CHAPTER VIII.

ASIA MINOR.

The great peninsula which is washed on three sides by the three seas,

the Black, the Aegean, and the Mediterranean, and which is connected

towards the east with the Asiatic continent proper, will, so far as

it belongs to the frontier-territory of the empire, be dealt with in

the next section, which treats of the region of the Euphrates and the

relations between the Romans and Parthians. Here we have to set forth

the peaceful relations, more especially of the western districts, under

the imperial government.

[Sidenote: The natives and the colonists.]

The original, or at any rate pre-Greek, population of these wide

regions held its ground in many places to a considerable extent down to

the imperial period. The greatest part of Bithynia certainly belonged

to the formerly discussed Thracian stock; Phrygia, Lydia, Cilicia,

Cappadocia, show very manifold and not easily unravelled survivals of

older linguistic epochs, which in various forms reach down to the Roman

period; strange names of gods, men, and places meet us everywhere. But,

so far as our view reaches--and it is but seldom allowed to penetrate

here very deeply--these elements appear only losing ground and waning,

essentially as a negation of civilisation or--what seems to us here at

least to coincide with it--Hellenising. We shall return at the fitting

place to the individual groups of this category; so far as concerns the

historical development of Asia Minor in the imperial period there were

but two active nationalities, the two which were the last immigrants,

the Hellenes in the beginnings of the historical period, and the Celts

during the troublous times of the Diadochi.

[Sidenote: Hellenic and Hellenistic culture.]

The history of the Hellenes of Asia Minor, so far as it forms a part

of Roman history, has already been set forth. In the remote age, when

the coasts of the Mediterranean were first navigated and settled, and

the world began to be apportioned among the progressive nations at the

expense of those left behind, the flood of Hellenic emigration had

poured no doubt over all the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, but yet

nowhere--not even towards Italy and Sicily,--in so broad a stream as

over the Aegean Sea rich in islands, and the adjacent charming coast

of anterior Asia rich in harbours. Thereafter the west-Asiatic Greeks

themselves had taken an active part, above all the rest, in the further

conquest of the world, and had helped to settle from Miletus the coasts

of the Black, and from Phocaea and Cnidus those of the Western, Sea.

In Asia Hellenic civilisation doubtless laid hold of the inhabitants

of the interior, the Mysians, Lydians, Carians, Lycians; and even the

Persian great power remained not unaffected by it. But the Hellenes

themselves possessed nothing but the fringe of coast, including at the

utmost the lower course of the larger rivers and the islands. They

were not able here to gain continental conquests and a power of their

own by land overagainst the powerful native princes; moreover the

interior of Asia Minor, highlying and in great part but little capable

of cultivation, was not so attractive for settlement as the coasts,

and the communications of the latter with the interior were difficult.

Essentially in consequence of this, the Asiatic Hellenes attained still

less than the European to inward union and to great power of their

own, and early learned submissiveness in presence of the lords of the

continent. The national Hellenic idea first came to them from Athens;

they became its allies only after the victory, and did not remain so

in the hour of danger. What Athens had wished to provide, and had not

been able to furnish for these clients of the nation, was accomplished

by Alexander; Hellas he was obliged to conquer, Asia Minor saw in the

conqueror simply its deliverer.

[Sidenote: Formation of new centres.]

Alexander's victory in fact not merely made Asiatic Hellenism secure,

but opened up for it a wide, almost boundless, future; in the process

of continental settlement, which, in contrast to the merely littoral,

marked this second stage of Hellenic world-conquest, Asia Minor took

part to a considerable extent. Yet of the great centres for the newly

formed states there was none that came to the old Greek towns of the

coast.[224] The new period required new formations in general, and

above all, new towns, to serve at once as Greek royal residences and as

centres of populations hitherto non-Greek, that were to be brought to

Greek habits. The great political development moves around the towns of

royal foundation and of royal name, Thessalonica, Antioch, Alexandria.

With their masters the Romans had to contend; the possession of Asia

Minor they gained almost throughout, as a man gets an estate from

relations or friends, by bequest in a testament; and, however heavy was

the burden at times of Roman government on the regions thus acquired,

there was not added here the sting of foreign rule. Doubtless the

Achaemenid Mithradates confronted the Romans in Asia Minor with a

national opposition, and the Roman misrule drove the Hellenes into his

arms; but the Hellenes themselves never undertook anything similar.

Therefore there is little to be told of this great, rich, and important

possession in a political respect; and all the less, inasmuch as what

has been remarked in the previous section concerning the national

relations of the Hellenes generally to the Romans holds good in

substance also for those of Asia Minor.

[Sidenote: The provinces of Asia Minor.]

The Roman administration of Asia Minor was never organised in a

systematic way, but the several territories were, just as they came

to the empire, established without material change of their limits as

Roman administrative districts. The states which king Attalus III.

of Pergamus bequeathed to the Romans, formed the province of Asia;

those of king Nicomedes, which likewise fell to them by inheritance,

formed the province of Bithynia; the territory taken from Mithradates

Eupator formed the province of Pontus united with Bithynia. Crete was

occupied by the Romans on occasion of the great war with the pirates;

Cyrene, which may also be mentioned here, was taken over by them

according to the last will of its ruler. The same legal title gave to

the republic the island of Cyprus; to which was here added the need

for the suppression of piracy. This had also laid a basis for the

formation of the governorship of Cilicia; the land was annexed to Rome

completely by Pompeius at the same time with Syria, and the two were

administered jointly during the first century. Possession of all these

lands was already acquired by the republic. In the imperial period

a number of territories were added, which had formerly belonged but

indirectly to the empire: in 729 U.C. {25.} the kingdom of Galatia,

with which there had been united a part of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pisidia,

and Pamphylia; in 747 U.C. {7.} the lordship of king Deiotarus, son of

Castor, which embraced Gangra in Paphlagonia and probably also Amasia

and other neighbouring places; in 17 A.D. the kingdom of Cappadocia; in

43 the territory of the confederation of the Lycian towns; in 63 the

north-east of Asia Minor from the valley of the Iris to the Armenian

frontier; Lesser Armenia and some smaller principalities in Cilicia

probably by Vespasian. Thereby the direct imperial administration was

carried out throughout Asia Minor. As dependent principalities, there

remained only the Tauric Bosporus, of which we have already spoken, and

Great Armenia, of which the next section will treat.

[Sidenote: Senatorial and imperial government.]

When, on the introduction of the imperial government, the

administrative partition was made between it and that of the senate,

the whole territory of Asia Minor, so far as it was at that time

directly under the empire, fell to the latter body; the island of

Cyprus, which at first had come under imperial administration, was

likewise transferred, a few years later, to the senate. Thus arose the

four senatorial governorships of Asia, Bithynia and Pontus, Cyprus,

Crete and Cyrene. Only Cilicia, as part of the Syrian province, was

placed at first under imperial administration. But the territories that

subsequently came to be directly administered as parts of the empire

were here, as throughout the empire, placed under imperial governors;

thus even under Augustus there was formed from the inland districts of

the Galatian kingdom the province of Galatia, and the coast district of

Pamphylia was assigned to another governor, under which latter Lycia

was also placed under Claudius. Moreover Cappadocia became an imperial

governorship under Tiberius. Cilicia also naturally remained, when it

obtained governors of its own, under imperial administration. Apart

from the fact that Hadrian exchanged the important province of Bithynia

and Pontus for the unimportant Lycio-Pamphylian one, this arrangement

remained in force, until towards the end of the third century the

senatorial share in administration generally was, with the exception

of some slight remnants, superseded. The frontier was in the first

period of the empire formed throughout by the dependent principalities;

after their annexation the imperial frontier did not, apart from

Cyrene, touch any of these administrative districts, excepting only the

Cappadocian, so far as to this at that time was apportioned also the

north-eastern border-district as far as Trapezus;[225] and even this

governorship bordered not with the foreign land proper, but in the

north with the dependent tribes on the Phasis, and farther on with the

vassal-kingdom of Armenia, which belonged _de jure_ and in more than

one sense _de facto_ to the empire.

In order to gain a conception of the condition and the development of

Asia Minor in the first three centuries of our era, so far as this

is possible in the case of a country as to which we have no direct

historical tradition, we must, looking to the conservative character

of the Roman provincial government, begin with the older territorial

divisions and the previous history of the several regions.

[Sidenote: Asia.]

[Sidenote: The coast-towns.]

The province of Asia was the old kingdom of the Attalids, the west of

Asia Minor as far north as the Bithynian and as far south as the Lycian

frontier; the eastern districts at first separated from it, the Great

Phrygia, had already in the republican period been again attached to

it (iii. 288) {iii. 274.}, and the province thenceforth reached as far

as the country of the Galatians and the Pisidian mountains. Rhodes

too and the other smaller islands of the Aegean Sea belonged to this

province. The original Hellenic settlement had, besides the islands

and the coast proper, occupied also the lower valleys of the larger

rivers; Magnesia on the Sipylus, in the valley of the Hermus, the other

Magnesia and Tralles in the valley of the Maeander, had already before

Alexander been founded as Greek towns, or had at any rate become such;

the Carians, Lydians, Mysians, became early at least half Hellenes.

The Greek rule, when it set in, found not much to do in the coast

districts; Smyrna, which centuries before had been destroyed by the

barbarians of the interior, rose at that time from its ruins, in order

speedily to become one of the first stars in the brilliant belt of the

cities of Asia Minor; and if the rebuilding of Ilion at the sepulchral

mound of Hector was more a work of piety than of policy, the laying out

of Alexandria on the coast of the Troas was of enduring importance.

Pergamus in the valley of the Caicus flourished as the court-residence

of the Attalids.

[Sidenote: The interior.]

In the great work of Hellenising the interior of this province in

keeping with the intentions of Alexander, all the Hellenic governments,

Lysimachus, the Seleucids, the Attalids vied with each other. The

details of the foundations have disappeared from our tradition still

more than the warlike events of the same epoch; we are left dependent

mainly on the names and the surnames of the towns; but even these

suffice to make known to us the general outlines of this activity

continuing for centuries, and yet homogeneous and throughout conscious

of its aim. A series of inland townships, Stratonicea in Caria, Peltae,

Blaundus, Docimeium, Cadi in Phrygia, the Mysomacedonians in the

district of Ephesus, Thyatira, Hyrcania, Nacrasa in the region of the

Hermus, the Ascylaces in the district of Adramytium, are designated in

documents or other credible testimonies as cities of the Macedonians;

and these notices are of a nature so accidental, and the townships in

part so unimportant, that the like designation certainly extended to

a great number of other settlements in this region; and we may infer

an extensive settling of Greek soldiers in the districts indicated,

probably connected with the protection of anterior Asia against the

Galatians and Pisidians. If, moreover, the coins of the considerable

Phrygian town Synnada combine with the name of their city that of

the Ionians and the Dorians as well as that of the common Zeus (Ζεὺς

πάνδημος), one of the Alexandrids must have summoned the Greeks in

common to settle there; and the summons was certainly not confined to

this single town. The numerous towns, chiefly of the interior, the

names of which are traceable to the royal houses of the Seleucids or

the Attalids, or which have otherwise Greek names, need not here

be adduced; there are found in particular among the towns certainly

founded or reorganised by the Seleucids several that were in later

times the most flourishing and most civilised in the interior, _e.g._

in southern Phrygia Laodicea, and above all Apamea, the old Celaenae on

the great military road from the west coast of Asia Minor to the middle

Euphrates, already in the Persian period the entrepôt for this traffic,

and under Augustus, next to Ephesus, the most considerable city of the

province of Asia. Although every case of assigning a Greek name is not

to be connected with a settlement by Greek colonists, we may be allowed

at any rate to reckon a considerable portion of these townships among

Greek colonies. But even the urban settlements of non-Greek origin,

which the Alexandrids found in existence, turned of themselves into the

paths of Hellenising, as indeed the residence of the Persian governor,

Sardes, was organised even by Alexander himself as a Greek commonwealth.

[Sidenote: Its position under the Romans.]

This urban development was completed when the Romans entered upon the

rule of interior Asia; they themselves did not make special exertions

to promote it. That a great number of the urban communities in the

eastern half of the province reckon their years from that of the

city 670 {84.}, is due to the fact that then, after the close of the

Mithradatic war, these districts were brought by Sulla under direct

Roman administration (iii. 328) {iii. 312.}; these townships did not

receive city-rights only then for the first time. Augustus occupied the

town of Parium on the Hellespont and the already-mentioned Alexandria

in Troas with veterans of his army, and assigned to both the rights of

Roman burgess-communities; the latter was thenceforth in Greek Asia

an Italian island like Corinth in Greece and Berytus in Syria. But

this was nothing but a provision for soldiers; of the foundation of

towns proper in the Roman province of Asia under the emperors there

is little mention. Among the not numerous towns named after emperors

there it is only perhaps in the case of Sebaste and Tiberiopolis, both

in Phrygia, and of Hadrianoi on the Bithynian frontier, that no older

name of the city can be pointed out. Here, in the mountain-region

between Ida and Olympus, dwelt Cleon in the time of the triumvirate,

and a certain Tilliborus under Hadrian, both half robber-chiefs, half

popular princes, of whom the former even played a part in politics; in

this asylum of criminals the foundation of an organised urban community

by Hadrian was at all events a benefit. Otherwise in this province,

with its five hundred urban communities, the province richest in cities

of the whole state, not much more was left to be done in the way of

foundation; there was room at the most perhaps for division, that is,

for detaching such hamlets as developed themselves _de facto_ into

urban communities, from the earlier communal union and making them

independent, as we can point to a case of the kind in Phrygia under

Constantine I. But from Hellenising proper the sequestered districts

were still far remote when the Roman government began; especially in

Phrygia the language of the country, perhaps similar in character to

the Armenian, held its ground. If from the absence of Greek coins and

of Greek inscriptions we may not with certainty infer the absence of

Hellenising,[226] yet the fact that the Phrygian coins belong almost

throughout to the Roman imperial period, and the Phrygian inscriptions

as regards the great majority to the later times of the empire, points

to the conclusion that, so far as Hellenic habits found their way at

all into the regions of the province of Asia that were remote and

difficult of access to civilisation, they did so in the main only under

the emperors. For direct interference on the part of the imperial

administration this process, accomplishing itself in silence, gave

little opportunity, and traces of such interference we are not able to

show. Asia, it is true, was a senatorial province, and we may here

bear in mind that with the government of the senate all initiative fell

into abeyance.

[Sidenote: Urban rivalries.]

Syria, and still more, Egypt, became merged in their capitals; the

province of Asia and Asia Minor generally had no single town to show

like Antioch and Alexandria, but their prosperity rested on the

numerous middle-sized towns. The division of the towns into three

classes, which are distinguished as to the right of voting at the

diet, as to the apportionment of the contributions to be furnished

by the whole province, even as to the number of town-physicians and

town-teachers to be appointed,[227] is eminently peculiar to these

regions. The urban rivalries, which appear in Asia Minor so emphatic

and in part so childish, occasionally even so odious--as, for example,

the war between Severus and Niger in Bithynia was properly a war of the

two rival capitals Nicomedia and Nicaea--belong to the character of

Hellenic politics in general, but especially of those in Asia Minor. We

shall mention further on the emulation as to temples of the emperors;

in a similar way the ranking of the urban deputations at the common

festivals in Asia Minor was a vital question--Magnesia on the Maeander

calls itself on the coins the "seventh city of Asia"--and above all the

first place was one so much desired, that the government ultimately

agreed to admit several first cities. It fared similarly with the

designation of "metropolis." The proper metropolis of the province was

Pergamus, the residence of the Attalids and the seat of the diet. But

Ephesus, the _de facto_ capital of the province, where the governor

was obliged to enter on his office, and which boasts of this "right of

reception at landing" on its coins; Smyrna, in constant rivalship with

its Ephesian neighbour, and, in defiance of the legitimate right of the

Ephesians to primacy, naming itself on coins "the first in greatness

and beauty;" the very ancient Sardis, Cyzicus, and several others

strove after the same honorary right. With these their wranglings, on

account of which the senate and the emperor were regularly appealed

to--the "Greek follies," as men were wont to say in Rome--the people of

Asia Minor were the standing annoyance and the standing laughing-stock

of the Romans of mark.[228]

[Sidenote: Bithynia.]

Bithynia did not stand on a like level with the Attalid kingdom. The

older Greek colonising had here confined itself merely to the coast.

In the Hellenistic epoch at first the Macedonian rulers, and later the

native dynasty which walked entirely in their steps, had--along with

a regulation of the places on the coast, which perhaps on the whole

amounted to a changing of their names--also opened up in some measure

the interior, in particular by the two successful foundations of Nicaea

(Isnik) and Prusa on Olympia (Broussa); of the former it is stated

that the first settlers were of good Macedonian and Hellenic descent.

But in the intensity of the Hellenising the kingdom of Nicomedes was

far behind that of the citizen prince of Pergamus; in particular the

eastern interior can have been but little settled before Augustus.

This was otherwise in the time of the empire. In the Augustan age a

successful robber-chief, who became a convert to order, reconstructed

on the Galatian frontier the utterly decayed township Gordiou

Kome, under the name of Juliopolis; in the same region the towns

Bithynion-Claudiopolis and Crateia-Flaviopolis probably attained Greek

civic rights in the course of the first century. Generally in Bithynia

Hellenism took a mighty upward impulse under the imperial period, and

the tough Thracian stamp of the natives gave a good foundation for it.

The fact that, among the inscribed stones of this province known in

great number, not more than four belong to the pre-Roman epoch, cannot

well be explained solely from the circumstance that urban ambition was

only fostered under the emperors. In the literature of the imperial

period a number of the best authors and the least carried away by

exuberant rhetoric, such as the philosopher Dio of Prusa, the historian

Memnon of Heraclea, Arrianus of Nicomedia, Cassius Dio of Nicaea,

belong to Bithynia.

[Sidenote: Pontus.]

The eastern half of the south coast of the Black Sea, the Roman

province of Pontus, had as its basis that portion of the kingdom of

Mithradates, of which Pompeius took direct possession immediately after

the victory. The numerous smaller principalities, which Pompeius at the

same time gave away in the interior of Paphlagonia and thence eastward

to the Armenian frontier, were, after a shorter or longer subsistence,

on their annexation partly attached to the same province, partly joined

to Galatia or Cappadocia. The former kingdom of Mithradates had been

far less affected than the western regions either by the older or by

the younger Hellenism. When the Romans took possession directly or

indirectly of this territory, there were, strictly speaking, no towns

of Greek organisation there; Amasia, the old capital of the Pontic

Achaemenids, and still their burial-place, was not such; the two old

Greek coast-towns, Amisus and Sinope that once commanded the Black Sea,

had become royal residences, and Greek polity would hardly be given to

the few townships laid out by Mithradates, _e.g._ Eupatoria (iv. 152).

But here, as was already shown in detail (iv. 151 f.) {iv. 146.}, the

Roman conquest was at the same time the Hellenising; Pompeius organised

the province in such a way as to make the eleven chief townships of

it into towns, and to distribute the territory among them. Certainly

these artificially created towns with their immense districts--that of

Sinope had along the coast an extent of 70 miles, and bordered on the

Halys with that of Amisus--resembled more the Celtic cantons than the

Hellenic and Italian urban communities proper. But at any rate Sinope

and Amisus were then reinstated in their old positions, and other

towns in the interior, such as Pompeiopolis, Nicopolis, Megalopolis,

the later Sebasteia, were called into life. Sinope obtained from the

dictator Caesar the rights of a Roman colony, and beyond doubt also

Italian settlers (iv. 574) {iv. 544.}. More important for the Roman

administration was Trapezus, an old colony of Sinope; the town, which

in the year 63 was joined to the province of Cappadocia (p. 324, note),

was both the station of the Roman Black Sea fleet and in a certain

measure the base of operations for the military corps of this province,

which was the only corps in all Asia Minor.

[Sidenote: Cappadocia.]

Inland Cappadocia was in the Roman power after the erection of the

provinces of Pontus and Syria; of its annexation in the beginning of

the reign of Tiberius, which was primarily occasioned by the attempt

of Armenia to release itself from the Roman suzerainty, we shall have

to give an account in the following section. The court, and those

immediately connected with it, had become Hellenised (iii. 59) {iii.

57.}, somewhat as the German courts of the eighteenth century adapted

themselves to French habits. The capital, Caesarea, the ancient

Mazaca, like the Phrygian Apamea, an intermediate station for the

great traffic between the ports of the west coast and the lands of

the Euphrates, and in the Roman period, as still at the present day,

one of the most flourishing commercial cities of Asia Minor, was, at

the instigation of Pompeius, not merely rebuilt after the Mithradatic

war, but probably also furnished at that time with civic rights after

the Greek type. Cappadocia itself was at the beginning of the imperial

period hardly more Greek than Brandenburg and Pomerania under Frederick

the Great were French. When the country became Roman, it was divided,

according to the statements of the contemporary Strabo, not into

city-districts, but into ten prefectures, of which only two had towns,

the already-mentioned capital and Tyana; and this arrangement was

here on the whole not more changed than in Egypt, though individual

townships subsequently received Greek civic rights; _e.g._ the emperor

Marcus made the Cappadocian village, in which his wife had died, into

the town Faustinopolis. It is true that the Cappadocians now spoke

Greek; but the students from Cappadocia had much to endure abroad on

account of their uncouth accent, and of their defects in pronunciation

and modulation; and, if they learned to speak after an Attic fashion,

their countrymen found their language affected.[229] It was only in

the Christian period that the comrades in study of the emperor Julian,

Gregory of Nazianzus and Basil of Caesarea, gave a better sound to the

Cappadocian name.

[Sidenote: Lycia.]

The Lycian cities in their secluded mountain-land did not open

their coast for Greek settlement, but did not on that account debar

themselves from Hellenic influence. Lycia was the only district of Asia

Minor in which early civilising did not set aside the native language,

and which, almost like the Romans, entered into Greek habits without

becoming externally Hellenised. It is characteristic of their position,

that the Lycian confederation as such joined the Attic naval league and

paid its tribute to the Athenian leading power. The Lycians not merely

practised their art after Hellenic models, but probably also regulated

their political organisation early in the same way. The conversion

of the cities-league, once subject to Rhodes, but which had become

independent after the third Macedonian war (ii. 325) {ii. 307.} into a

Roman province, which was ordained by the emperor Claudius on account

of the endless quarrels among the allies, must have furthered the

progress of Hellenism; in the course of the imperial period the Lycians

thereupon became completely Greeks.

[Sidenote: Pamphylia and Cilicia.]

The Pamphylian coast-towns, like Aspendus and Perga, Greek foundations

of the oldest times, subsequently left to themselves, and attaining

under favourable circumstances prosperous development, had either

conserved, or moulded specially on their own part, the oldest Hellenic

character in such a way that the Pamphylians might be regarded as an

independent nation in language and writing not much less than the

neighbouring Lycians. Then, when Asia was gained for the Hellenes, they

found gradually their way back into the common Greek civilisation,

and so also into the general political organisation. The rulers

in this region and on the neighbouring Cilician coast were in the

Hellenistic period partly the Egyptians, whose royal house gave its

name to different townships in Pamphylia and Cilicia, partly the

Seleucids, after whom the most considerable town of west Cilicia was

named Seleucia on the Calycadnus, partly the Pergamenes, of whose rule

Attalia (Adalia) in Pamphylia testifies.

[Sidenote: Pisidia and Isauria.]

On the other hand the tribes in the mountains of Pisidia, Isauria and

western Cilicia substantially maintained their independence down to

the beginning of the imperial period. Here hostilities never ceased.

Not merely by land had the civilised governments continued troubles

with the Pisidians and their comrades, but these pursued still more

zealously than robbery by land the trade of piracy, particularly from

western Cilicia, where the mountains immediately approach the sea.

When, on the decline of the Egyptian naval power, the south coast

of Asia Minor became entirely an asylum of the pirates, the Romans

interfered and erected the province of Cilicia, which embraced also,

or was at any rate intended to embrace, the Pamphylian coast, for the

sake of suppressing piracy. But what they did showed more what ought

to have been done than that anything was really accomplished; the

intervention took place too late and too fitfully. Though a blow was

once struck against the corsairs, and Roman troops penetrated even into

the Isaurian mountains, and broke up the pirates' strongholds far into

the interior (iv. 47) {iv. 44.}, the Roman republic did not attain

true permanent establishment in these districts reluctantly annexed

by it. Here everything was left for the empire to do. Antonius, when

he took in hand the East, entrusted an able Galatian officer, Amyntas,

with the subjugation of the refractory Pisidian region,[230] and, when

the latter proved his quality,[231] he made him king of Galatia,--the

region of Asia Minor which was best organised in a military point of

view, and most ready for action--and at the same time extended his

government from thence as far as the south coast, and so as to include

Lycaonia, Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and western Cilicia, while the

civilised east half of Cilicia was left with Syria. Even when Augustus,

after the battle of Actium, entered upon rule in the East, he left the

Celtic prince in his position. The latter made essential progress as

well in the suppression of the bad corsairs harbouring in the lurking

places of western Cilicia, as also in the extirpation of the brigands,

killed one of the worst of these robber-chiefs, Antipater, the ruler of

Derbe and Laranda in southern Lycaonia, built for himself a residence

in Isauria, and not merely drove the Pisidians out from the adjoining

Phrygian territories, but invaded their own land, and took Cremna in

the heart of it. But some years after (729 U.C.) {25.} he lost his

life on an expedition against one of the west Cicilian tribes, the

Homonadenses; after he had taken most of the townships and their prince

had fallen, he perished through a plot directed against him by the

wife of the latter. After this disaster Augustus himself undertook

the difficult business of pacifying the interior of Asia Minor. If

in doing so he, as was already observed (p. 324), assigned the small

Pamphylian coast-district to a governor of its own and separated it

from Galatia, this was evidently done because the mountain-land lying

between the coast and the Galato-Lycaonian steppe was so little under

control that the administration of the coast region could not well be

conducted from Galatia. Roman troops were not stationed in Galatia;

yet the levy of the warlike Galatians must have meant more than in the

case of most provincials. Moreover, as western Cilicia was then placed

under Cappadocia, the troops of this dependent prince had to take part

in the work. The Syrian army carried out the chastisement in the first

place of the Homonadenses; the governor, Publius Sulpicius Quirinius,

advanced some years later into their territory, cut off their

supplies, and compelled them to submit _en masse_, whereupon they were

distributed to the surrounding townships and their former territory

was laid waste. The Clitae, another stock settled in western Cilicia

nearer to the coast, met with similar chastisements in the years 36 and

52; as they refused obedience to the vassal-prince placed over them

by Rome, and pillaged land and sea, and as the so-called rulers of

the land could not dispose of them, the imperial troops were on both

occasions brought in from Syria to subdue them. These accounts have

been accidentally preserved; numerous similar incidents have certainly

been lost to remembrance.

[Sidenote: Pisidian colonies.]

But Augustus attempted the pacification of this region also by way of

settlement. The Hellenistic governments had, so to speak, isolated

it; not merely retained or seized a footing everywhere on the coast,

but also founded in the north-west a series of towns--on the Phrygian

frontier Apollonia, alleged to have been founded by Alexander himself,

Seleucia Siderus and Antiochia, both from the time of the Seleucids,

further in Lycaonia, Laodicea Katakekaumene, and the capital of this

district which doubtless originated at the same time, Iconium. But in

the mountain-land proper no trace of Hellenistic settlement is found,

and still less did the Roman senate apply itself to this difficult

task. Augustus did so; and only here in the whole Greek coast we meet

a series of colonies of Roman veterans evidently intended to acquire

this district for peaceful settlement. Of the older settlements just

mentioned, Antiochia was supplied with veterans and reorganised in

Roman fashion, while there were newly laid out in southern Lycaonia

Parlais, in Pisidia itself the already-mentioned Cremna, as well as

further to the south Olbasa and Comama. The later governments did

not continue with equal energy the work so begun; yet under Claudius

the "iron Seleucia" of Pisidia was made the "Claudian;" while in the

interior of western Cilicia Claudiopolis, and not far from it, perhaps

at the same time, Germanicopolis were called into life, and Iconium,

in the time of Augustus a small place, was brought to considerable

development. The newly-founded towns remained indeed unimportant, but

still notably restricted the field of the free inhabitants of the

mountains, and general peace must at length have made its triumphal

entrance also here. As well the plains and mountain-terraces of

Pamphylia as the mountain-towns of Pisidia itself, _e.g._ Selga and

Sagalassus, were during the imperial period well peopled and the

territory carefully cultivated; the remains of mighty aqueducts and

singularly large theatres, all of them structures of the Roman imperial

period, show, it is true, only mechanical skill, but bear traces of a

peaceful prosperity richly developed.

[Sidenote: Isaurians.]

The government, it is true, never quite mastered brigandage in these

regions, and if in the earlier period of the empire its ravages were

kept in moderate bounds, the bands once more emerge as a warlike power

in the troubles of the third century. They now pass under the name

of Isaurians, and have their chief seat in the mountains of Cilicia,

from whence they plunder land and sea. They are mentioned first

under Severus Alexander. That under Gallienus they proclaimed their

robber-chief emperor, is probably a fable; but certainly under the

emperor Probus such an one, by name Lydius, who for long had pillaged

Lycia and Pamphylia, was subdued in the Roman colony Cremna, which

he had occupied, after a long and obstinate siege by a Roman army. In

later times we find a military cordon drawn round their territory,

and a special commanding general appointed for the Isaurians. Their

savage valour even procured for those of them, who chose to take

service at the Byzantine court, for a time a position there such as the

Macedonians had possessed at the court of the Ptolemies; in fact one

from their ranks, Zeno, died as emperor of Byzantium.[232]

[Sidenote: Galatia.]

Lastly, the region of Galatia, at a remote period the chief seat of

the Oriental rule over anterior Asia, and preserving in the famed

rock-sculptures of the modern Boghazköi, formerly the royal town of

Pteria, reminiscences of an almost forgotten glory, had in the course

of centuries become in language and manners a Celtic island amidst the

waves of eastern peoples, and remained so in internal organisation

even under the empire. The three Celtic tribes, which, on the great

migration of the nation about the time of the war between Pyrrhus and

the Romans, had arrived in the heart of Asia Minor, and there, like the

Franks in the East during the middle ages, had consolidated themselves

into a firmly knit soldier-state, and after prolonged roving had

taken up their definitive abode on either side of the Halys, had long

since left behind the times when they issued forth thence to pillage

Asia Minor, and were in conflict with the kings of Asia and Pergamus,

provided that they did not serve them as mercenaries. They too were

shattered before the superior power of the Romans (ii. 290) {ii. 273.},

and became not less subject to them in Asia than their countrymen in

the valley of the Po and on the Rhone and Seine. But in spite of their

sojourn of several hundred years in Asia Minor, a deep gulf still

separated these Occidentals from the Asiatics. It was not merely that

they retained their native language and their nationality, that still

each of the three cantons was governed by its four hereditary princes,

and the federal assembly, to which deputies were sent by all in

common, presided in the sacred oak-grove as supreme authority over the

Galatian land (ii. 232) {ii. 219.}; nor was it that continued rudeness

as well as warlike valour distinguished them to advantage as well as

to disadvantage from their neighbours; such contrasts between culture

and barbarism existed elsewhere in Asia Minor, and the superficial and

external Hellenising--such as neighbourhood, commercial relations,

the Phrygian cultus adopted by the immigrants, and mercenary service

brought in their train--must have set in not much later in Galatia than

_e.g._ in the neighbouring Cappadocia. The contrast was of a different

kind; the Celtic and the Hellenic invasion came into competition in

Asia Minor, and to the distinction of nationality was added the spur of

rival conquest. This was brought clearly to light in the Mithradatic

crisis; by the side of the command of Mithradates to murder the

Italians went the massacre of the whole Galatian nobility (iii. 322)

{iii. 306.}, and, in keeping therewith, the Romans in the wars against

the Oriental liberator of the Hellenes had no more faithful ally than

the Galatians of Asia Minor (iv. 56, 149) {iv. 53, 143.}.

[Sidenote: The Galatian kingdom.]

For that reason the success of the Romans was theirs also, and the

victory gave to them for a time a leading position in the affairs of

Asia Minor. The old tetrarchate was done away, apparently by Pompeius.

One of the new cantonal princes, who had approved himself most in the

Mithradatic wars, Deiotarus, attached to himself, besides his own

territory, Lesser Armenia and other portions of the former Mithradatic

empire, and became an inconvenient neighbour to the other Galatian

princes, and the most powerful among the dynasts of Asia Minor (iv.

149) {iv. 143.}. After the victory of Caesar, to whom he occupied an

attitude of hostility, and whose favour he was unable to gain even by

help rendered against Pharnaces, the possessions gained by him with

or without consent of the Roman government were for the most part

again withdrawn; the Caesarian Mithradates of Pergamus, who on the

mother's side was sprung from the Galatian royal house, obtained the

most of what Deiotarus lost, and was even placed by his side in Galatia

itself. But, after the latter had shortly afterwards met his end in the

Tauric Chersonese (p. 313), and Caesar himself had not long afterwards

been murdered, Deiotarus reinstated himself unbidden in possession of

what he had lost, and, as he knew how to submit to the Roman party

predominant on each occasion in the East as well as how to change it

at the right time, he died at an advanced age in the year 714 {40.} as

lord of all Galatia. His descendants were portioned off with a small

lordship in Paphlagonia; his kingdom, further enlarged towards the

south by Lycaonia and all the country down to the coast of Pamphylia,

was transferred, as was already said, in the year 718 {36.} by Antonius

to Amyntas, who seems to have conducted the government already in the

last years of Deiotarus as his secretary and general, and, as such,

had before the battle of Philippi effected the transition from the

republican generals to the triumvirs. His further fortunes have been

already told. Equal to his predecessor in sagacity and bravery, he

served first Antonius, and then Augustus as chief instrument for the

pacification of the territory not yet subject in Asia Minor, till he

there met his death in the year 729 {25.}. With him ended the Galatian

kingdom, and it was converted into the Roman province of Galatia.

[Sidenote: The inhabitants.]

Its inhabitants were called Gallograeci among the Romans even in the

last age of the republic; they were, adds Livy, a mixed people, as

they were called, and degenerate. A good portion of them must have

descended from the older Phrygian inhabitants of these regions. Of

still more weight is the fact, that the zealous worship of the gods in

Galatia and the priesthood there have nothing in common with the ritual

institutions of the European Celts; not merely was the Great Mother,

whose sacred symbol the Romans of Hannibal's time asked and received

from the Tolistobogi, of a Phrygian type, but her priests belonged in

part at least to the Galatian nobility. Nevertheless, even in the Roman

province of Galatia the internal organisation was predominantly Celtic.

The fact that even under Pius the strict paternal power foreign to

Hellenic law subsisted in Galatia, is a proof of this from the sphere

of private law. In public relations there were in this country still

only the three old communities of the Tectosages, the Tolistobogi, the

Trocmi, who perhaps appended to their names those of the three chief

places, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium, but were essentially nothing but

the well-known Gallic cantons, which also indeed were not without their

chief place. If among the Celts of Asia the conception of the community

as town gains the predominance earlier than among the European,[233]

and the name Ancyra more quickly dispossesses that of the Tectosages

than in Europe the name Burdigala dispossesses that of the Bituriges,

and there Ancyra even as foremost place of the whole country calls

itself the "mother-city" μητρόπολις, this certainly shows--what could

not in fact be otherwise--the influence of Greek neighbourhood and the

incipient process of assimilation, the several phases of which the

superficial information that survives to us does not allow us to follow

out. The Celtic names keep their hold down to the time of Tiberius;

afterwards they appear only isolated in the houses of rank.

[Sidenote: Language under the Romans.]

That the Romans after the erection of the province--as in Gaul they

allowed only the Latin language--allowed in Galatia alongside of

this only the Greek in business-dealings, was a matter of course.

What course was taken earlier we know not, as we do not meet with

pre-Roman written monuments in this country at all. As the language of

conversation the Celtic maintained its ground with tenacity also in

Asia;[234] yet the Greek gradually gained the upper hand. In the fourth

century Ancyra was one of the chief centres of Greek culture; "the

small towns in Greek Galatia," says the man of letters, Themistius,

who had grown gray in addressing the cultivated public, "cannot

indeed cope with Antioch; but the people appropriate to themselves

culture more zealously than the genuine Hellenes, and, wherever the

philosopher's cloak appears, they cling to it like the iron to the

magnet." Yet the national language may have preserved itself in the

lower circles down even to this period, particularly beyond the Halys

among the Trocmi evidently much later Hellenised.[235] It has already

been mentioned (p. 101) that, according to the testimony of the

far-travelled church-father Jerome, still at the end of the fourth

century the Asiatic Galatian spoke the same language, although corrupt,

which was then spoken in Treves. That as soldiers the Galatians, though

sustaining no comparison with the Occidentals, were yet far more useful

than the Greek Asiatics, is attested as well by the legion which king

Deiotarus raised from his subjects after the Roman model, and which

Augustus took over with the kingdom and incorporated with the Roman

army under its previous name, as by the fact, that in the Oriental

recruiting of the imperial period the Galatians were drawn upon by

preference just as the Batavians were in the West.[236]

[Sidenote: The Greek islands.]

To the extra-European Hellenes belong further the two great islands

of the eastern Mediterranean, Crete and Cyprus, as well as the

numerous islets of the sea between Greece and Asia Minor; the Cyrenaic

Pentapolis also on the opposite African coast is so separated by the

surrounding desert from the interior that it may be in some measure

ranked along with those Greek islands. These constituent elements,

however, of the enormous mass of lands united under the sceptre of the

emperors do not add essentially new features to the general historical

conception. The minor islands, Hellenised earlier and more completely

than the continent, belong as regards their essential character more to

European Greece than to the colonial field of Asia Minor; as indeed we

have already several times mentioned the Hellenic model-state, Rhodes,

in connection with the former. The islands are chiefly noticed at this

epoch, inasmuch as it was usual in the imperial period to banish men

of the better classes to them by way of punishment. They chose, where

the case was specially severe, rocks like Gyarus and Donussa; but

Andros, Cythnus, Amorgos, once flourishing centres of Greek culture,

were now places of punishment, while in Lesbos and Samos not seldom

Romans of rank and even members of the imperial house voluntarily took

up a somewhat lengthened abode. Crete and Cyprus, whose old Hellenism

had under the Persian rule or in complete isolation lost contact with

home, organised themselves--Cyprus as a dependency of Egypt, the Cretan

towns as autonomous--in the Hellenistic and later in the Roman epochs

according to the general forms of Greek polity. In the Cyrenaic towns

the system of the Lagids prevailed; we find in them not merely, as

in the strictly Greek towns, Hellenic burgesses and _metoeci_, but

alongside of them, as with the Egyptians in Alexandria, the "peasants,"

that is the native Africans, and among the _metoeci_ the Jews form, as

they do likewise in Alexandria, a numerous and privileged class.

[Sidenote: Leagues of the Hellenes in Asia Minor.]

To the Greeks in common the Roman imperial government never granted

a constitution. The Augustan Amphictiony was restricted, as we

saw (p. 254), to the Hellenes in Achaia, Epirus, and Macedonia.

If the Hadrianic Panhellenes in Athens acted as though they were

representative of all the Hellenes, they yet encroached on the other

Greek provinces only in so far as they decreed, so to speak, honorary

Hellenism to individual towns in Asia (p. 267); and the fact that they

did so, just shows that the extraneous communities of Greeks were by

no means included among those Panhellenes. If in Asia Minor there is

mention of representation or representatives of the Hellenes, what

is meant by this in the provinces of Asia and Bithynia organised

completely after the Hellenic manner, is the diet and the president

of the diet of these provinces, in so far as these proceed from the

deputies of the towns belonging to each of them, and all of these towns

are Greek polities;[237] while in the non-Greek province of Galatia the

representatives of the Greeks sojourning there, placed alongside of the

Galatian diet, are designated as "presidents of the Greeks."[238]

[Sidenote: Land-diets and land festivals.]

To the confederation of towns the Roman government in Asia Minor had

no occasion to oppose special obstacles. In Roman as in pre-Roman

times nine towns of the Troad performed in common religious functions

and celebrated common festivals.[239] The diets of the different

provinces of Asia Minor, which were here as in the whole empire called

into existence as a fixed institution by Augustus, were not different

in themselves from those of the other provinces. Yet this institution

developed itself, or rather changed its nature, here in a peculiar

fashion. With the immediate purpose of these annual assemblies of

the civic deputies of each province[240]--to bring its wishes to the

knowledge of the governor or the government, and generally to serve

as organ of the province--was here first combined the celebration of

the annual festival for the governing emperor and the imperial system

generally. Augustus in the year 725 {29.} allowed the diets of Asia and

Bithynia to erect temples and show divine honour to him at their places

of assembly, Pergamus and Nicomedia. This new arrangement soon extended

to the whole empire, and the blending of the ritual institution with

the administrative became a leading idea of the provincial organisation

of the imperial period. But as regards pomp of priests and festivals

and civic rivalries, this institution nowhere developed itself so much

as in the province of Asia and, analogously, in the other provinces of

Asia Minor; and nowhere, consequently, has there subsisted alongside

of, and above, municipal ambition a provincial ambition of the towns

still more than of the individuals, such as in Asia Minor dominates the

whole public life.

[Sidenote: Provincial priests and Asiarchs.]

The high priest (ἀρχιερεύς) of the new temple appointed from year

to year in the province is not merely the most eminent dignitary of

the province, but throughout its bounds the year is designated after

him.[241] The system of festivals and games after the model of the

Olympic festival, which spread more and more as we saw among all

the Hellenes, was associated in Asia Minor predominantly with the

festivals and games of the provincial worship of the emperor. The

conduct of these fell to the president of the diet, in Asia to the

Asiarch, in Bithynia to the Bithyniarch, and so on; and not less he had

chiefly to bear the costs of the annual festival, although a portion

of these, like the remaining expenses of this equally brilliant and

loyal worship, was covered by voluntary gifts and endowments, or was

apportioned among the several towns. Hence these presidentships were

only accessible to rich people; the prosperity of the town Tralles

is indicated by the fact, that it never wanted Asiarchs--the title

remained even after the expiry of the official year--and the repute

of the Apostle Paul in Ephesus is indicated by his connection with

different Asiarchs there. In spite of the expense this was an honorary

position much sought after, not on account of the privileges attached

to it, _e.g._ of exemption from trusteeship, but on account of its

outward splendour; the festal entrance into the town, in purple dress

and with chaplet on the head, preceded by a procession of boys swinging

their vessels of incense, was in the horizon of the Greeks of Asia

Minor what the olive-branch of Olympia was among the Hellenes. On

several occasions this or that Asiatic of quality boasts of having

been not merely himself Asiarch but descended also from Asiarchs. If

this cultus was at the outset confined to the provincial capitals, the

municipal ambition, which in the province of Asia in particular assumed

incredible proportions, very soon broke through those limits. Here

already in the year 23 a second temple was decreed by the province to

the then reigning emperor Tiberius as well as to his mother and to the

senate, and after long quarrelling of the towns was, by decree of the

senate, erected at Smyrna. The other larger towns followed the example

on later occasions.[242] If hitherto the province had had only one

president and one chief priest, as only one temple, now not merely

had as many chief priests to be appointed as there were provincial

temples, but also, seeing that the conduct of the temple-festival and

the execution of the games pertained not to the chief priest but to the

land-president, and the rival great towns were chiefly concerned about

the festivals and games, there was given to all the chief priests at

the same time the title and the right of presidency, so that at least

in Asia the Asiarchy and the chief priesthood of the provincial temples

coincided.[243] Therewith the diet and the civil functions, from which

the institution had its origin, fell into the background; the Asiarch

was soon nothing more than the provider of a popular festival annexed

to the divine worship of the former and present emperors, on which

account indeed his wife--the Asiarchess--might and zealously did take

part in the celebration.

[Sidenote: Superintendence of worship by the provincial priests.]

A practical importance, increased in Asia Minor by the high estimation

in which this institution was held, may have attached to the provincial

chief-priesthood for the worship of the emperors through the religious

superintendence associated with it. After the diet had once resolved on

the worship of the emperors, and the government had given its consent,

action on the part of the towns followed as a matter of course; in

Asia already under Augustus at least all the chief places of judicial

circuit had their Caesareum and their emperors' festival.[244] It was

the right and duty of the chief priest to watch over the execution

of these provincial and municipal decrees and the practice of the

cultus in his district; what this might mean, is elucidated by the

fact, that the autonomy of the free city of Cyzicus in Asia was set

aside under Tiberius for this among other reasons, that it had allowed

the decree for building the temple of the god Augustus to remain

unfulfilled--perhaps just because it as a free town was not under the

diet. It is probable that this superintendence, although it primarily

concerned the emperor-worship, extended to the affairs of religion in

general.[245] Then, when the old and the new faith began to contend in

the empire for the mastery, it was probably, in the first instance,

through the provincial chief priesthood that the contrast between

them was converted into conflict. These priests, appointed from

the provincials of mark by the diet of the province, were by their

traditions and by their official duties far more called and inclined

than were the imperial magistrates to animadvert on neglect of the

recognised worship, and, where dissuasion did not avail, as they had

not themselves a power of punishment, to bring the act punishable by

civil law to the notice of the local or imperial authorities and to

invoke the aid of the secular arm--above all, to force the Christians

to comply with the demands of the imperial cultus. In the later period

the regents adhering to the old faith even expressly enjoin these chief

priests personally, and through the priests of the towns placed under

them, to punish contraventions of the existing religious arrangements,

and assign to them exactly the part which under the emperors of the new

faith is taken by the metropolitan and his urban bishops.[246] Probably

here it was not the heathen organisation that copied the Christian

institutions; but, conversely, the conquering Christian church that

took its hierarchic weapons from the arsenal of the enemy. All this

applied, as we have already observed, to the whole empire; but the very

practical consequences of the provincial regulation of the imperial

cultus--the exercise of religious superintendence and the persecution

of persons of another faith--were drawn pre-eminently in Asia Minor.

[Sidenote: System of religion.]

Alongside of the cultus of the emperors the worship of the gods proper

found its favoured abode in Asia Minor, and all its extravagances

in particular there found a refuge. The mischief of asylums and of

miraculous cures had here its seat in a quite special sense. Under

Tiberius the limitation of the former was enjoined by the Roman senate;

the god of healing, Asklepios, nowhere performed more and greater

wonders than in his much-loved city of Pergamus, which worshipped him

as Zeus Asklepios, and owed to him a good part of its prosperity in

the imperial period. The most active wonder-workers of the time of the

empire--the subsequently canonised Cappadocian Apollonius of Tyana

and the Paphlagonian serpent-man Alexander of Abonuteichos--belonged

to Asia Minor. If the general prohibition of associations was carried

out, as we shall see, with special strictness in Asia Minor, the reason

must doubtless be sought mainly in the religious conditions which gave

special occasion to the abuse of such unions there.

[Sidenote: Public safety.]

[Sidenote: Eirenarchs.]

The public safety was left to depend in the main on the land itself.

In the earlier imperial period, apart from the Syrian command which

included eastern Cilicia, there was stationed in all Asia Minor simply

a detachment of 5000 auxiliary troops, which served as a garrison in

the province of Galatia,[247] along with a fleet of 40 ships; this

command was destined partly to keep in check the restless Pisidians,

partly to cover the north-eastern frontier of the empire, and to watch

over the coast of the Black Sea as far as the Crimea. Vespasian raised

this troop to the status of an army corps of two legions and placed

their staffs in the province of Cappadocia on the upper Euphrates.

Besides these forces destined to guard the frontier there were not

then any garrisons of note in anterior Asia; in the imperial province

of Lycia and Pamphylia, _e.g._ there lay a single cohort of 500 men,

in the senatorial provinces, at the most, individual soldiers told off

from the imperial guard or from the neighbouring imperial provinces

for special purposes.[248] If this testifies, on the one hand, most

emphatically to the internal peace of these provinces, and clearly

brings before our eyes the enormous contrast of the citizens of Asia

Minor with the constantly unsettled capitals of Syria and Egypt, it

explains, on the other hand, the subsistence, already noticed in

another connection, of brigandage in a country mountainous throughout

and in the interior partly desolate, particularly on the Myso-Bithynian

frontier and in the mountain valleys of Pisidia and Isauria. There was

no civic militia proper in Asia Minor. In spite of the flourishing

of gymnastic institutes for boys, youths, and men, the Hellenes of

this period in Asia remained as unwarlike as in Europe.[249] They

restricted themselves to creating for the maintenance of public safety

civic peace-masters (Eirenarchs), and placing at their disposal a

number of civic _gens d'armes_, partly mounted mercenaries of small

repute, but which must yet have been useful, since the emperor Marcus

did not disdain, in the sorely felt want of tried soldiers during the

Marcomanian war, to incorporate these town-soldiers of Asia Minor among

the imperial troops.[250]

[Sidenote: Administration of justice.]

The administration of justice on the part as well of the civic

authorities as of the governors left at this epoch much to be desired;

yet the emergence of the imperial rule marks a turn in it for the

better. The interference of the supreme power had under the republic

confined itself to the penal control of the public officials, and

exercised this, especially in later times, feebly and factiously,

or rather not at all. Now not merely were the reins drawn tighter

in Rome, inasmuch as the strict superintendence of its own officers

was inseparable from the unity of military government, and even

the imperial senate was induced to watch more sharply over the

administration of its mandatories; but it became now possible to set

aside the miscarriages of the provincial courts by way of the newly

introduced appeal, or else, where an impartial trial could not be

expected in the province, to carry the process to Rome before the bar

of the emperor.[251] Both of these steps applied also to the senatorial

provinces, and were to all appearance predominantly felt as a benefit.

[Sidenote: The constitution of towns in Asia Minor.]

[Sidenote: Logistae.]

[Sidenote: Gerusia, Neoi.]

As in the case of the Hellenes of Europe, so in Asia Minor the Roman

province was essentially an aggregate of urban communities. Here,

as in Hellas, the traditional received forms of democratic polity

were in general retained, _e.g._ the magistrates continued to be

chosen by the burgesses, but everywhere the determining influence

was placed in the hands of the wealthy, and no free play was allowed

to the pleasure of the multitude any more than to serious political

ambition. Among the limitations of municipal autonomy it was peculiar

to the towns of Asia Minor, that the already mentioned Eirenarch, the

police-master of the city, was subsequently nominated by the governor

from a list of ten names proposed by the council of the city. The

government-trusteeship of civic finance-administration--the imperial

appointment of one not belonging to the city itself as a guardian

of property (_curator rei publicae_, λογιστής), whose consent the

civic authorities had to procure in the more important dealings with

property--was never generally ordained, but only for this or that

city according to need; in Asia Minor, however, in keeping with the

importance of its urban development, it was introduced specially early,

_i.e._ from the beginning of the second century, and on a specially

comprehensive scale. At least in the third century here, as elsewhere,

other important decrees of the communal administration had to be laid

before the governor to be confirmed. The Roman government did not

insist anywhere, and least of all in the Hellenic lands, on uniformity

of municipal constitution; in Asia Minor there prevailed great variety,

according, it may be conjectured, in many cases with the pleasure of

the individual burgess-bodies, although for the communities belonging

to the same province the law organising each province prescribed

general rules. Whatever institutions of this sort may be looked upon as

diffused in Asia Minor, and predominantly peculiar to the land, bear

no political character, but are merely significant as regards social

relations, such as the unions spread over all Asia Minor, partly of

the older, partly of the younger citizens, the Gerusia and the Neoi,

clubs for the two classes of age with corresponding places of gymnastic

exercise and festivals.[252] Of autonomous communities there were

from the outset far fewer in Asia Minor than in Hellas proper; and,

in particular, the most important towns of Asia Minor never had this

doubtful distinction, or at any rate early lost it, such as Cyzicus

under Tiberius (p. 348), Samos through Vespasian. Asia Minor was just

old subject-territory and, under its Persian as under its Hellenic

rulers, accustomed to monarchic organisation; here less than in Hellas

did useless recollections and vague hopes carry men away beyond the

limited municipal horizon of the present, and there was not much of

this sort to disturb the peaceful enjoyment of such happiness in life

as was possible under the existing circumstances.

[Sidenote: Urban life.]

Of this happiness of life there was abundance in Asia Minor under the

Roman imperial government. "No province of them all," says an author

living in Smyrna under the Antonines, "has so many towns to show as

ours, and none such towns as our largest. It has the advantage of a

charming country, a favourable climate, varied products, a position in

the centre of the empire, a girdle of peaceful people all round, good

order, rarity of crime, gentle treatment of slaves, consideration and

goodwill from the rulers." Asia was called, as we have already said,

the province of the five hundred towns; and, if the arid interior,

in part fitted only for pasture, of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, and

Cappadocia was even at that time but thinly peopled, the rest of the

coast was not far behind Asia. The enduring prosperity of the regions

capable of cultivation in Asia Minor did not extend merely to the

cities of illustrious name, such as Ephesus, Smyrna, Laodicea, Apamea;

wherever a corner of the country, neglected under the desolation of the

fifteen hundred years which separate us from that time, is opened up to

investigation, there the first and the most powerful feeling is that

of astonishment, one might almost say of shame, at the contrast of the

wretched and pitiful present with the happiness and splendour of the

past Roman age.

[Sidenote: Cragus, Sidyma.]

On a secluded mountain-top not far from the Lycian coast, where

according to the Greek fable dwelt the Chimaera, lay the ancient

Cragus, probably built only of beams and clay tiles, and having for

that reason no trace of it left excepting the Cyclopian fortress-walls

at the foot of the hill. Below the summit spreads a pleasant fertile

valley with fresh Alpine air and southern vegetation, surrounded by

mountains rich in woods and game. When under the emperor Claudius

Lycia became a province, the Roman government transferred the

mountain-town--the "green Cragus" of Horace--to this plain; in the

market-place of the new town, Sidyma, the remains still stand of the

tetrastyle temple then dedicated to the emperor, and of a stately

colonnade, which a native of the place who had acquired means as a

physician built in his early home. Statues of the emperors and of

deserving fellow-citizens adorned the market; there were in the town

a temple to its protecting gods, Artemis and Apollo, baths, gymnastic

institutions (γυμνάσια) for the older as for the younger citizens; from

the gates along the main road, which led steeply down the mountain

side to the harbour Calabatia, there stretched on both sides rows of

stone sepulchral monuments, more stately and more costly than those of

Pompeii, and for the most part still erect, while the houses presumably

built, like those of the ancient city, from perishable materials,

have disappeared. We may draw an inference as to the position and

habits of the former inhabitants from a municipal decree recently

found there, probably drawn up under Commodus, as to constituting the

club for the elder citizens; it was composed of a hundred members,

taken one half from the town-council and the other from the rest of

the citizens, including not more than three freedmen and one person

of illegitimate birth, all the rest begotten in lawful wedlock and

belonging in part to demonstrably old and wealthy burgess-houses.

Some of these families attained to Roman citizenship, one even to the

senate of the empire. But even abroad this senatorial house, as well

as different physicians of Sidyma employed in other lands and even at

the imperial court, remained mindful of their home, and several of

them closed their lives there; one of these distinguished denizens has

put together the legends of the town and the prophecies concerning

it in a compilation not exactly excellent, but very learned and very

patriotic, and caused these memorabilia to be publicly exhibited. This

Cragus-Sidyma did not vote among towns of the first class at the diet

of the small Lycian province, was without a theatre, without honorary

titles, and without those general festivals which in the world, as it

then was, marked a great town; was even, according to the conception

of the ancients, a small provincial town and thoroughly a creation of

the Roman imperial period. But in the whole Vilajet Aïdin there is

at the present day no inland place which can be even remotely placed

by the side of this little mountain-town, such as it was, as regards

civilised existence. What still stands vividly to-day before our eyes

in this secluded village has disappeared, with the exception of slight

remains, or even without a trace, in an untold number of other towns

under the devastating hand of man. The coinage of the imperial period,

freely given to the towns in copper, allows us a certain glance at this

abundance; no province can even remotely vie with Asia in the number

of mints and the variety of the representations.

[Sidenote: Defects of municipal administration.]

No doubt this merging of all interests in the petty town of one's birth

was not without its reverse side in Asia Minor, any more than among

the European Greeks. What was said of their communal administration

holds good in the main also here. The urban finance-system, which knows

itself to be without right control, lacks steadiness and frugality

and often even honesty; as to buildings--sometimes the resources of

the town are exceeded, sometimes even what is most needful is left

undone; the humbler citizens become accustomed to the largesses of

the town-chest, or of men of wealth, to free oil in the baths, to

public banquets and popular recreations out of others' pockets; the

good houses become used to the clientage of the multitude, with its

abject demonstrations of homage, its begging intrigues, its divisions;

rivalries exist, as between town and town (p. 329), so in every town

between the several circles and the several houses; the government

in Asia Minor dares not to introduce the formation of poor-clubs and

of voluntary fire-brigades, such as everywhere existed in the west,

because the spirit of faction here at once takes possession of every

association. The calm sea easily becomes a swamp, and the lack of the

great pulsation of general interest is clearly discernible also in Asia

Minor.

[Sidenote: Prosperity.]

Asia Minor, especially in its anterior portion, was one of the richest

domains of the great Roman state. It is true that the misgovernment of

the republic, the disasters of the Mithradatic time thereby produced,

thereafter the evil of piracy, and lastly the many years of civil war

which had financially affected few provinces so severely as these, had

doubtless so utterly disorganised the means of the communities and of

individuals there, that Augustus resorted to the extreme expedient of

striking off all claims of debt; all the Asiatics, with the exception

of the Rhodians, made use of this dangerous remedy. But the peaceful

government which again set in made up for much. Not everywhere--the

islands of the Aegean Sea, for example, never thereafter revived--but

in most places, already when Augustus died, the wounds as well as the

remedies were forgotten; and in this state the land remained for three

centuries down to the epoch of the Gothic wars. The sums at which the

towns of Asia Minor were assessed, and which they themselves, certainly

under control of the governor, had to allocate and raise, formed one

of the most considerable sources of income for the imperial exchequer.

How the burden of taxation stood related to the ability of the taxed

to pay, we are unable to ascertain; but permanent overburdening in the

strict sense is not compatible with the circumstances in which we find

the land down to the middle of the third century. The remissness of

the government, still more perhaps than its intentional forbearance,

may have kept within bounds the fiscal restriction of traffic and the

application of a tax-screw which was inconvenient not merely for the

taxed. In great calamities, particularly on occasion of the earthquakes

which under Tiberius fearfully devastated twelve flourishing cities

of Asia, especially Sardis, and under Pius a number of Carian and

Lycian towns and the islands of Cos and Rhodes, private and above all

imperial help was rendered with great liberality, and bestowed upon

the natives of Asia Minor the full blessing of a great state--the

collective guarantee of all for all. The construction of roads, which

the Romans had taken in hand on the first erection of the province of

Asia by Manius Aquillius (iii. 59) {iii. 56.}, was seriously prosecuted

during the imperial period in Asia Minor only where larger garrisons

were stationed, particularly in Cappadocia and the neighbouring

Galatia, after Vespasian had instituted a legionary camp on the

middle Euphrates.[253] In the other provinces not much was done for

it, partly, doubtless, in consequence of the laxity of the senatorial

government; wherever roads were here constructed on the part of the

state, it was done on imperial ordinance.[254]

This prosperity of Asia Minor was not the work of a government of

superior insight and energetic activity. The political institutions,

the incitements of trade and commerce, the initiative in literature

and art belong throughout Asia Minor to the old free towns or to

the Attalids. What the Roman government gave to the land, was

essentially the permanence of a state of peace, the toleration of

inward prosperity, the absence of that governing wisdom which regards

every sound pair of arms and every saved piece of money as rightfully

subservient to its immediate aims--negative virtues of personages far

from prominent, but often more conducive to the common weal than the

great deeds of the self-constituted guardians of mankind.

[Sidenote: Trade and commerce.]

The prosperity of Asia Minor was in beautiful equipoise, dependent

as much on agriculture as on industry and commerce. The favours of

nature were bestowed in richest measure, especially on the regions of

the coast; and there are many evidences with how laborious diligence,

even under more difficult circumstances, every at all useable piece

of ground was turned to account, _e.g._ in the rocky valley of the

Eurymedon in Pamphylia by the citizens of Selga. The products of the

industry of Asia Minor are too numerous and too manifold to be dwelt

upon in detail;[255] we may mention that the immense pastures of the

interior, with their flocks of sheep and goats, made Asia Minor the

headquarters of woollen manufactures and of weaving generally--it

suffices to recall the Milesian and the Galatian, that is, the Angora,

wool, the Attalic gold-embroideries, the cloths prepared in the

workshops of Phrygian Laodicea after the Nervian, that is the Flemish,

style. It is well-known that an insurrection had almost broken out in

Ephesus because the goldsmiths dreaded injury to their sale of sacred

images from the new Christian faith. In Philadelphia, a considerable

town of Lydia, we know the names of two out of the seven districts:

they are those of the wool-weavers and the shoemakers. Probably there

is here brought to light what in the case of the other towns is hidden

under older and more genteel names, that the more considerable towns of

Asia included throughout not merely a multitude of labourers, but also

a numerous manufacturing population.

The money-dealing and traffic were in Asia Minor dependent chiefly on

its own products. The great foreign import and export trade of Syria

and Egypt was in the main excluded, though from the eastern lands

various articles were introduced into Asia Minor, _e.g._ a considerable

number of slaves through the Galatian traders.[256] But, if the Roman

merchants were to be found here apparently in every large and small

town, even at places like Ilium and Assus in Mysia, Prymnessus and

Traianopolis in Phrygia, in such numbers that their associations were

in the habit of taking part along with the town's burgesses in public

acts; if in Hierapolis, in the interior of Phrygia, a manufacturer

(ἐργαστής) caused it to be inscribed on his tomb that he had in his

lifetime sailed seventy-two times round Cape Malea to Italy, and a

Roman poet describes the merchant of the capital who hastens to the

port, in order not to let his business-friend from Cibyra, not far

distant from Hierapolis, fall into the hands of rivals, there is thus

opened up a glimpse into a stirring manufacturing and mercantile life

not merely at the seaports. Language also testifies to the constant

intercourse with Italy; among the Latin words that became current

in Asia Minor not a few proceed from such intercourse, as indeed

in Ephesus even the guild of the wool-weavers gives itself a Latin

name.[257] Teachers of all sorts and physicians came especially from

this quarter to Italy and the other lands of the Latin tongue, and not

merely gained often considerable wealth, but also brought it back to

their native place; among those to whom the towns of Asia Minor owe

buildings or endowments, the physicians who had become rich,[258] and

literati, occupy a prominent position. Lastly, the emigration of the

great families to Italy affected Asia Minor less and later than the

West; it was easier for people from Vienna and Narbo to transplant

themselves to the capital of the empire than from the Greek towns; nor

was the government in the earlier period quite inclined to bring the

municipals of mark from Asia Minor to the court, and to introduce them

into the Roman aristocracy.

[Sidenote: Literary activity.]

If we leave out of view the marvellous period of early bloom, in

which the Ionic epos and the Aeolic lyric poetry, the beginnings

of historical composition and of philosophy, of plastic art and of

painting, had their rise on these shores, in science as in the practice

of art the great age of Asia Minor was that of the Attalids, which

faithfully cherished the memory of that still greater epoch. If Smyrna

showed divine honours to its citizen Homer, struck coins for him and

named them after him, there was thus expressed the feeling, which

dominated all Ionia and all Asia Minor, that divine art had come down

to earth in Hellas generally, and in Ionia in particular.

[Sidenote: Instruction.]

How early and to what extent elementary instruction was an object of

public care in these regions is clearly shown by a decree of the town

Teos in Lydia[259] concerning it. According to this, after the gift of

capital by a rich citizen had provided the town with means, there was

to be instituted in future, alongside of the inspector of gymnastics

(γυμνασιάρχης), also the honorary office of a school-inspector

(παιδονόμος). Further, there were to be appointed three paid teachers

of writing with salaries, according to the three classes respectively,

of 600, 550, and 500 drachmae, in order that all the free boys and

girls might be instructed in writing; likewise two gymnastic masters,

each with a salary of 500 drachmae; a teacher of music with a salary

of 700 drachmae, who should instruct the boys of the last two years at

school and the youths that had left school in playing the lute and the

cithara; a boxing master with 300 drachmae, and a teacher for archery

and throwing of the spear with a pay of 250 drachmae. The teachers of

writing and music are to hold a public examination of the scholars

annually in the town-hall. Such was the Asia Minor of the time of

the Attalids; but the Roman republic did not continue their work.

It did not cause its victories over the Galatians to be immortalised

by the chisel, and the Pergamene library went shortly before the

battle of Actium to Alexandria; many of the best germs perished in the

devastation of the Mithradatic and the civil wars. It was only in the

time of the empire that the care of art, and above all of literature,

revived at least outwardly with the prosperity of Asia Minor. To a

primacy proper, such as was possessed by Athens as a university-town,

by Alexandria in the sphere of scientific research, and by the

frivolous capital of Syria for the drama and the _ballet_, none of

the numerous cities of Asia Minor could lay claim in any direction

whatever; but general culture was probably nowhere more widely diffused

and more influential. It must have been very early the custom in Asia

to grant to teachers and physicians exemption from the civic offices

and functions that involved expense; to this province was directed the

edict of the emperor Pius (p. 329), which, in order to set limits to

an exemption that was evidently very burdensome for the city finances,

prescribes maximal numbers for it: _e.g._ allows towns of the first

class to grant this immunity to the extent of ten physicians, five

instructors in rhetoric, and five in grammar.

[Sidenote: Addresses of the sophists.]

The position of Asia Minor as occupying the first rank in the literary

world of the imperial period was based on the system of the rhetors,

or, according to the expression later in use, the sophists of this

epoch--a system which we moderns cannot easily realise. The place of

written works, which pretty nearly ceased to have any significance, was

taken by the public discourse, somewhat of the nature of our modern

university and academic addresses, eternally producing itself anew

and preserved only by way of exception, once heard and applauded, and

then for ever forgotten. The contents were furnished frequently by the

occasion of the birthday of the emperor, the arrival of the governor,

or any analogous event, public or private; still more frequently

without any occasion they talked at large on everything, which was not

practical and not instructive. The political address had no existence

for this age at all, not even in the Roman senate. The forensic speech

was no longer for the Greeks the goal of oratory, but stood alongside

of the speech for speaking's sake as a neglected and plebeian sister,

to which a master of that art might occasionally condescend. From

poetry, philosophy, history, there was borrowed whatever admitted of

being dealt with by way of common-place, while these all themselves,

little cultivated in general, least of all in Asia Minor, and still

less esteemed, languish by the side of the pure art of words and

beneath its infection. The great past of the nation is regarded by

these orators, so to speak, as their special property; they reverence

and treat Homer in some measure as the Rabbins do the books of Moses,

and even in religion they study the most zealous orthodoxy. These

discourses are sustained by all the allowed and unallowed resources

of the theatre, by the art of gesticulation and of modulation of the

voice, by the magnificence of the orator's costume, by the artifices

of the virtuoso and the methods of partisanship, by competition, by

the _claque_. To the boundless self-conceit of these word-artists

corresponds the lively sympathetic interest of the public--which is

but little inferior to that felt for race-horses--and the expression

given to this sympathy quite after the fashion of the theatre; and the

frequency with which such exhibitions were brought before the cultured

in the larger places entitles them, just like the theatre, to rank

everywhere among the customary doings of urban life. If perhaps our

understanding of this extinct phenomenon may be somewhat helped by

connecting it with the impression called forth in our most susceptible

great cities by the discourses of their learned bodies, as they fall

due, there is yet wholly wanting in the modern state of things what

was by far the main matter in the ancient world--the didactic element,

and the connection of the aimless public discourse with the higher

instruction of youth. If the latter at present, as we say, educates the

boy of the cultured class to be a professor of philology, it educated

him then to be a professor of eloquence, and, in fact, of this sort of

eloquence. For the school-training conduced more and more to equip the

boy for holding just such discourses, as we have now described, on his

own part, if possible, in two languages; and, whoever had finished the

course with profit, applauded in similar performances the recollection

of his own time at school.

[Sidenote: Asia Minor leads the fashion.]

This production embraced East and West, but Asia Minor stood in the van

and led the fashion. When in the age of Augustus the school-rhetoric

gained a footing in the Latin instruction of the youth of the capital,

its chief pillars alongside of Italians and Spaniards were two natives

of Asia Minor, Arellius Fuscus and Cestius Pius. At that same place,

where the grave forensic address maintained its ground in the better

imperial period by the side of this parasite, an ingenious advocate of

the Flavian age points to the enormous gulf which separates Nicetes of

Smyrna and the other rhetoricians applauded in Ephesus and Mytilene

from Aeschines and Demosthenes. By far the most, and most noted, of the

famous rhetors of this sort are from the coast of western Asia. We have

already observed how much the supply of schoolmasters for the whole

empire told upon the finances of the towns of Asia Minor. In the course

of the imperial period the number and the estimation of these sophists

were constantly on the increase, and they gained ground more and more

in the west. The cause of this lies partly doubtless in the changed

attitude of the government, which in the second century--especially

after the Hadrianic epoch exhibiting not so much a Hellenising as a bad

cosmopolitan type--stood less averse to Greek and Oriental habits than

in the first; but chiefly in the ever increasing general diffusion of

higher culture, and the rapidly enlarging number of institutes for the

higher instruction of youth. The sophistic system thus belongs, at all

events especially, to Asia Minor, and particularly to the Asia Minor

of the second and third centuries; only there may not be found in this

literary primacy any special peculiarity of these Greeks and of this

epoch, or even a national characteristic. The sophistic system appears

everywhere alike, in Smyrna and Athens as in Rome and Carthage; the

masters of eloquence were sent out like patterns of lamps, and the

manufacture was organised everywhere in the same way, Greek or Latin,

according to desire, the supply being raised in accordance with the

need. But no doubt those Greek districts, which took precedence in

prosperity and culture, furnished this article of export of the best

quality and in greatest quantity; this holds true of Asia Minor for the

times of Sulla and Cicero no less than for those of Hadrian and the

Antonines.

[Sidenote: Galenus.]

Here, however, all is not shadow. Those same regions possess, not

indeed among the professional sophists, but yet among the _literati_

of a different type, who are still found there in comparatively large

numbers, the best representatives of Hellenism which this epoch has at

all to show, the teacher of philosophy, Dio of Prusa in Bithynia, under

Vespasian and Trajan, and the medical man Galenus of Pergamus, imperial

physician in ordinary at the courts of Marcus and Severus. What is

particularly pleasing in the case of Galen is the polished manner of

the man of the world and the courtier, in connection with a general

and philosophical culture, such as is frequently conspicuous in the

physicians of this period.[260]

[Sidenote: Dio of Prusa.]

In purity of sentiment and clear grasp of the position of things,

the Bithynian Dio is nowise inferior to the scholar of Chaeronea; in

plastic power, in elegance and apt vigour of speech, in earnest meaning

underlying lightness of form, in practical energy, he is superior to

him. The best of his writings--the fancies of the ideal Hellene before

the invention of the city and of money; the appeal to the Rhodians, the

only surviving representatives of genuine Hellenism; the description

of the Hellenes of his time in the solitude of Olbia as in the luxury

of Nicomedia and of Tarsus; the exhortations to the individual as to

an earnest conduct of life, and to all as to their keeping together in

unity--form the best evidence that even of the Hellenism of Asia Minor

in the time of the empire the word of the poet holds good: "The sun

even in setting is ever the same."

Footnotes.

[224: Had the state of Lysimachus endured it would probably have been

otherwise. His foundations, Alexandria in the Troad and Lysimachia,

Ephesos-Arsinoe strengthened by the transference of the inhabitants of

Colophon and Lebedos, tended in the direction indicated.]

[225: Nowhere have the boundaries of the vassal states and even of

the provinces changed more than in the north-east of Asia Minor.

Direct imperial administration was introduced here for the districts

of king Polemon, to which Zela, Neocaesarea, Trapezus belonged,

in the year 63; for Lesser Armenia, we do not know exactly when,

probably at the beginning of the reign of Vespasian. The last vassal

king of Lesser Armenia, of whom there is mention, was the Herodian

Aristobulus (Tacitus, _Ann._ xiii. 7, xiv. 26; Josephus, _Ant._ xx.

8, 4), who still possessed it in the year 60; in the year 75 the

district was Roman (_C. I. L._ iii. 306), and probably one of the

legions garrisoning Cappadocia from Vespasian's time was stationed

from the first in the Lesser-Armenian Satala. Vespasian combined the

regions mentioned, as well as Galatia and Cappadocia, into one large

governorship. At the end of the reign of Domitian we find Galatia

and Cappadocia separated and the north-eastern provinces attached to

Galatia. Under Trajan at first the whole district is once more in one

hand, subsequently (_Eph. Ep. V._ n. 1345) it is divided in such a way

that the north-east coast belongs to Cappadocia. On that footing it

remained, at least in so far that Trapezus and so also Lesser Armenia

were thenceforth constantly under this governor. Consequently--apart

from a short interruption under Domitian--the legate of Galatia had

nothing to do with the defence of the frontier, and this, as was

implied in the nature of the case, was always combined with the command

of Cappadocia and of its legions.]

[226: Urban coining and setting up of inscriptions are subject to

so manifold conditions that the want or the abundance of the one or

the other do not _per se_ warrant inferences as to the absence or

the intensity of a definite phase of civilisation. For Asia Minor in

particular we must take note that it was the promised land of municipal

vanity, and our memorials, including even the coins, have for by far

the greatest part been called forth by the fact that the government of

the Roman emperors allowed free scope to this vanity.]

[227: "The ordinance," says the jurist Modestinus, who reports it (Dig.

xxvii. 1, 6, 3) "interests all provinces, although it is directed to

the people of Asia." It is suitable, in fact, only where there are

classes of towns, and the jurist adds an instruction how it is to be

applied to provinces otherwise organised. What the biographer of Pius,

c. 11, reports as to the distinctions and salaries granted by Pius to

the rhetoricians, has nothing to do with this enactment.]

[228: Dio of Prusa, in his address to the citizens of Nicomedia and

of Tarsus, excellently lays it down that no man of culture would have

such empty distinctions for himself, and that the greedy quest of the

towns for titles was altogether inconceivable; how it is the sign of

the true petty-townsman to cause a display of such attestations of rank

on his behalf; how the bad governor always screens himself under this

quarrelling of towns, as Nicaea and Nicomedia never act together. "The

Romans deal with you as with children, to whom one presents trifling

toys; you put up with bad treatment in order to obtain a name; they

name your town the first in order to treat it as the last. By this you

have become a laughing-stock to the Romans, and they call your doings

'Greek follies'" (Ἑλληνικὰ ἁμαρτήματα).]

[229: Pausanias of Caesarea in Philostratus (_Vitae soph._ ii. 13)

places before Herodes Atticus his faults: παχείᾳ τῇ γλώττῃ καὶ ὡς

Καππαδόκαις ξύνηθες, ξυγκρούων μὲν τὰ σύμφωνα τῶν στοιχείων. συστέλλων

δὲ τὰ μηκυνόμενα καὶ μηκύνων τὰ βραχέα. _Vita Apoll._ i. 7; ἡ γλῶττα

Ἀττικῶς εἶχεν, οὐδ' ἀπήχθη τὴν φωνὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἔθνους.

[230: Amyntas was placed over the Pisidians as early as 715 {39.}

before Antonius returned to Asia (Appian, _B. C._ v. 75), doubtless

because these had once more undertaken one of their predatory

expeditions. From the fact that he first ruled there is explained the

circumstance that he built for himself a residence in Isaura (Strabo,

xii. 6, 3, p. 569). Galatia went in the first instance to the heirs of

Deiotarus (Dio, xlviii. 33). It was not till the year 718 {36.} that

Amyntas obtained Galatia, Lycaonia, and Pamphylia (Dio, xlix. 32).]

[231: That this was the cause why these regions were not placed under

Roman governors is expressly stated by Strabo (xiv. 5, 5, p. 671),

who was near in time and place to the matters dealt with: ἐδόκει πρὸς

ἅπαν τὸ τοιοῦτο (for the suppression of the robbers and pirates)

βασιλεύεσθαι μᾶλλον τοὺς τόπους ἢ ὑπὸ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἡγεμόσιν εἶναι τοῖς

ἐπὶ τὰς κρίσεις πεμπομένοις, οἳ μήτ' ἀεὶ παρεῖναι ἔμελλον (on account

of the travelling on circuit) μήτε μεθ' ὅπλων (which at all events were

wanting to the later legate of Galatia).]

[232: Amidst the great unnamed ruins of Sarajik, in the upper valley of

the Limyrus, in eastern Lycia (comp. Ritter, _Erdkunde_ xix. p. 1172),

stands a considerable temple-shaped tomb, certainly not older than the

third century after Christ, on which mutilated parts of men--heads,

arms, legs--are produced in relief, as emblems we might imagine, as the

coat of arms of a civilised robber-chief (communication from Benndorf).]

[233: The famous list of services rendered to the community of

Ancyra of the time of Tiberius (_C. I. Gr._ 4039) designates the

Galatian communities usually by ἔθνος, sometimes by πόλις. The former

appellation subsequently disappears; but in the full title, _e.g._ of

the inscription, _C. I. Gr._ 4011, from the second century, Ancyra

always bears the name of the people: ἡ μητρόπολις τῆς Γαλατίας Σεβαστὴ

Τεκτοσάγων Ἄγκυρα.]

[234: According to Pausanius, x. 36, 1, among the Γαλάται ὑπὲρ φρυγίας

φωνῇ τῇ ἐπιχωρίῳ σφίσιν the scarlet berry is termed ὗς; and Lucian,

_Alex._ 51, tells of the perplexities of the soothsaying Paphlagonian,

when questions were proposed to him Συριστὶ ἢ Κελτιστὶ and people

conversant with this language were not just at hand.]

[235: If in the list mentioned at p. 314, note, from the time of

Tiberius the largesses are given but seldom to three peoples, mostly to

two peoples or two cities, the latter are, as Perrot correctly remarks

(_de Galatia_, p. 83), Ancyra and Pessinus, and Tavium of the Trocmi is

in the matter of largesses postponed to them. Perhaps there was at that

time among these no township which could be treated as a town.]

[236: Cicero (_ad Att._ vi. 5, 3) writes of his army in Cilicia:

_exercitum infirmum habebam, auxilia sane bona, sed ea Galatarum,

Pisidarum, Lyciorum: haec enim sunt nostra robora_.]

[237: Decrees of the ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἕλληνες, _C. I. A._ 3487, 3957; a

Lycian honoured ὑπὸ τοῦ κο[ινο]ῦ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἑλλήνων καὶ ὑπὸ

τῶν ἐ[ν Πα]μφυλίᾳ πόλεων, Benndorf, _Lyk. Reise_, i. 122; letters to

the Hellenes in Asia, _C. I. Gr._ 3832, 3833; ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες in the

address to the diet of Pergamus, Aristides, p. 517.--An ἄρξας τοῦ

κοινοῦ τῶν ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ Ἑλλήνων, Perrot, _Expl. de la Galatie_, p. 32;

letter of the emperor Alexander to the same, _Dig._ xlix. 1, 25.--Dio,

li. 20: τοῖς ξένοις, Ἕλληνας σφᾶς ἐπικαλέσας, ἑαυτῷ τινα, τοῖς μὲν

Ἀσιανοῖς ἐν Περγάμῳ, τοῖς δὲ Βιθυνοῖς ἐν Νικομηδείᾳ τεμενίσαι ἐπέτρεψε.]

[238: Besides the Galatarchs (Marquardt, _Staatsverw._ i. 515) we meet

in Galatia even under Hadrian Helladarchae (_Bull. de corr. Hell._ vii.

18), who can only be taken here like the Hellenarchs in Tanais (p. 315,

note 2).]

[239: The συνέδριον τῶν ἐννέα δήμων (Schliemann, _Troia_, 1884, p. 256)

calls itself elsewhere Ἰλιεῖς καὶ πόλεις αἱ κοινωνοῦσαι τῆς θυσίας

καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος καὶ τῆς πανηγύρεως (_ib._ p. 254). Another document

of the same league from the time of Antigonus is given in Droysen,

_Hellenismus_, ii. 2, 382 ff. So too other κοινά are to be taken,

which refer to a narrower circle than the province, such as the old

one of the thirteen Ionic cities, that of the Lesbians (Marquardt,

_Staatsverw._ i. p. 516), that of the Phrygians on the coins of Apamea.

These have also had their magisterial presidents, as indeed there has

recently been found a Lesbiarch (Marquardt, _l.c._), and likewise

the Moesian Hellenes were under a Pontarch (p. 308). Yet it is not

improbable that, where the archonship is named, the league is more

than a mere festal association; the Lesbians as well as the Moesian

Pentapolis may have had a special diet, over which these officers

presided. On the other hand the κοινὸν τοῦ Ὑργαλέου πεδίου (Ramsay,

_Cities and bishoprics of Phrygia_, p. 10), which stands alongside of

several δῆμοι, is a quasi-community destitute of civic rights.]

[240: The composition of the diets of Asia Minor is most clearly

apparent in Strabo's account of the Lyciarchy (xiv. 3, 3, p. 664) and

in the narrative of Aristides (_Or._ 26, p. 344) as to his election to

one of the Asiatic provincial priesthoods.]

[241: See examples for Asia, _C. I. Gr._ 3487; for Lycia, Benndorf,

_Lyk. Reise_, i. p. 71. But the Lycian federal assembly designates the

years not by the Archiereus but by the Lyciarch.]

[242: Tacitus, _Ann._ iv. 15, 55. The town which possesses a temple

dedicated by the diet of the province (the κοινὸν τῆς Ἀσίας κ. τ.

λ.) bears on that account the honorary predicate of the "(imperial)

temple-keeper" (νεωκόρος); and, if one of them has several to show,

the number is appended. In this institution one may clearly discern

how the imperial worship obtained its full elaboration in Asia Minor.

In reality the _neocorate_ is general, applicable to any deity and any

town; titularly, as an honorary surname of the town, it meets us with

vanishing exceptions only in the imperial cultus of Asia Minor--only

some Greek towns of the neighbouring provinces, such as Tripolis in

Syria, Thessalonica in Macedonia, participated in it.]

[243: However little the original diversity of the presidency of

the diet and the provincial chief-priesthood for the cultus of the

emperor can be called in question, yet not merely in the case of the

former does the magisterial character of the president, still clearly

recognisable in Hellas, whence the organisation of the κοινά generally

proceeds, fall completely into the shade in Asia Minor, but here in

fact, where the κοινόν has several ritual centres, the Ἀσιάρχης and

the ἀρχιερεὺς τῆς Ἀσίας seem to have amalgamated. The president of

the κοινόν never bears in Asia Minor the title of στρατηγός, which

sharply emphasises the civil office, and ἄρξας τοῦ κοινοῦ (p. 344,

note) or τοῦ ἔθνους (_C. I. Gr._ 4380_ᵏ_⁴, p. 1168) is rare; the

compounds Ἀσιάρχης, Λυκιάρχης, analogous to the Ἑλλαδάρχης of Achaia,

are already in Strabo's time the usual designation. That in the minor

provinces, like Galatia and Lycia, the Archon and the Archiereus of

the province remained separate, is certain. But in Asia the existence

of Asiarchs for Ephesus and Smyrna is established by inscriptions

(Marquardt, _Staatsverw._ i. 514), while yet according to the nature of

the institution there could only be one Asiarch for the whole province.

Here, too, the Agonothesia of the Archiereus is attested (Galen on

Hippocrates _de part._ 18, 2, p. 567, Kühn: παρ' ἡμῖν ἐν Περγάμῳ τῶν

ἀρχιερέων τὰς καλουμένας μονομαχίας ἐπιτελούντων), while it is the

very essence of the Asiarchate. To all appearance the rivalries of

the towns have here led to the result, that, after there were several

temples of the emperor dedicated by the province in different towns,

the Agonothesia was taken from the real president of the diet, and,

instead, the titular Asiarchate and the Agonothesia were committed

to the chief priest of each temple. In that case the Ἀσιάρχης καὶ

ἀρχιερεὺς ιγʹ πόλεων is explained on the coins of the thirteen Ionic

towns (Mionnet, iii. 61, 1), and on Ephesian inscriptions the same Ti.

Julius Reginus may be named sometimes Ἀσιάρχης βʹ ναῶν τῶν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ

(Wood, _Inscr. from the great theatre_, p. 18), sometimes ἀρχιερεὺς βʹ

ναῶν τῶν ἐν Ἐφέσῳ (_ib._ n. 8. 14, similarly 9).--Only in this way,

too, are the institutions of the fourth century to be comprehended.

Here a chief priest appears in every province, in Asia with the title

of Asiarch, in Syria with that of Syriarch, and so forth. If the

amalgamation of the Archon and the Archiereus had already begun earlier

in the province of Asia, nothing was more natural than now, on the

diminution of the provinces, to combine them everywhere in this way.]

[244: _C. I. Gr._ 3902_ᵇ_.]

[245: Dio of Prusa, _Or._ 35, p. 66 R., names the Asiarchs and the

analogous archons (he designates clearly their _Agonothesia_, and to it

also point the corrupt words τοὺς ἐπωνύμους τῶν δύο ἠπείρων τῆς ἑσπέρας

ὅλης, for which probably we should read τῆς ἑτέρας ὅλης) τοὺς ἁπάντων

ἄρχοντας τῶν ἱερέων. There is, as is well known, an almost constant

absence in the designation of the provincial priests of express

reference to the worship of the emperors; there was good reason for

that absence, if they were expected to play in their spheres the part

of the Pontifex Maximus in Rome.]

[246: Maximinus for this purpose placed military help at the disposal

of the chief priest of the individual province (Eusebius, _Hist. Eccl._

viii. 14, 9); and the famous letter of Julian (_Ep._ 49, comp. _Ep._

63) to the Galatarch of the time gives a clear view of his obligations.

He is to superintend the whole religious matters of the province; to

preserve his independence in contradistinction to the governor, not to

dance attendance upon him, not to allow him to appear in the temple

with military escort, to receive him not in front of, but in, the

temple, within which he is lord and the governor a private man. Of the

subsidies which the government has settled on the province (30,000

bushels of corn and 60,000 sextarii of wine), he is to expend the fifth

part on the poor persons who become clients of the heathen priests,

and to employ the rest otherwise on charitable objects; in every town

of the province, if possible, with the aid of private persons, to call

into existence hospitals (ξενοδοχεῖα), not merely for heathens, but

for everybody, and no longer to allow the Christians the monopoly of

good works. He is to urge all the priests of the province by example

and exhortation generally to maintain a religious walk, to avoid the

frequenting of theatres and taverns, and in particular to frequent

the temples diligently with their family and their attendants, or

else, if they should not amend their ways, to depose them. It is a

pastoral letter in the best form, only with the address altered, and

with quotations from Homer instead of the Bible. Clearly as these

arrangements bear on their face the stamp of heathenism already

collapsing, and certainly as in this extent they are foreign to the

earlier epoch, the foundation at any rate--the general superintendence

of the chief priest of the province over matters of worship--by no

means appears as a new institution.]

[247: This troop, according to its position in Josephus, _Bell.

Jud._ ii. 16, 4, between the provinces of Asia and Cappadocia not

provided with garrisons, can only be referred to Galatia. Of course it

furnished also the detachments, which were stationed in the dependent

territories on the Caucasus, at that time--under Nero--apparently also

those stationed on the Bosporus itself, in which, it is true, also the

Moesian corps took part (p. 318).]

[248: Praetorian _stationarius Ephesi_, _Eph. epigr._ iv. n. 70. A

soldier _in statione Nicomedensi_, Plin. _ad Trai._ 74. A legionary

centurion in Byzantium, _ib._ 77, 78.]

[249: In the municipal matters of Asia Minor everything occurs except

what relates to arms. The Smyrnaean στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων is of

course a reminiscence equally with the cultus of Herakles ὁπλοφύλαξ

(_C. I. Gr._ 3162).]

[250: The Eirenarch of Smyrna sends out these _gens d'armes_ to arrest

Polycarp: ἐξῆλθον διωγμῖται καὶ ἱππεῖς μετὰ τῶν συνήθων αὐτοῖς ὅπλων,

ὡς ἐπὶ λῃστὴν τρέχοντες (_Acta mart._, ed. Ruinart, p. 39). That they

had not the armour of soldiers proper, is also elsewhere remarked

(_Ammian._ xxvii. 9, 6: _adhibitis semiermibus quibusdam_--against

the Isaurians--_quos diogmitas appellant_). Their employment in the

Marcomanian war is reported by the biographer of Marcus, c. 26:

_armavit et diogmitas_, and by the inscription of Aezani in Phrygia,

_C. I. Gr._ 3031 _a_ 8 = Lebas-Waddington, 992: παρασχὼν τῷ κυρίῳ

Καίσαρι σύμμαχον διωγμείτην παρ' ἑαυτοῦ.]

[251: In Cnidus (_Bull. de corr. Hell._ vii. 62), in the year 741-742

U.C. {13-12.}, some apparently respectable burgesses had during three

nights assailed the house of one with whom they had a personal feud; in

repelling the attack one of the slaves of the besieged house had killed

one of the assailants by a vessel thrown from the window. The occupants

of the besieged house were thereupon accused of manslaughter, but, as

they had public opinion against them, they dreaded the civic tribunal

and desired the matter to be decided by the verdict of the emperor

Augustus. The latter had the case investigated by a commissioner,

and acquitted the accused, of which he informed the authorities in

Cnidus, with the remark that they would not have handled the matter

impartially, and directed them to act in accordance with his verdict.

This was certainly, as Cnidus was a free town, an encroachment on its

sovereign rights, as also in Athens appeal to the emperor and even to

the proconsul was in Hadrian's time allowable (p. 262, note 2). But any

one who considers the state of things as to justice in a Greek town

of this epoch and of this position, will not doubt that, while such

encroachment gave doubtless occasion to various unjust decisions, it

much more frequently prevented them.]

[252: The Gerusia often mentioned in inscriptions of Asia Minor has

nothing but the name in common with the political institution founded

by Lysimachus in Ephesus (Strabo, xiv. 1, 21, p. 640; Wood, _Ephesus,

inscr. from the temple of Diana_, n. 19); its character in Roman

times is indicated partly by Vitruvius, ii. 8, 10; _Croesi (domum)

Sardiani civibus ad requiescendum aetatis otio seniorum collegio

gerusiam dedicaverunt_, partly by the inscription recently found in

the Lycian town Sidyma (Benndorf, _Lyk. Reise_, i. 71), according to

which council and people resolve, as the law requires, to institute

a Gerusia, and to elect to it 50 Buleutae and 50 other citizens, who

then appoint a gymnasiarch for the new Gerusia. This gymnasiarch, who

meets us elsewhere, as well as the Hymnode of the Gerusia (Menadier,

_qua condic. Ephesii usi sint_, p. 51), are, among the office-bearers

of this body known to us, the only ones characteristic of its nature.

Analogous, but of less estimation, are the _collegia_ of the νέοι,

which also have their own gymnasiarchs. To the two overseers of the

places of gymnastic exercise for the grown-up citizens the gymnasiarchs

of the Ephebi form the contrast (Menadier, p. 91). Common repasts

and festivals (to which the Hymnodes has reference) were of course

not wanting, particularly in the case of the Gerusia. It was not

a provision for the poor, nor yet a _collegium_ reserved for the

municipal aristocracy; but characteristic for the mode of civil

intercourse among the Greeks, with whom the gymnasium was nearly what

the citizens' assembly-rooms are in our small towns.]

[253: The milestones begin here with Vespasian (_C. I. L._ iii. 306),

and are thenceforth numerous, particularly from Domitian down to

Hadrian.]

[254: This is most clearly shown by the road-constructions executed in

the senatorial province of Bithynia under Nero and Vespasian by the

imperial procurator (_C. I. L._ iii. 346; _Eph._ v. n. 96). But even in

the case of the roads constructed in the senatorial provinces of Asia

and Cyprus the senate is never named, and the same may be assumed for

them. In the third century here, as everywhere, the construction even

of the imperial highways was transferred to the communes (Smyrna: _C.

I. L._ iii. 471; Thyatira, _Bull. de corr. Hell._ i. 101; Paphos, _C.

I. L._ iii. 218).]

[255: The Christians of the little town of Corycus in the Rough

Cilicia were wont, contrary to the general custom, to append regularly

in their tomb-inscriptions the station in life. On the epitaphs

recovered there by Langlois and recently by Duchesne (_Bull. de

corr. Hell._ vii. 230 ff.), there are found a writer (νοτάριος), a

wine-dealer (οἰνέμπορος), two oil-dealers (ἐλεοπώλης), a green-grocer

(λαχανοπώλης), a fruit-dealer (ὀπωροπώλης), two retail dealers

(κάπηλος), five goldsmiths (αὐράριος thrice, χρυσόχοος twice), one of

whom is also presbyter, four coppersmiths (χαλκότυπος once, χαλκεύς

thrice), two instrument-makers (ἀρμενοράφος), five potters (κεραμεύς),

of which one is designated as work-giver (ἐργοδότης), another is at the

same time presbyter, a clothes-dealer (ἱματιοπώλης), two linen-dealers

(λινοπώλης), three weavers (ὀθονιακός), a worker in wool (ἐρεουργός),

two shoemakers (καλιγάριος, καλτάριος), a skinner (ἱνιοράφος,

doubtless for ἡνιοράφος, _pellio_), a mariner (ναύκληρος), a mid-wife (

ἰατρινή); further a joint tomb of the highly reputable money-changers

(σύσστεμα τῶν εὐγενεστάτων τραπεζιτῶν). Such was the look of things

there in the fifth and sixth centuries.]

[256: This traffic attested for the fourth century (Ammianus, xxii.

7, 8; Claudianus in Eutrop. i. 59) is beyond doubt older. Of another

nature is the fact, that, as Philostratus states (_Vita Apoll._ viii.

7, 12), the non-Greek inhabitants of Phrygia sold their children to the

slave-dealers.]

[257: Συνεργασία τῶν λαναρίων (Wood, _Ephesus_, city, n. 4). On the

inscriptions of Corycus (p. 359) Latin descriptions of artisans abound.

The stair is called γράδος in the Phrygian inscriptions, _C. I. Gr._

3900, 3902 _i_.]

[258: One of these is Xenophon son of Heraclitus of Cos, well known

from Tacitus (_Ann._ xii. 61, 67) and Pliny, _H. N._ xxix. 1, 7, and

from a series of monuments of his native place (_Bull. de corr. Hell._

v. 468). As physician-in-ordinary (ἀρχιατρός, which title first occurs

here) to the emperor he acquired such influence that he combined with

his medical activity the position of imperial cabinet-secretary for

Greek correspondence (ἐπὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἀποκριμάτων; comp. Suidas _s.

v._ Διονύσιος Ἀλεξανδρεύς), and he procured not merely for his brother

and uncle the Roman franchise and posts as officers of equestrian

rank, and for himself, besides the horse of a knight and the rank

of officer, the decoration of the golden chaplet and the spear on

occasion of the triumph over Britain, but also for his native place

freedom from taxation. His tomb stands on the island, and his grateful

countrymen set up statues to him and to his, and struck in memory of

him coins with his effigy. He it is who is alleged to have put an end

to Claudius, when dead-sick, by further poisoning, and accordingly,

as equally valuable to him and to his successor, he is termed on his

monuments not merely, as usual, "friend of the emperor" (φιλοσεβαστός),

but specially friend of Claudius (φιλοκλαύδιος) and of Nero (φιλονέρων;

so according to certain restoration). His brother, whom he followed in

this position, drew a salary of 500,000 sesterces (£5000), but assured

the emperor that he had only taken the position to please him, as his

town-practice brought in to him 100,000 sesterces more. In spite of the

enormous sums which the brothers had expended on Naples in particular,

as well as on Cos, they left behind an estate of 30,000,000 sesterces

(£325,000).]

[259: The document is given by Dittenberger, n. 349. Attalus II. made a

similar endowment in Delphi (_Bull. de corr. Hell._ v. 157).]

[260: A physician of Smyrna, Hermogenes, son of Charidemus (_C. I.

Gr._ 3311), wrote not merely 77 volumes of a medical tenor, but, in

addition, as his epitaph tells, historical writings: on Smyrna, on the

native country of Homer, on the wisdom of Homer, on the foundation of

cities in Asia, in Europe, on the islands, itineraries of Asia and

Europe, on stratagems, chronological tables on the history of Rome

and of Smyrna. A physician of the imperial household, Menecrates (_C.

I. Gr._ 6607), whose descent is not specified, founded, as his Roman

admirers attest, the new logical and at the same time empiric medicine

(ἰδίας λογικῆς ἐναργοῦς ἰατρικῆς κτίστης) in his writings, which ran to

156 volumes.]

END OF VOL. I.

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. I.

DAS RÖMISCHE REICH UND DIE NACHBARSTAATEN

im I-III Jahrh.

H.K. 1885.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. II.

HISPANIA UND AFRICA.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. III.

GALLIA.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. IV.

BRITANNIA.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. V.

GERMANIA mit dem Rhein- u. Donau-Limes.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. VI.

DONAU- UND PONTUS-PROVINZEN.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. VII.

GRIECHENLAND.

H.K. 1884.]

[Illustration:

Mommsen Röm. Gesch. V. VIII.

KLEIN-ASIEN.

H.K. 1884.]

* * * * *

INDEX

Abdagaeses, ii. 44.

Abgarus, of Edessa, ii. 46 (under Claudius), 68 (under Trajan),

78 (under Severus).

Abrinca, rivulet, i. 119 _n._

Achaeans, diet, i. 264.

Achaemenids, dynasty, ii. 2, 3, 10;

"seven houses," 6.

Achaia, province, i. 255 f. _n._;

under the emperors, 260.

Acraephia, inscription, i. 265 _n._, 273 _n._

Actiads, i. 296 _n._

Actian games, i. 296 _n._

Adane, ii. 288 f.;

destroyed, 293 f. _n._

Adiabene, ii. 68, 78 _n._, 88.

_Adiabenicus_, ii. 78 _n._

Adminius, i. 174.

Adrianopolis, i. 307.

Adulis, ii. 280, 281, 282, 296.

Aedemon, ii. 313.

Aegium, diet of, ii. 264 _n._

Aeizanas, ii. 284 _n._

Aelana, ii. 288.

Aemilianus, Marcus Aemilius, i. 241.

Aemilianus, Egyptian tyrant, ii. 251.

Aethiopia and Aethiopians, ii. 275-278;

traffic, 278.

_Afer_, ii. 304 _n._

Africa, North, ii. 303;

Berber stock, 303-305;

Phoenician immigration, 306;

government of republic, 306 f.;

Caesar's policy, 307 f.;

extent of Roman rule, 308 f.;

no strict frontier, 309;

province of, 310;

two Mauretanian kingdoms, 310 f.;

physical conformation, 314;

Africano-Numidian territory, 316 f.;

war against Tacfarinas and later conflicts, 317-320;

Roman civilisation in Mauretania, 320 f.;

continuance of Berber language, 325 f.;

of Phoenician, 326 f.;

coinage, 327 _n._;

Latin language, 329;

Phoenician urban organisation, 329;

transformed into Italian, 331;

number of towns, 331 _n._;

Italian colonists, 332;

large landed estates, 333 f.;

husbandry, 336;

corn supplied to Rome, 337;

oil and wine, 337 f.;

manufactures and commerce, 338 f.;

prosperity, 339;

roads, 339 f.;

introduction of camels, 340;

character and culture of people, 340 f.;

scholasticism, 342;

Christian literature, 343-345;

Latin Scriptures, 343 f. _n._

Agonistic institutes, i. 289 _n._

_Agonothesia_, i. 347 _n._, 348 _n._

Agricola, Gnaeus Julius, i. 182-184, 194.

Agrippa;

_see_ Herod Agrippa.

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, in command on the Danube, i. 22;

transference of Ubii, 25;

combats in Gaul, 80.

Agrippa, Marcus Fonteius, i. 218.

Agrippina (Cologne), i. 119.

Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, expedition to Elbe, i. 31;

dyke between Ems and Lower Rhine, 34.

Ahuramazda, ii. 10 f., 84.

Alamanni, war with, i. 161 f., 163;

raids, 166 f.

Alani, ii. 62 _n._, 64, 73, 74 _n._

Albani, ii. 72 f.

Alexander the Great, basing his empire on towns, not on

tribes, ii. 120.

Alexander II. of Egypt, testament, ii. 232.

Alexander, son of Cleopatra, ii. 24, 25, 26;

installed king of Armenia, 33.

Alexander Severus, purchases peace in Germany, i. 162;

murder, 162; ii. 91;

character, 89 f.;

war with Ardashir, 90 _n._;

nicknamed "chief Rabbi," 263.

Alexander of Abonoteichos, i. 350.

Alexander, Tiberius Julius, ii. 168, 204, 242 _n._, 246 _n._

Alexandria, in Egypt, under the Palmyrenes, ii. 107, 108 _n._, 250;

number and position of Jews, 165 _n._, 200 _n._, 267;

Jew-hunt, 192, 193 _n._;

deputations to Gaius, 193 f.;

"Greek city," 235 f.;

chief priest of, 238;

exemptions and privileges, 240 _n._;

libraries, 246, 271;

chief officials, 248 _n._;

distribution of corn, 251 _n._;

Italian settlement in, 257;

mariners' guilds, 257 _n._;

comparison with Antioch, 262;

Alexandrian Fronde, 263;

nicknames, 263;

tumults frequent and serious, 264 _n._, 265;

worship, 265 f., 266 _n._;

old cultus retaining its hold, 267;

learned world, 267 f.;

physicians and quacks, 268;

scholar-life, 269 f.;

Museum, 271 f., 272;

labours of erudition, 271 f.;

"jointure" of Greek science, 273;

camp in suburb of Nicopolis, 274.

Alexandria, in Troas, i. 326 f.

Alexandropolis, ii. 15.

Aliso, fortress, i. 34 f., 36;

defence by Caedicius, 48.

Allegorical interpretation, Jewish, ii. 168 f.

Allobroges, i. 87, 88 _n._, 91.

Alps, subjugation, i. 15;

military districts, 17 f.;

roads and colonies, 19.

Amasia, i. 331.

Amâzigh, ii. 303.

_Ambubaia_, ii. 133.

Amida, ii. 115.

Amisus, i. 331 f.

Amphictiony remodelled by Augustus, i. 254 _n._, 255 _n._

Amsivarii, i. 124.

Amyntas, i. 335 _n._; ii. 24, 37.

Ananias, ii. 102 f.

Ancyra, i. 341 _n._, 342 _n._

Anthedon, ii. 210.

Antigonea, ii. 127 _n._

Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 175-178.

Antinoopolis, ii. 236, 237 _n._, 297 _n._

Antioch, earthquake at, ii. 68;

capture by the Persians (260), 101, 132;

and by Aurelian, 109;

creation of monarchic policy, 127;

capital of Syria, 127;

Daphne, 128;

water supply, and lighted streets, 129 _n._;

poverty of intellectual interests, 130;

paucity of inscriptions, 132;

exhibitions and games, 132;

races, 132 _n._;

immorality, 133;

dissolute cultus, 134;

fondness for ridicule, 134 f.;

support of pretenders, 134;

reception of, and capture by Nushirvan, 135;

Jew-hunt at, 219.

Antioch in Pisidia, i. 336 f.

Antiochus of Commagene, ii. 49, 53;

tomb of, 125;

his buildings at Athens, i. 278.

Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 196.

Antipater the Idumaean, ii. 174-177.

Antoninus Pius: wall from Forth to Clyde, i. 187 _n._;

conflicts in Britain under, 188 _n._

Antonius, Marcus, ii. 22 f.;

position in 38 B.C., 23 f.;

his army, 24;

his aims, 24 f.;

children by Cleopatra, 26 _n._;

preparations for Parthian war, 26 f.;

temperament, 27;

Parthian war, 27 f.;

resistance in Atropatene, 29;

retreat, 30, 31;

last years in the East, 32;

dismisses Octavia seeking reconciliation, 33;

punishes those blamed for his miscarriage, 33;

attempt on Palmyra, 93;

government in Alexandria, 232.

Apamea in Phrygia, i. 327.

Apamea in Syria, ii. 136, 141.

Aper, Marcus, i. 113.

Apharban, ii. 114.

Apion, ii. 193, 194 _n._

Apocalypse of John: conception of Roman and Parthian empires as

standing side by side, ii. 1 _n._;

pseudo-Nero of, 64 f.;

directed against the worship of the emperors, 196, 197-199 _n._

Apollinaris, Gaius Sulpicius, ii. 342.

Apollo, Actian, i. 295 f.

Apollonia, i. 201 f., 299.

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 350.

Appian, historian, ii. 221 f., 223.

Appuleius of Madaura, ii. 341, 342.

Appuleius, Pseudo-, Dialogue of the gods quoted, ii. 266 _n._

Apri, i. 306.

Apronius, Lucius, i. 125.

Apulum, i. 228.

Aquae Sextiae, i. 78, 81.

Aquileia, i. 197 f., 231, 233.

Aquincum, i. 228;

contra-Aquincum, 249.

Aquitania, wars, i. 64, 80;

coins, 79 _n._;

province, 88;

cantons of, 96.

Arabia, ii. 13;

Roman, what it included, 143 f.;

institution of province by Trajan, 152;

west coast of, 284 f.;

Homerites, 286 f.;

Felix, 285, 289;

policy of Augustus, 290;

expedition of Gallus, 290 f.;

state of the coast, 291 _n._;

expedition of Gaius, 293 _n._;

injury to its commerce, 293.

Arachosia, ii. 13, 15.

Aradus, ii. 138 _n._

Aramaic language, ii. 164.

Arbela, ii. 4, 88.

Archaism, Greek, i. 282 _n._

Archelaus of Cappadocia, ii. 41.

Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, ii. 183 f.

Architecture, Syrian, ii. 156 f.

Ardashir (Artaxares), ii. 81 _n._, 83 _n._, 84, 85, 89 _n._, 91.

Arelate, i. 86, 89;

amphitheatre, 106.

Aretas, ii. 148 _n._, 149 f. _n._, 150 f.

Argentoratum, i. 119, 147, 159.

Ariarathes of Cappadocia, ii. 33.

Ariobarzanes, ii. 38, 39.

Aristobulus, of Chalcis, ii. 49.

Aristobulus, prince of Judaea, ii. 175 f.

Aristotle's recommendation to Alexander, ii. 241.

Armenia, ii. 6, 19, 20, 33, 34, 35, 36, 40 f.;

Parthian appanage for second son, 51, 60;

Roman policy as to, 50-52;

subdued by Corbulo, 53 f.;

under Parthian prince vassal to Rome, 60 f.;

Roman province under Trajan, 67 f., 70 f.;

becomes again vassal-state, 72;

Parthian invasion, 74 f., 80 _n._, 89 f., 92, 102, 104, 112 _n._,

113, 114 _n._, 115 _n._

Arminius, i. 43;

defeat of Varus, 46 f.;

combats with Germanicus, 54;

attack on Maroboduus, 60 f.;

desertion of Inguiomerus, 61;

civil war and end, 62.

Arnobius, ii. 345.

Arrianus, Flavius, ii. 20 _n._, 73 _n._

Arsaces, founder of Parthian dynasty, ii. 3, 4, 6.

Arsaces, son of Artabanus, ii. 42.

Arsacids and their rule, ii. 3-12 _el._

Arsamosata, ii. 56, 59.

Arsinoe, ii. 280, 291 f.

Art, constructive, in Gaul, i. 115;

in Syria, ii. 156 f.

Artabanus (III.), king of the Parthians, ii. 40-45.

Artabanus (IV.), ii. 87 f.

Artageira, ii. 40.

Artavazdes of Armenia, ii. 28-33.

Artavazdes of Atropatene, ii. 28, 29, 32.

Artaxares;

_see_ Ardashir.

Artaxata, ii. 48, 53 f., 75.

Artaxes, ii. 33-38.

Artaxias of Armenia, ii. 42 f.

Asander, i. 312, 313 _n._

Ascalon, ii. 212.

Asia Minor: natives and colonists, i. 320;

Hellenism, 321 f.;

formation of new centres, 322;

provinces of, 323;

territories added to empire, 323 f.;

senatorial and imperial government, 323 f.;

changes in boundaries of provinces and vassal-states, 324 _n._;

municipal vanity, 328 _n._;

honorary Hellenism, 344;

leagues of Hellenism, 343, 344 _n._;

representatives, 344 _n._;

land-diets and land festivals, 344 f.;

provincial priests and Asiarchs, 345 f.;

superintendence of emperor-worship, 348;

system of religion, 350;

public safety, 350;

occupying force, 350 f.;

justice in, 352 _n._;

constitution of towns, 352 f.;

clubs, 353;

free autonomous communities, 354;

urban life, 354 f.;

prosperity, 354 f.;

defects of municipal administration, 357;

roads, 358 _n._;

trade, 359 f.;

commerce, 360;

supplies teachers and physicians to Italy, 361, 365;

literary activity, 362;

instruction, 362;

sophistic system, 362-366.

Asia, Roman: extent of province, i. 325;

coast-towns, 325 f.;

inland townships, 326 f.;

position under Romans, 327;

urban rivalries, 329 f.;

legions in, ii. 63.

Asiarchs, i. 345-347 _n._

Asklepios, i. 350.

Asoka, ii. 13, 14 _n._

Astarte, ii. 331.

Astingi, i. 237.

Astures, i. 65, 71.

Asturica Augusta, i. 66.

Athens: privileged position, i. 254, 258;

administration, 276 f.;

possessions, 277;

Hadrian's grants, 277 f.;

street-riots, 279;

state of the language, 281, 282 _n._

Atropatene, ii. 6, 19, 28 f., 33 f., 38.

Attalia, i. 334.

Augusta Emerita, i. 64 _n._

Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), i. 19 f.

Augusta Vindelicorum, i. 19, 20, 154, 196 f.

Augustamnica, ii. 298.

Augustan History, falsification as to Postumus, i. 164 _n._

Augustodunum, seat of Gallic studies, i. 112 f.

Augustinus, Aurelius, picture of Carthage, ii. 341;

_Itala_, 343 _n._;

_Confessions_, 345.

Augustus, the Emperor: expedition against Alpine tribes, i. 16;

monument to, above Monaco, 17;

roads or colonies in Alps, 19 f.;

visit to Germany, 26;

German policy and motives for changing it, 56-59;

visits Spain, 64;

organisation of towns there, 68 f.;

organisation of the three Gauls, 84 f.;

restricted franchise of Gauls, 98;

altar at Lugudunum, 94;

altar for Germanic cantons, 35, 97, 118;

discharge of Batavian guards, 121;

project of connecting Rhine and Danube, 148;

projects as to Britain not carried out, 172;

reasons for and against its occupation, 172;

conviction of its necessity, 173 f.;

arrangements on the Danubian frontier, 195 f.;

Illyricum subdued, 201;

settlement of veterans in Dalmatia, 202;

his Amphictiony, 254 f.;

dealings with Greece, 261;

treatment of Athens, 277;

insurrection at, 279;

foundation and privileges of Nicopolis, 294 f.;

colonies in Macedonia, 301;

pacification of Cilicia and Pisidia, 335 f.;

diets and festivals for, in Asia Minor, 345;

cancels debtors' claims there, 357;

decorum of, ii. 26 _n._;

first arrangements in East, 34 f.;

policy open to him, 36;

inadequate measures, 36 f.;

in Syria (20 B.C.), 37 f.;

mission of Gaius to East, 39;

Nicolaus Damascenus on his youth, 168;

treatment of the Jews, 171 f.;

dealing with Herod's testament, 182, 184;

attitude towards Jewish worship, 187;

annexation of Egypt, 232 f., 239;

Egyptian titles, 244;

policy as to south-western Arabia, 290;

expedition of Gallus, 290 f.;

of Gaius, 293;

repression of piracy in Red Sea, 298;

colonisation in Mauretania, 333;

death, i. 50.

Aurelianus, defeats the Juthungi, i. 166;

combats with the Goths on Danube, 248 f.;

against the Palmyrenes, ii. 108 f.;

battle of Hemesa, 109 _n._, 110 _n._;

destruction of Palmyra, 111 _n._

Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Germany under, i. 160;

Chattan war, 161;

Roman wall in Britain attacked, 188;

Marcomanian war, 229 f.;

his qualities, 232;

progress of war, 232 f.;

takes name of Germanicus, 234;

terms laid down for the vanquished, 234;

second war, 235;

death, 235;

Parthian war under Marcus and Verus, ii. 74 f.;

embassy to China, 302.

Aures, ii. 317, 318, 320.

Ausonius, i. 109, 113, 114 _n._

Autonomy, idea of, ii. 120.

Autricum, i. 91.

Auzia, ii. 319, 325.

Aventicum, i. 129.

Avestâ, ii. 10.

Axidares, ii. 66 _n._

Axomis, kingdom of, ii. 281 _n._;

extent and development, 282 f.;

Rome and the Axomites, 284;

envoys to Arvidian, 284;

relation to piracy, 298.

Azania, ii. 289.

Bactra, ii. 14, 15 _n._, 18.

Bactro-Indian empire, ii. 14, 16 _n._

Baetica, i. 67;

towns with burgess-rights, 68;

exemption from levy, 73;

Moors in, ii. 324.

Bagradas, ii. 336.

Balbus, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 315 _n._

Ballomarius, i. 230 _n._

Bâmanghati, coins found at, ii. 301 _n._

Baquates, ii. 324, 325 _n._

Bar-Kokheba, Simon, ii. 224 _n._

Barley-wine, i. 108 _n._

Barsemias of Hatra, ii. 78.

Barygaza, ii. 16 _n._, 300.

Basil of Caesarea, i. 333.

Bassus, Caecilius, ii. 21 f.

Bassus, Publius Ventidius, ii. 23, 27.

Bastarnae, i. 12, 217, 238.

Batanaea, ii. 144;

_see_ Haurân.

Batavi, i. 26, 43, 97 _n._;

settlements and privileges, 120;

rising of Batavian auxiliaries, 129 f.;

Civilis, 130;

progress of the movement, 130 f.;

its consequences, 143 f.;

later attitude, 145.

Bato, the Dalmatian, i. 39, 41.

Bato, the Pannonian, i. 39-42.

Beads, glass, ii. 255.

Beer, i. 108.

Belatucadrus (Mars), i. 193.

Belgica, i. 85;

division of command, 118 _n._

Belus, ii. 266.

Berbers, ii. 302 f.;

type, 304, 305 _n._;

language, 325 f.;

organisation of _gentes_, 334 f.

Berenice, sister of Agrippa II., ii. 219.

Berenice, Trogodytic, ii. 280, 284 _n._, 286, 288, 297.

Beroe, i. 240.

Berytus, ii. 121;

Latin island in the East, 130;

factories in Italy, 139 _n._

Bescera, ii. 319.

Bessi, i. 12, 209 _n._

Bether, ii. 225.

Betriacum, i. 130, 143.

Biriparach, ii. 80.

Bithynia, i. 323, 324, 330;

Greek settlements in, 330 f.;

Hellenism of, 330 f.;

place in literature, 331;

Gothic raids, 245.

Bithyniarch, i. 346.

Blaesus, Quintus Junius, ii. 318.

Blemyes, ii. 250 _n._, 277 _n._, 278.

Bocchus, ii. 309, 310, 311 _n._

Boeotian league, i. 259, 265.

Bogud, ii. 308 f., 310, 311 _n._

Borani, i. 243, 245.

Bosporan kingdom, i. 242;

Greek towns of, 244, 312;

kings, 314 _n._;

extent of, 314 f.;

coins, 317 _n._, 318;

titles, 316 _n._;

military position, 316 f.;

court, 318;

trade and commerce, 319.

Bostra, ii. 95;

plain around, 144 f.;

legionary camp at, 153;

importance of, 155;

Hellenic basis, 155.

Boudicca, i. 179, 181.

Boule, the, in Egyptian cities, ii. 236 _n._

Bracara, i. 16.

Breuci, i. 23.

Brigantes, i. 178, 181, 182, 188.

Brigetio, i. 228.

Britain, Caesar's expedition, i. 170;

designs of Augustus, 171;

reasons for and against occupation, 172 f.;

conviction of its necessity, 173 f.;

occasion for the war, 174;

arrangements for occupation, 174 _n._;

its course, 175 f.;

Roman towns, 176 f.;

resistance in West Britain, 177 f.;

national insurrection, 179 f.;

subjugation of the West, 180 f.;

of the North, 182;

Caledonia abandoned, 184;

grounds for this policy, 184 f.;

diversities of race, 185;

fortifying of northern frontier, 186 f.;

wars in second and third centuries, 188 f.;

Roman fleet, 189;

garrison and administration, 190;

taxation and levy, 190 f.;

communal organisation, 191;

prosperity, 192;

roads, 192;

Roman manners and culture, 193;

country houses, 194;

scholastic training, 194.

Brixia, i. 191.

Bructeri, i. 36, 51, 133, 145.

Burdigala, i. 113.

Burebista, i. 10, 216, 220, 309 f.

Burgundiones, i. 167.

Buri, i. 221, 224.

Burnum, i. 203.

Burrus, ii. 206.

Busiris, ii. 251.

Buthrotum, i. 295.

Byzacene, ii. 336.

Byzantium, i. 246, 292, 305, 306 _n._, 308.

Cabinet-secretary, imperial, ii. 272 f.

Cadusians, ii. 88 _n._

Caecina, Aulus, governor of Moesia, i. 40 f.;

march to the Ems, and retreat, 52 f.

Caedicius, Lucius, defence of Aliso, i. 48.

Caesar, Gaius Julius, measures for Dalmatian war, i. 7 f.;

Romanising of southern Gaul, 86;

policy as to cantons of Gaul, 92 f.;

Britannic expedition and aims, 170;

project of crossing Euphrates, ii. 22;

arrangements as to Judaea, 175 f.;

African policy, 307 f.;

Italian colonists in Africa, 332.

Caesar, Gaius, mission to East, ii. 38 f.;

meeting with Phraataces, 39;

early death, 40.

Caesaraugusta, i. 68.

Caesarea in Cappadocia, i. 332; ii. 101 f.

Caesarea (Iol), province of, ii. 313, 314, 321.

Caesarea Paneas, ii. 65, 147, 151.

Caesarea Stratonis, ii. 182, 186 f.;

insurrection, 205 f., 209 f.;

obtains Roman organisation, 218.

Caesarion, ii. 25 _n._, 26 _n._

Caesian Forest, i. 124.

Calama, ii. 319 _n._, 329 _n._, 335 _n._

Calceus Herculis, ii. 319.

Caledonia abandoned, i. 184;

probable grounds for this policy, 184 f.;

under Severus, 189.