III. _Education._--Locke has his place among classic writers on the

theory and art of Education. His contribution may be taken as either

an introduction to or an application of the _Essay on Human

Understanding_. In the _Thoughts on Education_ imaginative sentiment

is never allowed to weigh against utility; information is subordinate

to the formation of useful character; the part which habit plays in

individuals is always kept in view; the dependence of intelligence and

character, which it is the purpose of education to improve, upon

health of body is steadily inculcated; to make children happy in

undergoing education is a favourite precept; accumulating facts

without exercising thought, and without accustoming the youthful mind

to look for evidence, is always referred to as a cardinal vice. Wisdom

more than much learning is what he requires in the teacher. In

instruction he gives the first place to "that which may direct us to

heaven," and the second to "the study of prudence, or discreet

conduct, and management of ourselves in the several occurrences of our

lives, which most assists our quiet prosperous passage through this

present life." The infinity of real existence, in contrast with the

necessary finitude of human understanding and experience, is always in

his thoughts. This "disproportionateness" between the human mind and

the universe of reality imposes deliberation in the selection of

studies, and disregard for those which lie out of the way of a wise

man. Knowledge of what other men have thought is perhaps of too little

account with Locke. "It is an idle and useless thing to make it one's

business to study what have been other men's sentiments in matters

where only reason is to be judge." In his _Conduct of the

Understanding_ the pupil is invited to occupy the point at which "a

full view of all that relates to a question" is to be had, and at

which alone a rational discernment of truth is possible. The

uneducated mass of mankind, he complains, either "seldom reason at

all," or "put passion in the place of reason," or "for want of large,

sound, round-about sense" they direct their minds only to one part of

the evidence, "converse with one sort of men, read but one sort of

books, and will not come in the hearing of but one sort of notions,

and so carve out to themselves a little Goshen in the intellectual

world, where light shines, and, as they conclude, day blesses them;

but the rest of the vast expansion they give up to night and darkness,

and avoid coming near it." Hasty judgment, bias, absence of an a

priori "indifference" to what the evidence may in the end require us

to conclude, undue regard for authority, excessive love for custom and

antiquity, indolence and sceptical despair are among the states of

mind marked by him as most apt to interfere with the formation of

beliefs in harmony with the Universal Reason that is active in the

universe.

IV. _Philosophy._--The _Essay Concerning Human Understanding_ embodies

Locke's philosophy. It was the first attempt on a great scale, and in

the Baconian spirit, to estimate critically the certainty and the

adequacy of human knowledge, when confronted with God and the

universe.

The "Introduction" to the _Essay_ is the keynote to the whole. The

ill-fortune of men in their past endeavours to comprehend themselves

and their environment is attributed in a great measure to their

disposition to extend their inquiries into matters beyond the reach of

human understanding. To inquire with critical care into "the original,

certainty and extent of human knowledge, together with the grounds and

degrees of belief, opinion and assent," is accordingly Locke's design

in this _Essay_. Excluding from his enquiry "the physical

consideration of the mind," he sought to make a faithful report, based

on an introspective study of consciousness, as to how far a human

understanding of the universe can reach. Although his report might

show that our knowledge at its highest must be far short of a

"universal or perfect comprehension of whatsoever is," it might still

be "sufficient" for us, because "suited to our individual state." The

"light of reason," the "candle of the Lord," that is set up in us may

be found to shine bright enough for all _our_ purposes. If human

understanding cannot fully solve the infinite problem of the universe,

man may at least see that at no stage of his finite experience is he

necessarily the sport of chance, and that he can practically secure

his own wellbeing.

The last book of the _Essay_, which treats of Knowledge and

Probability, is concerned more directly than the three preceding ones

with Locke's professed design. It has been suggested that Locke may

have begun with this book. It contains few references to the foregoing

parts of the _Essay_, and it might have appeared separately without

being much less intelligible than it is. The other books, concerned

chiefly with ideas and words, are more abstract, and may have opened

gradually on his mind as he studied more closely the subject treated

in the fourth book. For Locke saw that the ultimate questions about

our knowledge and its extent _presuppose_ questions about ideas.

Without ideas knowledge is impossible. "Idea" is thus a leading term

in the _Essay_. It is used in a way peculiar to himself--"the term

which, I think, stands best for whatsoever is the object of the

understanding when a man thinks" or "whatever it is which the mind can

be employed about." But ideas themselves are, he reminds us, "neither

true nor false, being nothing but bare appearances," phenomena as we

might call them. Truth and falsehood belong only to assertions or

denials concerning ideas, that is, to our interpretations of our ideas

according to their mutual relations.

Innate ideas.

That none of our ideas are "innate" is the argument contained in the

first book. This means that the human mind, before any ideas are

present to it, is a _tabula rasa_: it needs the quickening of ideas to

become intellectually alive. The inward purpose of this famous

argument is apt to be overlooked. It has been criticized as if it was

a speculative controversy between empiricism and intellectualism. For

this Locke himself is partly to blame. It is not easy to determine the

antagonist he had in view. Lord Herbert is referred to as a defender

of innateness. Locke was perhaps too little read in the literature of

philosophy to do full justice to those more subtle thinkers who, from

Plato downwards, have recognized the need for categories of the

understanding and presuppositions of reason in the constitution of

knowledge. "Innate," Lord Shaftesbury says, "is a word Mr Locke poorly

plays on." For the real question is not about the _time_ when ideas

entered the mind, but "whether the constitution of man be such that,

being adult and grown up, the ideas of order and administration of a

God will not infallibly and necessarily spring up in him." This Locke

himself sometimes seems to allow. "That there are certain

propositions," we find him saying, "which, though the soul from the

beginning, or when a man is born, does not know, yet, by assistance

from the outward senses, and the help of some previous cultivation, it

may afterwards come certainly to know the truth of, is no more than

what I have affirmed in my first book" ("Epistle to Reader," in second

edition). And much of our knowledge, as he shows in the fourth book,

is rational insight, immediate or else demonstrable, and thus

intellectually necessary in its constitution.

What Locke really objects to is, that any of our supposed knowledge

should claim immunity from free criticism. He argues in the first book

against the innateness of our knowledge of God and of morality; yet in

the fourth book he finds that the existence of God is demonstrable,

being supported by causal necessity, without which there can be no

knowledge; and he also maintains that morality is as demonstrable as

pure mathematics. The positions are not inconsistent. The demonstrable

rational necessity, instead of being innate, or conscious from our

birth, may lie latent or subconscious in the individual mind; but for

all that, when we gradually become more awake intellectually, such

truths are seen to "carry their own evidence along with them." Even in

the first book he appeals to the common reason, which he calls "common

sense." "He would be thought void of common sense who asked, on the

one side, or, on the other, went to give a reason, _why_ 'it is

impossible for the same thing to be and not to be.' It carries its own

light and evidence with it, and needs no other proof: he that

understands the terms assents to it for its own sake, or else nothing

else will ever be able to prevail with him to do it" (bk. i. chap. 3,

§ 4).

The truth is that neither Locke, on the one hand, nor the

intellectualists of the 17th century, on the other, expressed their

meaning with enough of precision; if they had, Locke's argument would

probably have taken a form less open to the charge of mere empiricism.

Locke believed that in attacking "innate principles" he was pleading

for universal reasonableness instead of blind reliance on authority,

and was thus, as he says, not "pulling up the foundations of

knowledge," but "laying those foundations surer." When men heard that

there were propositions that could not be doubted, it was a short and

easy way to assume that what are only arbitrary prejudices are

"innate" certainties, and therefore must be accepted unconditionally.

This "eased the lazy from the pains of search, stopped the inquiry of

the doubtful, concerning all that was once styled innate. It was no

small advantage to those who affected to be masters and teachers to

make this the principle of principles--that principles must not be

questioned." The assumption that they were "innate" was enough "to

take men off the use of their own reason and judgment, and to put them

upon believing and taking upon trust without further examination....

Nor is it a small power it gives one man over another to have the

authority to make a man swallow that for an innate principle which may

serve his purpose who teacheth them" (bk. i. chap. 4, § 24).

Genesis of ideas.

The second book proposes a hypothesis regarding the genesis of our

ideas and closes after an elaborate endeavour to verify it. The

hypothesis is, that all human ideas, even the most complex and

abstract and sublime, ultimately depend upon "experience." Otherwise,

what we take to be ideas are only empty words. Here the important

point is what human "experience" involves. Locke says that our "ideas"

all come, either from the five senses or from reflective

consciousness; and he proposes to show that even those concerned with

the Infinite depend at last on one or other of these two sources: our

"complex ideas" are all made up of "simple ideas," either from without

or from within. The "verification" of this hypothesis, offered in the

thirteenth and following chapters of the second book, goes to show in

detail that even those ideas which are "most abstruse," how remote

soever they may seem from original data of outward sense, or of inner

consciousness, "are only such as the understanding frames to itself by

repeating and joining together simple ideas that it had at first,

either from perceiving objects of sense, or from reflection upon its

own operations."

To prove this, our thoughts of space, time, infinity, power,

substance, personal identity, causality, and others which "seem most

remote from the supposed original" are examined in a "plain historical

method," and shown to depend either on (a) perception of things

external, through the five senses, or on (b) reflection upon

operations of the mind within. Reflection, "though it be not sense, as

having nothing to do with external objects," is yet, he says, "very

like it, and might properly enough be called internal sense." But the

suggestion that "sense" might designate _both_ the springs of

experience is misleading, when we find in the sequel how much Locke

tacitly credits "reflection" with. The ambiguity of his language makes

opposite interpretations of this cardinal part of the Essay possible;

the best we can do is to compare one part with another, and in

doubtful cases to give him the benefit of the doubt.

Although the second book is a sort of inventory of our ideas, as

distinguished from the certainty and boundaries of our knowledge,

Locke even here makes the assumption that the "simple ideas" of the

five senses are practically qualities of things which exist without

us, and that the mental "operations" discovered by "reflection" are

those of a person continuously existing. He thus relieves himself of

the difficulty of having at the outset to explain _how_ the immediate

data of outward sense and reflection are accepted as "qualities" of

things and persons. He takes this as a fact.

Such, according to Locke, are the only simple ideas which can appear

even in the sublimest human speculations. But the mind, in becoming

gradually stored with its "simple ideas" is able to elaborate them in

numberless modes and relations; although it is not in the power of the

most exalted wit or enlarged understanding to invent or frame any new

simple idea, not taken in in one or the other of these two ways. All

that man can imagine about the universe or about God is necessarily

confined to them. For proof of this Locke would have any one try to

fancy a taste which had never affected his palate, or to frame the

idea of a scent he had never felt, or an operation of mind, divine or

human, foreign to all human consciousness.

Qualities of matter.

The contrast and correlation of these two data of experience is

suggested in the chapter on the "qualities of matter" in which we are

introduced to a noteworthy vein of speculation (bk. ii. chap. 8). This

chapter, on "things and their qualities," looks like an interpolation

in an analysis of mere "ideas." Locke here treats simple ideas of the

five senses as qualities of outward things. And the sense data are, he

finds, partly (a) revelations of external things themselves in their

mathematical relations, and partly (b) sensations, boundless in

variety, which are somehow awakened in us through contact and

collision with things relatively to their mathematical relations.

Locke calls the former sort "primary, original or essential qualities

of matter," and the others "secondary or derived qualities." The

primary, which are quantities rather than qualities, are inseparable

from matter, and virtually identical with the ideas we have of them.

On the other hand, there is nothing perceived in the mathematical

relations of bodies which in the least resembles their secondary

qualities. If there were no sentient beings in existence, the

secondary qualities would cease to exist, "except perhaps as unknown

modes of the primary, or, if not, as something still more obscure." On

the other hand, "solidity, extension, figure and motion would," he

assumes, "be really in the world as they are, whether there were any

sensible being to perceive them or not."

Matter.

Thus far the outcome of what Locke teaches about matter is, that it is

Something capable of being expressed in terms of mathematical

quantity, and also in terms of our own sensations. A further step was

to suggest the ultimate dependence of the secondary qualities of

bodies upon "the bulk, figures, number, situation and motions of the

solid parts of which the bodies consist," these mathematical or

primary qualities "existing as we think of them whether or not they

are perceived." This Locke proposes in a hesitating way. For we, "not

knowing what particular size, figure and texture of parts they are on

which depend, and from which result, those qualities which make our

complex idea, for example, of gold, it is impossible we should know

what other qualities result from, or are incompatible with, the same

constitution of the insensible parts of gold; and so consequently must

always coexist with that complex idea we have of it, or else are

inconsistent with it."

Some of the most remarkable chapters in the second book concern what

may be called "crucial instances" in verification of its fundamental

hypothesis of the dependence of human knowledge upon the simple ideas

presented in our dual experience (bk. ii. ch. 13-28). They carry us

towards the ultimate mysteries which attract meditative minds. The

hypothesis, that even our most profound and sublime speculations are

all limited to data of the senses and of reflection, is crucially

tested by the "modes" and "substances" and "relations" under which, in

various degrees of complexity, we somehow find ourselves obliged to

conceive those simple phenomena. Such are modes of quantity in space,

and time and number, under which Locke reports that we find ourselves

mentally impelled towards immensity, eternity and the innumerable--in

a word, towards Infinity which seems to transcend quantity; then there

is the complex thought of Substance, to which we find ourselves

mysteriously impelled, when the simple phenomena of the senses come to

be regarded as qualities of "something"; again there is the obscure

idea of the identity of persons, notwithstanding their constant

changes of state; and there is, above all, the inevitable tendency we

somehow have to refund a change into what we call its "Cause," with

the associated idea of active power. Locke begins with our complex

ideas of Space, Succession or Time, and Number.

Immensity and endlessness and infinity.

Space, he says, appears when we use our senses of sight and touch;

succession he finds "suggested" by all the changing phenomena of

sense, and by "what passes in our minds"; number is "suggested by

every object of our senses, and every thought of our minds, by

everything that either doth exist or can be imagined." The

modifications of which these are susceptible he reports to be

"inexhaustible and truly infinite, extension alone affording a

boundless field to the mathematicians." But the mystery latent in our

ideas of space and time is, that "something in the mind" irresistibly

hinders us from allowing the possibility of any limit to either. We

find ourselves, when we try, compelled to lose our positive ideas of

finite spaces in the negative idea of Immensity or Boundlessness, and

our positive ideas of finite times in the negative thought of

Endlessness. We have never seen, and we cannot imagine, an object

whose extent is boundless. Yet we find when we reflect that something

forces us to think that space and time must be unlimited. Thus Locke

seems by implication to acknowledge something added by the mind to the

original "simple ideas" of extension and succession; though he finds

that what is added is not positively conceivable. When we reflect on

immensity and eternity, we find them negations of all that is

imaginable; and that whether we try infinite addition or infinite

subdivision. He accepts this fact; he does not inquire why mind finds

itself obliged to add without limit and to divide without limit. He

simply reports that immensity and eternity are inevitable negative

ideas, and also that every endeavour to realize them in positive

images must be an attempt to represent as quantity what is beyond

quantity. After all our additions we are as far from the infinite idea

as we were at the beginning.

Substance and personality.

Locke is too faithful to facts to overlook the ultimate mysteries in

human experience. This is further illustrated in his acknowledgment of

the inconceivable that is at the root of our idea of Substance. He

tries to phenomenalize it, and thus resolve it into simple ideas; but

he finds that it cannot be phenomenalized, and yet that we cannot

dispense with it. An unsubstantiated succession of phenomena, without

a centre of unity to which they are referable as qualities, is

unintelligible: we cannot have a language of adjectives without nouns.

Locke had some apprehension of this transcendent intellectual

obligation. According to his report, "the mind" always obliges us to

suppose Something beyond positive phenomena to which the phenomena

must be attributed; but he was perplexed by this "confused negative"

idea. So for him the word substance means "only an uncertain

supposition of we know not what." If one were to ask him what the

substance is in which this colour and that taste or smell inhere, "he

would find himself in a difficulty like that of the Indian, who, after

saying that the world rested on an elephant, and the elephant on a

broad-backed tortoise, could only suppose the tortoise to rest on

'Something, I know not what.'" The attempt to conceive it is like the

attempt positively to conceive immensity or eternity: we are involved

in an endless, ultimately incomprehensible, regress. We fail when we

try either positively to phenomenalize substance or to dispense with

the superphenomenal abstraction. Our only positive idea is of an

aggregate of phenomena. And it is only thus, he says, that we can

approach a positive conception of God, namely by "enlarging

indefinitely some of the simple ideas we received from reflection."

Why man must remain in this mental predicament, Locke did not inquire.

He only reported the fact. He likewise struggled bravely to be

faithful to fact in his report of the state in which we find ourselves

when we try to conceive continued personal identity. The paradoxes in

which he here gets involved illustrate this (bk. ii. ch. 27).

Causality.

Locke's thoughts about Causality and Active Power are especially

noteworthy, for he rests our knowledge of God and of the external

universe on those ultimate ideas. The intellectual demand for "the

cause" of an event is what we find we cannot help having; yet it is a

demand for what in the end the mind cannot fully grasp. Locke is

content to trace the idea of "cause and effect," as far as mere

natural science goes, to our "constant observation" that "qualities

and finite substances begin to exist, and receive their existence from

other beings which produce them." We find that this connexion is what

gives intelligibility to ceaseless and what seemed chaotic changes,

converting them into the divinely concatenated system which we call

"the universe." Locke seems hardly to realize all that is implied in

scientific prevision or expectation of change. Anything, as far as

"constant observation" tells us, might a priori have been the natural

cause of anything; and no finite number of "observed" sequences, _per

se_, can guarantee universality and necessity. The idea of power, or

_active_ causation, on the other hand, "is got," he acknowledges, not

through the senses, but "through our consciousness of our own

voluntary agency, and therefore through reflection" (bk. ii. ch. 21).

In bodies we observe no active agency, only a sustained natural order

in the succession of passive sensuous phenomena. The true source of

change in the material world must be analogous to what we are

conscious of when we exert volition. Locke here unconsciously

approaches the spiritual view of active power in the physical universe

afterwards taken by Berkeley, forming the constructive principle of

his philosophy.

Ideas and words.

Locke's book about Ideas leads naturally to his Third Book which is

concerned with Words, or the sensible signs of ideas. Here he analyses

"abstract ideas," and instructively illustrates the confusion apt to

be produced in them by the inevitable imperfection of words. He

unfolds the relations between verbal signs and the several sorts of

ideas; words being the means for enabling us to treat ideas as

typical, abstract and general. "Some parts of this third book,"

concerning Words, Locke tells his friend Molyneux, "though the

thoughts were easy and clear enough, yet cost me more pains to express

than all the rest of my _Essay_. And therefore I should not much

wonder, if there be in some places of it obscurity and doubtfulness."

Theory of knowledge.

The Fourth Book, about Knowledge proper and Probability, closes the

_Essay_. Knowledge, he says, is perception of relations among ideas;

it is expressed in our affirmations and negations; and real knowledge

is discernment of the relations of ideas to what is real. In the

foregoing part of the _Essay_ he had dealt with "ideas" and "simple

apprehension," here he is concerned with intuitive "judgment" and

demonstrative "reasoning," also with judgments and reasonings about

matters of fact. At the end of this patient search among our ideas, he

supposes the reader apt to complain that he has been "all this while

only building a castle in the air," and to ask what the purpose of all

this stir is, if we are not thereby carried beyond mere ideas. "If it

be true that knowledge lies only in the agreement or disagreement of

ideas, the visions of an enthusiast and the reasonings of a sober man

will be equally certain. It is no matter how things themselves are"

(bk. iv. 4). This gives the keynote to the fourth book. It does not,

however, carry him into a critical analysis of the rational

constitution of knowledge, like Kant. Hume had not yet shown the

sceptical objections against conclusions which Locke accepted without

criticism. The subtle agnostic, who doubted reason because reason

could not be supported in the end by empirical evidence, was less in

his view than persons blindly resting on authority or prejudice. Total

scepticism he would probably have regarded as unworthy of the serious

attention of a wise man. "Where we perceive the agreement or

disagreement of any of our ideas there is certain knowledge; and

wherever we are sure these ideas agree with the reality of things,

there is certain _real_ knowledge" (bk. iv. ch. 4).

Four sorts of knowable relations.

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