied. Their assumptions are therefore, wholly fanciful; there is not a
sentence contained in any of these letters, that can be quoted in
justification of them. The attributes put forth in these eulogies are
not only gratuitous, but they are illogical and inconsistent with
Brown's circumstances, and incompatible with his environment. Mrs. Anne
Brown Adams in a few plain words told why John Brown went to Kansas. She
said:
Father said his object in going to Kansas was to see if
something would not turn up to his advantage.[96]
The often repeated statement that Brown came to Kansas "to fight," and
not "to settle" after the manner of other immigrants, is further
discredited in this history.
Before the Mason Committee, in January, 1860, Mr. Wm. F. Arny, who knew
Brown to have been a non-resistant, testified that he had conversed with
him in Kansas, in 1858; and that he, on that occasion, asked him "how he
reconciled his opinions then, with the peace principles which he held
when he knew him in Virginia twenty years before. To this Brown replied,
that the 'aggressions of slavery, the murders and robbery perpetrated
upon himself and members of his family, the lawlessness by Atchison and
others in 1855 and from that time down to the Marais-des-Cygnes,
convinced him that peace was but an empty word.'"[97]
Before the same committee Mr. Augustus Wattles testified:[98]
Captain Brown told me that he had no idea of fighting until
he heard the Missourians, during the winter he was there,
make arrangements to come over into the Territory to vote.
He said to me that he had not come to Kansas to settle
himself, having left his family at North Elba, but that he
had come to assist his sons in their settlement and to
defend them, if necessary, in a peaceable exercise of their
political rights.
Writing to his wife February 1, 1856, Brown said:
The idea of again visiting those of my dear family at North
Elba is so calculated to unman me, that I seldom allow my
thoughts to dwell upon it.
This language bears the interpretation that he had located with the
other members of his family in Kansas, and that a return to North Elba
would be in the nature of a visit.
Brown told Mr. Arney that it was his intention, originally, to settle in
Kansas. In his testimony before the Mason Committee, he said: "He
(Brown) then referred to the fact that he had sent his sons into the
Territory of Kansas in 1853 or 1854 with a lot of blooded cattle and
other stock with the intention of settling."[99] There is presumptive
evidence too, that he did "settle" in Kansas and that he did take a
claim; also that it was "jumped." In a letter to Brown dated June 24.
1857, the late Wm. A. Phillips wrote as follows:[100] "Your old claim I
believe, has been jumped. If you do not desire to contest it, let me
suggest that you make a new settlement at some good point of which you
will be the head. Lay off a town and take claims around it."
Among the real conditions of poverty described by Brown in his letters
of October 13th and 14th, and with but "sixty cents" in his pocket, it
is irrational to assume that he was free to move "where he pleased" or
that he was "free to devote every thought," or any of his thoughts, for
that matter, to this "battling" business. He was not "emancipated from
the counter and the harrow," and from his natural obligation to continue
to provide for the dependent wife and children, who were suffering the
acute privations of poverty in a miserable home. The letters quoted are
evidence of the domestic character of the thoughts which occupied his
mind, and of his deep solicitude for the wants of his family. They are
earnest letters, written about the pressing affairs of his domestic
life, by a man of more than ordinary experience. He dismisses any
reference to the subject of the "driving force of a mighty and unselfish
purpose," with the moderate and sensible opinion, that the "prospect of
Kansas becoming a Free state is brightening every day."
November 2, 1855, Brown wrote a long and interesting letter to his wife
about affairs in their Kansas home, concluding with this very
conservative and peaceful statement: "I feel more and more confident
that slavery will soon die out here,--and to God be the praise."[101]
The letter is as follows:
Brownsville, K. T., Nov. 2, 1855.
DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE--
I feel grateful to learn that you were all then well, and I
think I fully sympathize with you in all the hardships and
discouragements you have to meet; but you may be assured
you are not alone in having trials. I believe I wrote you
that we found everyone here more or less unwell but Wealthy
and Johnny, without any sort of a place where a stout man
even could protect himself from the cutting, cold winds and
storms, which prevail here, much more than in any place
where we have ever lived; and no crops of hay or anything
raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting by cattle
and horses, without fences; and, I may add without any
meat; and Jason's folks without sugar, or any kind of bread
stuffs but corn ground with great labor in a hand-mill
about two miles off. Since I wrote you before, Wealthy,
Johnny, Elen and myself have escaped being sick. Some have
had the ague, but lightly; but Jason and Oliver have had a
hard time of it and are yet feeble. Under existing
circumstances, we have made but little progress; but we
have made a little. We have got a shanty three logs high,
chinked and mudded and roofed with our tent; and a chimney
so far advanced that we can keep a fire in it for Jason.
John has his shanty a little better fixed than it was, but
miserable enough now; and we have got their little crop of
beans secured, which, together with johnny cake, mush and
milk, pumpkins and squashes, constitute our fare. Potatoes
they have none of any account; milk, beans, pumpkins and
squashes, a very moderate supply just for the present use.
We have also got a few house logs cut for Jason. I do not
send you this account to render you more unhappy but merely
to let you know that those here are not altogether in
paradise, while you have to stay in that miserable frosty
region.... I feel more and more confident that slavery will
soon die out here.--and to God be the praise!...
November 23d, he wrote:
Since Watson wrote, I have felt a great deal troubled about
your prospects for a cold house to winter in, and since I
wrote last, I have thought of a cheap, ready way to help it
much. Take any common straight-edged boards, and run them
from the ground up to the eaves, barn fashion, not driving
the nails in so far but that they may easily be drawn,
covering all but doors and windows, as close as may be in
that way, and breaking joints if need be. This can be done
by any one and in any weather not very severe, and the
boards may afterwards mostly be saved for other uses. I
think much too, of your widowed state, and I sometimes
allow myself to dream a little of again sometime enjoying
the comforts of a home; but I do not dare to dream much....
There were no disturbances in the Territory until the latter part of
November, when the "Wakurusa War" became imminent. On the 27th the
following dispatch was sent from Westport:
Hon. E. C. McLaren, Jefferson City--Governor Shannon has
ordered out the militia against Lawrence. They are now in
open rebellion against the laws. Jones is in danger.
December 6th, notice was sent out to all Free-State men to come to
Lawrence. John Brown, with others from the vicinity of Osawatomie,
answered the call, and upon their arrival at Lawrence he was appointed a
captain in the Fifth Regiment, Kansas Volunteers. The men from Brown's
neighborhood were assigned to his company which was named the "Liberty
Guards."
There has been much controversy concerning Brown's actions during this
brief but very interesting campaign; due, in some instances, perhaps, to
political contention, but principally to the efforts of his biographers
and eulogists to make him appear as a conspicuous figure in the
proceedings, the hero of the occasion. However, Brown's plain sensible
letter, written to his wife at the time, giving her a full and
interesting account of what occurred, will be accepted by all sane
persons, as evidence of what did occur, as well as evidence of his
personal opinions of all matters pertaining thereto, so far as they came
under his observation. His letter is as follows:[102]
Osawatomie, K. T., Dec. 16, 1855.
Sabbath Evening.
DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE--I improve the first mail
since my return from the camp of volunteers, who lately
turned out for the defense of the town of Lawrence in this
Territory, and notwithstanding, I suppose you have learned
the result before this, (possibly), I will give a brief
account of the invasion in my own way.
About three or four weeks ago news came that a Free-State
man by the name of Dow had been murdered by a pro-slavery
man by the name of Coleman, who had gone and given himself
up for trial to the pro-slavery Governor Shannon. This was
soon followed by further news that a Free State man, who
was the only reliable witness against the murderer had been
seized by a Missourian (appointed sheriff by the bogus
Legislature of Kansas) upon false pretexts, examined, and
held to bail under such heavy bonds, to answer to those
false charges, as he could not give; that while on his way
to trial, in charge of the bogus sheriff, he was rescued by
some men belonging to a company near Lawrence; and that in
consequence of the rescue. Governor Shannon had ordered out
all the pro-slavery force he could muster in the Territory,
and called on Missouri for further help; that about two
thousand had collected, demanding a surrender of the
rescued witness and of the rescuers, the destruction of
several buildings and printing-presses and a giving up of
the Sharpe's rifles by the Free-State men,--threatening to
destroy the town with cannon, with which they were
provided, etc.; that about an equal number of Free-State
men had turned out to resist them, and that a battle was
hourly expected or supposed to have been already fought.
These reports appeared to be well authenticated, but we
could get no further account of matters; and I left this
for the place where the boys are settled, at evening,
intending to go to Lawrence to learn the facts the next
day. John was, however, started on horseback, but before he
had gone many rods, word came that our help was immediately
wanted. On getting this last news, it was at once agreed to
break up at John's camp, and take Wealthy and Johnny to
Jason's camp (some two miles off), and that all the men but
Henry, Jason, and Oliver should at once set off for
Lawrence under arms; those three being wholly unfit for
duty. We then set about providing a little corn-bread and
meat, blankets, and cooking utensils, running bullets and
loading all our guns, pistols, etc. The five set off in the
afternoon and after a short rest in the night (which was
quite dark), continued our march until after daylight next
morning, when we got our breakfast, started again, and
reached Lawrence in the forenoon, all of us more or less
lamed by our tramp. On reaching the place, we found that
negotiations had commenced between Governor Shannon (having
a force of some fifteen or sixteen hundred men) and the
principal leaders of the Free-State men, they having a
force of some five hundred men at that time. These were
busy, night and day, fortifying the town with embankments
and circular earthworks, up to the time of the treaty with
the Governor, as an attack was constantly looked for,
notwithstanding the negotiations then pending. This state
of things continued from Friday until Sunday evening. On
the evening we left Osawatomie, a company of the invaders,
of from fifteen to twenty-five attacked some three or four
Free-State men, mostly unarmed, killing a Mr. Barber from
Ohio, wholly unarmed. His body was afterward brought in and
lay for some days in the room afterwards occupied by a part
of the company to which we belong (it being organized after
we reached Lawrence). The building was a large unfinished
stone hotel, in which a great part of the volunteers were
quartered, who witnessed the scene of bringing in the wife
and other friends of the murdered man. I will only say of
this scene that it was heart-rending, and calculated to
exasperate the men exceedingly, and one of the sure results
of civil war.
After frequently calling on the leaders of the Free-State
men to come and have an interview with him, by Governor
Shannon, and after as often getting for an answer that if
he had any business to transact with any one in Lawrence,
to come and attend to it, he signified his wish to come
into the town, and an escort was sent to the invaders' camp
to conduct him in. When there, the leading Free-State men,
finding out his weakness, frailty, and consciousness of the
awkward circumstances into which he had really got himself,
took advantage of his cowardice and folly and by means of
that and the free use of whiskey and some trickery
succeeded in getting a written arrangement with him much to
their own liking. He stipulated with them to order the
pro-slavery men of Kansas home, and to proclaim to the
Missouri invaders that they must quit the Territory without
delay, and also to give up General Pomeroy (a prisoner in
their camp),--which was all done; he also recognizing the
volunteers as the militia of Kansas, and empowering their
officers to call them out whenever in their discretion the
safety of Lawrence or other portions of the Territory might
require it to be done. He (Governor Shannon) gave up all
pretension of further attempt to enforce the enactment of
the bogus Legislature, and retired, subject to the derision
and scoffs of the Free-State men (into whose hands he had
committed the welfare and protection of Kansas), and to the
pity of some, and the curses of others of the invading
force.
So ended this last Kansas invasion--the Missourians
returning with _flying colors_, after incurring heavy
expenses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and
privations, not having fought any battles, burned or
destroyed any infant towns or Abolition presses; leaving
the Free-State men organized and armed, and in full
possession of the Territory; not having fulfilled any of
all their dreadful threatenings, except to murder one
_unarmed_ man, and to commit some robberies and waste of
property upon defenseless families, unfortunately within
their power. We learn by their papers that they boast of a
great victory over the Abolitionists; and well they may.
Free-State men have only hereafter to retain the footing
they have gained, and _Kansas is free_. Yesterday the
people passed upon the Free-State constitution. The result,
though not yet known, no one doubts....
We have received fifty dollars from father, and learned
from him that he has sent you the same amount,--for which
we ought to be grateful, as we are much relieved, both as
respects ourselves and you....
This letter will always stand in its completeness as an official
expression by John Brown of his entire satisfaction with everything that
was done by the Free-State men on this occasion. The stipulations
contained in the peace treaty not only covered every point for which
the Free-State men were contending, but gave them official recognition,
in Territorial affairs, with authority therein far greater than they
could have hoped to obtain. Brown's entire approval of the agreement,
without any reservation whatever, is clearly and fully expressed in the
sentence:
Free-State men have only hereafter to retain the footing
they have gained and _Kansas is free_.
No language could make his approval of what had been done more complete
or specific; and yet, notwithstanding this unequivocal record, by Brown
himself, of his approval of what had been done, his biographers insist
that he was not only dissatisfied with the proceedings that were had,
but that "the peace treaty itself produced in him only anger when he
first heard of it."
John Brown, boiling over with anger, mounted the shaky
platform and addressed the audience when Robinson had
finished. He declared that Lawrence had been betrayed, and
told his hearers that they should make a night attack upon
the pro-slavery forces and drive them from the territory.
"I am an Abolitionist," he said, "dyed in the wool," and
then he offered to be one of ten men to make a night attack
upon the Border Ruffian camp. Armed, and with lanterns, his
plan was to string his men along the camp far apart. At a
given signal in the early morning hours, they were to shout
and fire on the slumbering enemy.[103]
That this speech will stand for all time, as a classic in the existing
melodramatic literature of John Brown, will be conceded. The novel plan
of a night attack by ten men, furnished with lanterns, as targets,
"strung far apart," against a force of fifteen hundred men, will, of
itself, commend it to such recognition.
A summary of the speeches, recently referred to as "harangues," made by
Governor Shannon, and by General Lane, and by Charles Robinson, on this
occasion, was duly reported at the time and published throughout the
country, for this was a notable incident in our national history. But
not a word was reported about Brown's speech. It ought to have been the
climax--the fire-works--of the whole performance for he was the only one
of the speakers who is said to have been "boiling over" with anything.
It may be assumed however that if John Brown had made a violent speech
_from this platform_ on this occasion, the fact would have been reported
by the reporter for the _Herald of Freedom_, who was present, and who
felt very kindly toward him. It may be true that Brown did some
grumbling in camp, or some loud talking somewhere, about the treaty
which he may not have understood at the time.
A very extended report of the incidents occurring in the "Wakurusa War"
is contained in the Lawrence _Herald of Freedom_ of December 15,
1855,[104] from which the following are extracts:
Sunday the negotiations were resumed with Governor Shannon
and finally completed, the substance of which was
communicated to the people by the Governor. The settlement
was received with satisfaction and yet the terms were not
coincided in so fully as many supposed it would be. It was
apparent that the Governor was in bad odor, as several
attempts to get up cheers in his favor proved a failure,
though no insult was shown him.
Colonel Lane followed and was loudly cheered. He assured
the public there had been no concession of honor and that
the people of Lawrence and Kansas, would cheerfully
acquiesce in the terms of the settlement as soon as they
could learn the particulars....
General Robinson was also loudly cheered and congratulated
by the people on account of the settlement.... The day
closed by Governor Shannon giving General Robinson and
Colonel Lane each a commission, and clothing them with full
power to preserve the peace in the vicinity and to use the
volunteer force at their command for that purpose.
Tuesday was full of animation. The soldiers were reviewed
and finally formed in a square and addressed by the
commanding officers. General Lane spoke as follows:...
At the close of General Lane's speech, he was vociferously
cheered.
General Robinson, as Commander in Chief, delivered the
following speech which was loudly applauded. He said:
"...The moral strength of our position is such that even
the 'gates of hell' could not prevail against us, much less
a foreign mob and we gained a bloodless victory."... As
General Robinson closed, six cheers were given to him.
Even a reporter and journalist so enterprising as James Redpath failed
to know of Brown's much advertised speech. He said:[105]
I had no personal knowledge of his opposition to the Treaty
of Peace.... The first time I heard of old Brown was in
connection with a caucus at the town of Osawatomie.
It was not Redpath's fault that he did not then know John Brown or that
he had not even heard of him. It was simply because Brown was an
ordinary person, and had not done anything yet to attract public
attention to his personality. Opportunity did not happen to knock at his
door on that occasion; if it had, Brown, doubtless, would have acquitted
himself creditably, and Mr. Redpath would have heard of him. As soon as
Brown did even a little thing, Redpath heard of it promptly. April 16,
1856, a meeting or caucus was held at Osawatomie to consider the
question of paying the taxes that had been levied by authority of the
Territorial Legislature, and other public measures. To pay the taxes
would be a recognition of the "Bogus Legislature" that had enacted the
laws relating to taxation. Richard Mendenhall was chairman of the
meeting and Oscar V. Dayton was secretary. Brown, among others, spoke
in opposition to paying the taxes. There was nothing sensational in this
incident, but Redpath heard of the meeting and located Brown in his
mind, because of it. Referring to the incident Mr. Redpath made this
authoritative statement:[106] "This was John Brown's first and last
appearance in a public meeting in Kansas." Therefore, it appears that
Mr. Villard has been imposed upon.
Of Brown himself, the _Herald_ published the following sane and
_restful_ paragraph:
About noon Mr. John Brown, an aged gentleman from Essex
County, New York, who has been a resident of the Territory
for several months, arrived with four of his sons,--leaving
several others at home sick, bringing a quantity of arms
with him which were placed in his hands by eastern friends
for the defense of the cause of freedom. Having more than
he could well use to advantage, a portion of them were
placed in the hands of those who were more destitute. A
company was organized and the command given to Mr. Brown
for the zeal he had exhibited in the cause of freedom, both
before and after his arrival in the Territory.[107]
Brown, with his sons, returned to their homes December 14th, and under
that date, in a letter to Orson Day, he expressed, further, his
satisfaction with what had been accomplished at Lawrence by the
Free-State managers. He said: "The Territory is now entirely in the
power of the Free-State men," and stated hopefully his opinion that "the
Missourians will give up all further hope of making Kansas a slave
state."[108] January 1, 1856, he wrote from West Point, Missouri: "In
this part of the state there seems to be but little feeling on the slave
question."[109]
January 5th, a Free-State county convention was held at Osawatomie to
nominate candidates for members of the Free-State Legislature. The
Browns took a prominent part in the proceedings. John Brown was chairman
of the meeting. Frederick Brown received the nomination for member of
the House of Representatives, but at the request of his father, he
declined the nomination, and it was given to John Brown, Jr.
With his participation in this convention, John Brown closed his public
services. Later--probably during March--he abandoned his honorable
commission as captain of the "Liberty Guards," disbanded the company,
and with his sons, Owen, Salmon, Frederick, Oliver, and his son-in-law,
Henry Thompson, planned and decided to abandon the Free-State cause,
enter upon a career of crime, and leave the neighborhood. The course was
agreed upon with John Brown, Jr., as accessory thereto; but not with the
knowledge of Jason Brown. These men comprised John Brown's "little
company of six" who, with others, committed the robbery on the
Pottawatomie on the night of May 24th--a robbery that included in the
plans for its execution, the murder of seven persons, five of whom fell
beneath the blows of the assassins.