Another branch of maritime enterprise which attracted the attention of

the merchants of Liverpool was privateering, which, during the latter

half of the 18th century, was a favourite investment. After the outbreak

of the Seven Years' War with France and Spain, in 1756, the commerce of

Liverpool suffered severely, the French having overrun the narrow seas

with privateers, and the premiums for insurance against sea risks rose

to an amount almost prohibitive. The Liverpool merchants took a lesson

from the enemy, and armed and sent out their ships as privateers. Some

of the early expeditions proving very successful, almost the whole

community rushed into privateering, with results of a very chequered

character. When the War of Independence broke out in 1775 American

privateers swarmed about the West India Islands, and crossing the

Atlantic intercepted British commerce in the narrow seas. The Liverpool

merchants again turned their attention to retaliation. Between August

1778 and April 1779, 120 privateers were fitted out in Liverpool,

carrying 1986 guns and 8745 men.

See W. Enfield, _Hist. of Leverpool_ (1773); J. Aikin, _Forty Miles

round Manchester_ (1795); T. Troughton, _Hist. of Liverpool_ (1810);

M. Gregson, _Portfolio of Fragments relating to Hist. of Lancashire_

(1817); H. Smithers, _Liverpool, its Commerce_, &c. (1825); R. Syers,

_Hist. of Everton_ (1830); E. Baines, _Hist. of County Palatine of

Lancaster_, vol. iv. (1836); T. Baines, _Hist. of Commerce and Town of

Liverpool_ (1852); R. Brooke, _Liverpool during the last quarter of

18th Century_ (1853); J. A. Picton, _Memorials of Liverpool_ (2 vols.,

1873); Ramsay Muir and Edith M. Platt, _A History of Municipal

Government in Liverpool_ (1906); Ramsay Muir, _A History of Liverpool_

(1907). (W. F. I.)

LIVERSEDGE, an urban district in the Spen Valley parliamentary division

of the West Riding of Yorkshire, England, 7 m. S.S.E. of Bradford, on

the Lancashire & Yorkshire, Great Northern, and London & North Western

railways. Pop. (1901) 13,980. The industries are chiefly the manufacture

of woollen goods, the making of machinery, chemical manufactures and

coal mining.

LIVERY, originally the provision of food, clothing, &c., to household

servants. The word is an adaptation of the Anglo-French _livrée_, from

_livrer_, to deliver (Late Lat. _liberare_, to set free, to serve, to

give freely), in the special sense of distributing. In the sense of a

fixed allowance of provender for horses, it survives now only in

"livery-stable," _i.e_. an establishment where horses and carriages are

kept or let out for hire. From the meaning of provision of food and

clothing the word is applied to a uniform worn by the retainers and

servants of a household. In the 15th century in England a badge, collar

or other insignia, the "livery," was worn by all those who pledged

themselves to support one of the great barons in return for his promise

of "maintenance," i.e. of protection against enemies; thus arose the

custom of "livery and maintenance," suppressed by Henry VII. The members

of the London city companies wore a distinctive costume or "livery,"

whence the term "livery companies." In law, the term "livery" means

"delivery," the legal handing of property into the possession of

another; for "livery of seisin" see FEOFFMENT.

LIVERY COMPANIES, the name given to particular companies or societies in

the city of London. They belong to a class of institutions which at one

time were universal in Europe. In most other countries they have

disappeared; in England, while their functions have wholly changed, the

organization remains. The origin of the city companies is to be found in

the craftgilds of the middle ages. The absence of a strong central

authority accounts for the tendency of confederation in the beginning of

modern societies. Artificial groups, formed in imitation of the family,

discharged the duties which the family was no longer able, and the state

was not yet able, to undertake. The inhabitants of towns were forced

into the societies known as gild-merchants, which in course of time

monopolized the municipal government, became exclusive, and so caused

the growth of similar societies among excluded citizens. The craftgilds

were such societies, composed of handicraftsmen, which entered upon a

struggle with the earlier gilds and finally defeated them. The

circumstances and results of the struggle were of much the same

character in England and on the continent. In London the victory of the

crafts is decisively marked by the ordinance of the time of Edward II.,

which required every citizen to be a member of some trade or mystery,

and by another ordinance in 1375 which transferred the right of election

of corporate officers (including members of parliament) from the

ward-representatives to the trading companies. Henceforward, and for

many years, the companies engrossed political and municipal power in the

city of London.

The trading fraternities assumed generally the character of corporations

in the reign of Edward III. Many of them had been chartered before, but

their privileges, hitherto exercised only on sufferance and by payment

of their terms, were now confirmed by letters patent. Edward III.

himself became a member of the fraternity of Linen Armourers, or

Merchant Taylors, and other distinguished persons followed his example.

From this time they are called livery companies, "from now generally

assuming a distinctive dress or livery." The origin of the Grocers'

Company is thus described: "Twenty-two persons, carrying on the business

of pepperers in Soper's Lane, Cheapside, agree to meet together, to a

dinner, at the Abbot of Bury's, St Mary Axe, and commit the particulars

of their formation into a trading society to writing. They elect after

dinner two persons of the company so assembled--Roger Osekyn and

Lawrence de Haliwell--as their first governors or wardens, appointing,

at the same time, in conformity with the pious custom of the age, a

priest or chaplain to celebrate divine offices for their souls" (Heath's

"Account of the Grocers' Company," quoted in Herbert's _Twelve Great

Livery Companies_, 1836, i. 43). The religious observances and the

common feasts were characteristic features of those institutions. They

were therefore not merely trade unions in the current meaning of that

phrase, but may rather be described as forms of industrial

self-government, the basis of union being the membership of a common

trade, and the authority of the society extending to the general

welfare, spiritual and temporal, of its members. It must be remembered

that they flourished at a time when the separate interests of master and

servant had not yet been created; and, indeed, when that fundamental

division of interests arose, the companies gradually lost their

functions in the regulation of industry. The fact that the craftsmen

were a homogeneous order will account for the wide authority claimed by

their societies, and the important public powers which were conceded to

them. In the regulation of trade they possessed extensive powers. They

required every one carrying on the trade to join the company. In 1363,

in answer to a remonstrance against the mischief caused by "the

merchants called grocers who engrossed all manner of merchandize

vendable, and who suddenly raised the prices of such merchandize within

the realm," it was enacted "that all artificers and people of mysteries

shall each choose his own mystery[1] before next Candlemas, and that,

having so chosen it, he shall henceforth use no other." L. Brentano (_On

Gilds_) holds that it is wrong to represent such regulations as

monopolistic, inasmuch as there was no question whatever of a monopoly

in that time nor until the degeneration of the craftgilds into limited

corporations of capitalists. In the regulation of trade the right of

search was an important instrument. The wardens of the grocers are to

"assayen weights, powders, confeccions, platers, oyntments and all other

things belonging to the same crafte." The goldsmiths had the assay of

metals, the fishmongers the oversight of fish, the vintners of the

tasting of wine, &c. The companies enforced their regulations on their

members by force. Many of their ordinances looked to the domestic

affairs and private conduct of the members. The grocers ordain "that no

man of the fraternite take his neyghbor's house y^t is of the same

fraternite, or enhaunce the rent against the will of the foresaid

neyghbor." Perjury is to be punished by the wardens and society with

such correction as that other men of the fellowship may be warned

thereby. Members reduced to poverty by adventures on the sea, increased

price of goods, borrowing and pledging, or any other misfortune, are to

be assisted "out of the common money, according to his situation, if he

could not do without."

Following what appears to be the natural law of their being, the

companies gradually lost their industrial character. The course of decay

would seem to have been the following. The capitalists gradually assumed

the lead in the various societies, the richer members engrossed the

power and the companies tended to become hereditary and exclusive.

Persons might be members who had nothing to do with the craft, and the

rise of great capitalists and the development of competition in trade

made the regulation of industry by means of companies no longer

possible. For an account of the "degeneration of craftgilds" a general

reference may be made to Brentano, _On Gilds_ (1870), and C. Gross, _The

Gild Merchant_ (2 vols., 1890). The usurpation of power on the part of

the richer members was not always effected without opposition. Brentano

refers to a pamphlet on the Clothworkers' Company, published in 1649,

which asserts that "the commonalty" in the old charters meant, not the

whole gild, but only the masters, wardens and assistants. Herbert

records a dispute in the Goldsmiths' Company in 1529. The mode of

electing officers, and the system of management generally, was

challenged by three members who called themselves "artificers, poor men

of the craft of goldsmiths." The company, or rather, the wardens, the

assistants and livery presented a petition to the lord mayor, which was

answered by the discontented craftsmen. The dispute was carried into the

court of chancery and the star chamber. The artificers accused the

company of subverting their grants, misappropriating the funds and

changing the constitution of the society, and they complain of this

being done by the usurpation of persons who "were but merchant

goldsmiths, and had but little knowledge in the science." In 1531 the

three complainants were expelled from the company, and then the dispute

seems to have ended. In the last stage of the companies the members have

ceased to have any connexion with the trades, and in most cases their

regulative functions have disappeared. The one characteristic which has

clung to them throughout is that of owners of property and managers of

charitable trusts. The connexion between the companies and the

municipality is shortly as follows. The ordinance of Edward II. required

freemen of the city to be members of one or other of the companies. By

the ordinance of 49 Edw. III. (1375), the trading companies were to

nominate the members of common council, and the persons so nominated

alone were to attend both at common councils and at elections. An

ordinance in 7 Richard II. (1383) restored the elections of common

councilmen to the wards, but corporate officers and representatives in

parliament were elected by a convention summoned by the lord mayor from

the nominees of the companies. An act of common council in 7 Edw. IV.

(1467) appointed the election of mayor, sheriffs, &c., to be in the

common council, together with the masters and wardens of the companies.

By 15 Edw. IV. masters and wardens were ordered to associate with

themselves the honest men of their mysteries, and come in their best

liveries to the elections; that is to say, the franchise was restricted

to the "liverymen" of the companies. At this time the corporation

exercised supreme control over the companies, and the companies were

still genuine associations of the traders and householders of the city.

The delegation of the franchise to the liverymen was thus, in point of

fact, the selection of a superior class of householders to represent the

rest. When the corporation lost its control over the companies, and the

members of the companies ceased to be traders and householders, the

liverymen were no longer a representative class, and some change in the

system became necessary. The Reform Acts of 1832 and 1867 reformed the

representation in several particulars. The liverymen of the companies,

being freemen of the city, have still, however, the exclusive power of

electing the lord mayor, sheriffs, chamberlain and other corporate

officers.

The contributions made by the companies to the public purposes of the

state and the city are interesting points in their early history. Their

wealth and their representative character made them a most appropriate

instrument for the enforcement of irregular taxation. The loan of

£21,263, 6s. 8d. to Henry VIII. for his wars in Scotland, in 1544, is

believed by Herbert to be the first instance of a pecuniary grant to the

crown, but the practice rapidly gained ground. The confiscation of

ecclesiastical property at the time of the Reformation affected many of

the trusts of the companies; and they were compelled to make returns of

their property devoted to religious uses, and to pay over the rents to

the crown. In course of time the taxation of the companies became "a

regular source of supply to government." The historians of the city have

for the most part described these as unjust and tyrannical exactions,

but, looking at the representative and municipal character of the

companies, and the purposes to which their contributions were applied,

we may regard them as a rough but not unfair mode of taxation. The

government, when money was wanted for public works, informed the lord

mayor, who apportioned the sums required among the various societies,

and issued precepts for its payment. Contributions towards setting the

poor to work, erecting the Royal Exchange, cleansing the city ditch,

discovering new countries, furnishing military and naval armaments, for

men, arms and ammunition for the defence of the city, are among what

Herbert calls the sponging expedients of the government. The crown

occasionally interfered in a more unjustifiable manner with the

companies in the exercise of their patronage. The Stuarts made strenuous

efforts to get the control of the companies. Terrified by the

proceedings in the _quo warranto_ case, most of the companies

surrendered their charters to the crown, but such surrenders were

annulled by the act of 2 William and Mary (1690) reserving the judgment

in _quo warranto_ against the city. The livery companies now in

existence are the following:

Apothecaries. | Fellowship Porters. | Needlemakers.

Armourers and | Feltmakers. | Painters.

Brasiers. | Fishmongers. | Pattern Makers.

Bakers. | Fletchers. | Pewterers.

Barbers. | Founders. | Plaisterers.

Basket Makers. | Framework Knitters. | Playing Card

Blacksmiths. | Fruiterers. | Makers.

Bowyers. | Girdlers. | Plumbers.

Brewers. | Glass Sellers. | Poulters.

Broderers. | Glaziers. | Saddlers.

Butchers. | Glovers. | Salters.

Carmen. | Gold and Silver | Scriveners.

Carpenters | Wyre-drawers. | Shipwrights.

Clockmakers. | Goldsmiths. | Silkthrowsters.

Clothworkers. | Grocers. | Skinners.

Coach and | Gunmakers. | Spectacle makers.

Coach-Harness | Haberdashers | Stationers.

Makers. | Horners. | Tallow Chandlers.

Cooks. | Innholders. | Tin Plate Workers.

Coopers. | Ironmongers. | Turners.

Cordwainers. | Joiners. | Tylers and

Curriers. | Leathersellers. | Bricklayers.

Cutlers. | Loriners. | Upholders.

Distillers. | Masons. | Wax Chandlers.

Drapers. | Mercers. | Weavers.

Dyers. | Merchant Taylors. | Wheelwrights.

Fanmakers. | Musicians. | Woolmen.

Farriers. | |

The following are the twelve great companies in order of civic

precedence: Mercers, Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, Goldsmiths,

Skinners, Merchant Taylors, Haberdashers, Salters, Ironmongers,

Vintners, Cloth-workers. The "Irish Society" was incorporated in the 11

James I. as "the governor and assistants of the new plantation in

Ulster, within the realm of Ireland." The twelve companies contributed

in equal portions the sum of £60,000 for the new scheme, by which it was

intended to settle a Protestant colony in the lands forfeited by the

Irish rebels. The companies divided the settlement into twelve nearly

equal parts, assigning one to each, but the separate estates are still

held to be under the paramount jurisdiction of the Irish Society. The

charter of the society was revoked by the court of star chamber in the

reign of Charles I., but a new one was granted by Charles II., under

which the society still acts.

Most of the companies administer charities of large value. Many of

them are governors of important schools, _e.g_. the Skinners have the

Tonbridge Grammar School; the Mercers, St Paul's School; the Merchant

Taylors, the school bearing their name, &c. The constitution of the

livery companies usually embraces (a) the court, which includes the

master and wardens, and is the executive and administrative body; (2)

the livery or middle class, being the body from which the court is

recruited; and (3) the general body of freemen, from which the livery

is recruited. Some companies admit women as freemen. The freedom is

obtained either by patrimony (by any person over twenty-one years of

age born in lawful wedlock after the admission of his father to the

freedom), by servitude (by being bound as an apprentice to a freeman

of the company) or by redemption. Admission to many of the companies

is subject to the payment of considerable fees. For example, in the

Merchant Taylors the fees are--upon taking up the freedom, by

patrimony or servitude, £1, 3s. 4d.; by redemption, £84; on admission

to the livery, £80, 8s.; on election to the court of assistants, £115,

10s. At one time the position of the livery companies was a subject of

much political discussion. Two parties threatened to attack them--on

one side those who were anxious for extensive reforms in the municipal

organization of London; on the other, those who wished to carry

forward the process of inspection and revision of endowments, which

had already overtaken the universities, schools and other charities. A

Royal Commission was appointed in 1880 to inquire into all the livery

companies, into the circumstances and dates of their foundation, the

objects for which they were founded, and how far those objects were

being carried into effect. A very valuable _Report and Appendix_ (4

vols., 1884) was published, containing, _inter alia_, information on

the constitution and powers of the governing bodies, the mode of

admission of members of the companies, the mode of appointment, duties

and salaries and other emoluments of the servants of the companies,

the property of, or held in trust for, the companies, its value,

situation and description. The companies very freely made returns to

the commission, the only ones not doing so being the Broderers,

Bowyers, Distillers, Glovers, Tin-Plate Workers and Weavers. The

Commission estimated the annual income of the companies to be from

£750,000 to £800,000, about £200,000 of that amount being trust

income, the balance corporate income.

AUTHORITIES.--In addition to the _Report_ referred to above the

following works may be consulted: H. T. Riley, _Memorials of London

and London Life_ (1868); _Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483_ (ed.

by Sir N. H. Nicolas and E. Tyrrel, 1827); _Munimenta Gildhallae

Londiniensis_, in Rolls Series, ed. by H. T. Riley (4 vols.,

1859-1862); J. Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_ (published by Early

English Text Society), with essay by L. Brentano (1870); W. Herbert,

_History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies_ (1837); C. Gross, _The

Gild Merchant_ (2 vols., 1890); W. C. Hazlitt, _The Livery Companies

of the City of London_ (1892), contains a précis of the Royal

Commission; P. H. Ditchfield, _The City Companies of London_ (1904);

G. Unwin, _The Gilds and Companies of London_ (1908). (T. A. I.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Properly the word should be spelled, as it was originally,

"mistery;" it comes through the O. Fr. _mestier_, modern _métier_,

from Lat. _ministerium_, service, employment, and meant a trade or

craft, and hence the plays acted by craftsmen and members of gilds

were called "mystery plays" (see DRAMA). For the word meaning a

hidden or secret rite, with which this has so often been confused,

see MYSTERY.

LIVIA DRUSILLA (c. 55 B.C.-A.D. 29), Roman empress, was originally the

wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, by whom she had two sons, Drusus and

Tiberius (afterwards emperor). But she attracted the attention of the

future emperor Augustus, who in 38 compelled her husband to divorce her

and married her himself, having first got rid of his own wife Scribonia.

Her two sons, at their dying father's request, were entrusted to the

guardianship of Augustus, to whom she bore no children. Livia was

suspected of committing various crimes to secure the throne for

Tiberius, whereas Augustus naturally favoured the claims of his

blood-relatives. The premature deaths of his nephew Marcellus (whom he

had at first fixed upon as his successor) and of his grandsons Gaius and

Lucius Caesar, the banishment of his grandson Agrippa Postumus, and

even his own death, were attributed to her. But in any case Augustus's

affection for his wife appears to have suffered no diminution up to the

last; by his will he declared her and Tiberius (whom he had adopted in

A.D. 4) his heirs; Livia inherited a third of his property; she was

adopted into the Julian gens, and henceforth assumed the name of Julia

Augusta. The senate also elected her chief priestess of the college

founded in honour of the deified Augustus. She had now reached the

summit of her ambition, and at first acted as joint-ruler with Tiberius.

Tiberius, however, soon became tired of the maternal yoke; his

retirement to Capreae is said to have been caused by his desire to

escape from her. Livia continued to live quietly at Rome, in the full

enjoyment of authority, until her death at an advanced age. Tiberius

appears to have received the news with indifference, if not with

satisfaction; he absented himself from the funeral, and refused to allow

her apotheosis; her will was suppressed for a long time and only carried

out, and the legacies paid, by Caligula.

See Tacitus, _Annals_, i. v.; Dio Cassius liii. 33, lv. 14-22, lviii.

2, lix. 2; Suetonius, _Tiberius_, 50, 51; J. Aschbach, _Livia,

Gemahlin des Kaisers Augustus_ (1864); V. Gardthausen, _Augustus und

seine Zeit_, i. 1018 foll., ii. 631 foll.

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