CHAPTER IX

THE DOVER PATROL

The kings and the presidents go their ways,

Their armies march behind them,

But where would they be,

Said the man from the sea,

Without us Jacks to mind them?

It is seldom possible, during the course of a war, to appraise the

ultimate value of any single action; and it was only by slow degrees,

as we have suggested, that the results of Jutland were to become

visible. Not until the very end was it fully to appear that the

enemy's capital surface ships had been so hammered and cowed as to have

freed the seas of them with a finality equalled by no other naval fight

in history. Presently, as we shall show, that proved to be the case;

and, from now onward, he relied upon his submarines--it was early in

1917 that these reached their high-water mark of mercantile

destruction--and occasional tip-and-run raids on the part of his

destroyers based upon Zeebrugge and Ostend.

With regard to the submarine campaign, this was the most serious menace

the Admiralty had been required to face; and it was to take charge of

the grave situation, created by its initial success, that Sir John

Jellicoe, to the sorrow of the Fleet and with {202} much personal

regret, was called to the Admiralty as First Sea Lord in succession to

Sir Henry Jackson.

This able officer had succeeded Lord Fisher on the latter's resignation

in May, 1915--when the Gallipoli campaign had seemed to him finally to

have made an end of his alternative policy--Mr. Balfour having become

First Lord in the Coalition Government formed at the same time. In

Admiral Beatty, however, both the navy and the nation felt that the

Grand Fleet would be in capable hands--the changes taking place after

friendly discussion between the officers concerned, in the _Iron

Duke_--and Sir John Jellicoe returned to Whitehall to deal with as

perilous a crisis as had ever faced the empire.

What had in fact happened was that, under the stimulus of war, both

scientific research and achievement had advanced, as regarded the

submarine, with unprecedented strides. From a range of scores to a

range of hundreds and even thousands of miles, they had become

effective. They had begun to attain a speed that put them on superior

terms to the vast bulk of mercantile steamers; and they already carried

guns that, before the war, it would have been thought impossible to

mount, and that were in fact heavier than those carried by the earlier

German destroyers. Nor had the measures of defence as yet overtaken

those of destruction in the race for stability. The methods that, to a

great extent, had been successful in dealing with the smaller

submarines had become obsolete; and the devising of others, their

practical application, and the safeguarding, in the meantime, of our

mercantile marine--more than half a million {203} tons of mercantile

shipping were, at this time, being sunk every month--were problems upon

whose solution depended not only the victory of the Allied cause, but

the actual physical existence of the people upon these islands.

Of the means ultimately adopted, of which it may at once be said that

none was in itself a complete solution, it would be impossible, in the

present volume, to give more than the briefest details. The plotting

out of minefields for which 100,000 mines, of an improved type, were

ordered by Admiral Jellicoe, and of which the most extensive was

designed to stretch from the north of Scotland to the waters of Norway;

the construction and employment on a vast scale of speedy patrol

vessels of all descriptions; the regular use of aircraft, both for

observation and the dropping of depth-charges; and the development of

the convoy system with destroyer escorts, as the increase in the

production of the latter justified this--it was rather to a combination

of all these methods, and the skill and adaptability of the men

employing them, that the ascendency over this new weapon was slowly

regained. Of one particular means, however, namely the employment of

lure ships--armed vessels, variously disguised--no record of our naval

activities from the personal standpoint could omit some account; and of

the amazing courage and ingenuity with which the _Q_ ships, as they

were called, were handled, let the following couple of examples, chosen

at random, sufficiently indicate.

Powerfully armed, but with a false screen disguising the extent of her

armament, the apparently easy {204} prey, H. M. S. _Prize_, a topsail

schooner of 200 tons, was sighted, on April 30, 1917, by a prowling

submarine. This opened fire at about three miles range, and, according

to plan, Lieutenant W. E. Sanders ordered some of his crew, as though

in a panic, to lower a boat and push off. Meanwhile the ship's head

was put into the wind, and the gun crews lay flat on the deck to

conceal themselves. Still shelling the schooner and inflicting

numerous casualties--borne in silence as part of the game--the

submarine approached to within seventy yards, apparently satisfied that

she had been definitely abandoned. That was Lieutenant Sanders'

chance, and he made the fullest use of it. Running up the White

Ensign, the screens were dropped, and every available gun opened fire.

The submarine's conning-tower was blown to pieces, as was her forward

gun, all of the crew of the latter being destroyed; while a machine-gun

on the _Prize_ raked her deck. In less than five minutes she was on

fire and sinking in a cloud of smoke, her captain and one of her men

being picked up and brought aboard the _Prize_ as prisoners. The

_Prize_ herself, however, was now sinking fast; and it was only by the

most strenuous efforts of all aboard that the holes in her were plugged

and she was kept afloat till, two days later, she was found by a

motor-launch.

Less successful, but equally representative of the work of these

individualist adventure-ships, was the extraordinary action fought by

the _Dunraven_ in the following August. Commanded by Captain Gordon

Campbell, who had already distinguished himself in {205} this

particular form of warfare, the _Dunraven_, apparently an ordinary

armed merchant-ship, sighted an enemy submarine on the horizon.

Observing that the _Dunraven_ continued her zig-zag course, the

submarine at once set off in chase of her, remaining submerged till

within less than three miles, when she came to the surface and opened

fire. With what was seemingly her single gun, the _Dunraven_ began to

reply to this, at the same time sending out distress signals, by means

of her wireless, in order to preserve her supposed character. Later,

as the shells began to drop nearer, she lowered her "panic" party,

being already herself then on fire aft.

Meanwhile the submarine had approached to within 400 yards, being

obscured by the _Dunraven's_ smoke; and, for this reason, though every

moment's delay added to the risk of her after magazine's being blown

up, Captain Campbell decided not to open fire until he could get a

clearer view of his enemy. Unfortunately, before this happened, a

heavy explosion revealed to the submarine the true nature of thee

_Dunraven_ by accidentally starting her fire-gongs, one of her guns,

with its gun crew, having been destroyed. There was no alternative,

therefore, but to drop the screens--though only one gun could be

brought to bear--the enemy submarine, taking alarm, having already

begun to submerge. It was now obvious that the _Dunraven_ would be

torpedoed, and Captain Campbell took prompt measures. Removing the

wounded, and concealing them in cabins, and bringing a hose to bear on

the fire, he signalled that all traffic should be kept below the

horizon during the final {206} act that was to come. Having been twice

torpedoed, he then sent away a second "panic" party, and thus left the

ship apparently forsaken, with all her guns unmasked and the White

Ensign flying.

The fires had now to be left to work their will; ammunition was

exploding on all sides; and, for fifty minutes, while Captain Campbell

and those remaining with him still lay hidden, the submarine cautiously

surveyed the vessel through her projecting periscope. She then came to

the surface, astern of the _Dunraven_, where no guns could be trained

on her, and, for twenty minutes, proceeded to shell her before steaming

past, and again examining her. Captain Campbell then decided to let

off a torpedo at her, but this just missed. Apparently unobservant of

this, the submarine then turned and steamed slowly down the other side,

Captain Campbell loosing a second torpedo, also unhappily without

result. This was seen by the enemy, who at once submerged again,

Captain Campbell signalling for help; while, as a last resource, he

disembarked yet a third "panic" party, leaving but one gun's crew

aboard. Nothing more was heard from the enemy, however, and, in a few

minutes, British and American destroyers were on the scene; the wounded

were transferred; the fires were put out; and the _Dunraven_ was taken

in tow. Both Captain Campbell and Lieutenant-Commander Sanders

received the Victoria Cross for their _Q_ boat work--the latter being

unfortunately lost, with his schooner the _Prize_ a few months after

the incident just related.

Now in all these measures, as in the surveillance of {207} shipping and

the protection of Anglo-French traffic, the Dover Patrol necessarily

played a commanding and indeed vital part. Upon it devolved the

guarding of the southern of the two outlets by which alone the German

submarines might escape into the Atlantic; and the difficulties were

trebled by the enemy's possession of the West Flanders ports. With the

geography and defences of these and their strategical significance we

shall deal more particularly in the next chapter as with the splendid

episode in which the Dover Patrol rendered them largely valueless to

the enemy. But it must never be forgotten that, for nearly four years,

the Dover Patrol carried on its work with the hostile ports of

Zeebrugge and Ostend always within three hours' steaming. Darkness is

the friend of the destroyer, daylight the friend of the submarine.

Both were stationed at these enemy ports; and the strain upon the Dover

command can thus be gauged. Further, it has to be remembered that

through no other channel in the world passes so continual a procession

of ships, how integral in the life of this country let a single

incident suffice to show. In perhaps the darkest hour of the war, a

serious proposal was made to the Government completely to seal the

Straits of Dover for a certain defensive purpose. The proposal was

examined, and it was then ascertained that, as regarded London alone,

one of the following alternatives must immediately follow. Either it

would have to be arranged, at a time when pressure upon our

rolling-stock was at its severest, that no less than seventy-two

additional trains should enter London daily, or that more than {208}

three and a half millions of London's population should be removed to

the Atlantic ports that it was proposed to use. The suggestion was

thus found to be wholly impracticable, but its examination at least

proved the immense responsibility resting upon the Dover Patrol and the

officers in charge of it.

Established at the beginning of the war, the examination service in the

Downs, therefore, continued without intermission to its end, the work

being conducted by the Ramsgate Boarding Flotilla, largely manned by

reservists and volunteers. From a hundred and twenty, diminishing, as

the war proceeded, to eighty vessels a day were thus overhauled; and,

almost every night, the Patrol was responsible for the safety of a

hundred vessels here at anchorage. Nor did these duties exhaust the

list, for to the Dover Patrol fell the additional task of supporting,

day and night, the left flank of the British army. In a very real

sense, indeed, it was itself not only the left flank of the British

army, but of the whole of the Allied forces reaching from the Alps to

the Belgian coast. Subject to continual attack not only from enemy

surface-craft and the ever more efficient German submarines, but from

daily and nightly excursions of hostile aeroplanes and airships, its

own weapons of offence were largely novel and hitherto untried. The

sea-going monitor was still, in most respects, an unfamiliar vessel;

and the splendid qualities of these shallow-draught gun-platforms--some

of which had just been completed for river work in Brazil--were as yet

unrevealed when first {209} enlisted for their arduous duties upon the

Belgian coast. When it is also recalled that under no other command,

perhaps, was serving so large a proportion of amateurs, some idea

becomes possible, not only of the peculiar functions of the Dover

Patrol, but of the very deep debt owed by the nation to this sort of

naval maid-of-all-work.

To Rear-Admiral the Hon. Horace A. L. Hood--afterward, as we have seen,

to be lost in the Battle of Jutland--fell the responsible task, in the

first days of war, of directing the activities of this composite force;

and, in the great race toward the coast that followed the first battle

of the Marne, a flotilla under his command was actively engaged in

supporting the left wing of the Belgian army. It was during the last

half of October, 1914, that the military position, as regarded the

coast-line, was most critical; and it was during the night of October

17th that Admiral Hood, flying his flag in the old fleet-scout

_Attentive_, anchored off Nieuport Pier with three monitors, the

_Severn_, _Humber_, and _Mersey_, the light cruiser _Foresight_, and

several destroyers.

Early next morning news was received that the German infantry was

marching from Westende, and the flotilla moved up the coast to draw the

fire from, and if possible to silence, the batteries that accompanied

them. Almost immediately fire broke out from the shore, and this

proved to be the beginning of a coastal campaign that continued without

intermission for the next three weeks. For the defence of Nieuport

some machine-guns from the monitor _Severn_ were put ashore, and it was

while in charge {210} of these that Lieutenant E. S. Wise, gallantly

leading his men, was killed.

For the first few days, the enemy troops were trying to push along the

coast roads in considerable force; a large amount of transport came

under the naval guns; and much damage and destruction was caused by

them. In view of this, the enemy soon changed his tactics, the

infantry being withdrawn; while heavier guns were brought into action,

compelling a response from the sea-forces. The lighter craft were

therefore sent home to be replaced by H.M.S. _Venerable_ and some old

cruisers, while, at the same time, five French destroyers were placed

by Admiral Favereau under Admiral Hood's command--the latter having the

honour, as he put it (and it is tempting to wonder what would have been

the comments upon this of the Hood who fought under Pitt) of flying his

own flag in the French destroyer _Intrepide_.

During the later stages, persistent submarine-attacks were made upon

the larger bombarding vessels, but these were thwarted, though not

without casualties, by the alertness and dash of the destroyers. It

was while thus guarding the _Venerable_ that the destroyer _Falcon_

came under a very heavy fire from the enemy's larger guns, and

exhibited, in the persons of her officers and crew, the utmost coolness

and devotion. Thus, under a hail of projectiles that eventually killed

him, Lieutenant Wauton remained unmoved at his outlook for submarines.

With the captain and twenty-four men killed and wounded, Sub-Lieutenant

Du Boulay took command of the {211} ship. Finding himself the only

unwounded man on deck, Able-Seaman Ernest Dimmock immediately went to

the helm while Petty-Officer Robert Chappell, himself dying, and with

both legs shattered, worked to the last, as best he could, tending his

fellow wounded on board. Meanwhile on land, owing to the arrival of

reinforcements and the skilful inundation of the flat country, the

enemy's rush was finally checked, and the position more or less

established early in November.

Such was the high standard set at the outset by the Dover Patrol; and,

under Vice-Admiral Sir Reginald H. Bacon, who succeeded Rear-Admiral

Hood in the following April, it was not only worthily sustained, but

finally established beyond challenge--the development of Dunkirk as an

additional offensive base, being one of the great achievements of the

war. Thus, in spite of its ever more arduous and multitudinous

duties--and it is interesting to remember that this was the command in

which Nelson was the least successful and most ill at ease--it had been

engaged, by the end of 1915, in no less than fourteen concerted

actions. Knocke, Heyst, Zeebrugge, Ostend, Middlekerke, and Westende

had been severally attacked; three military factories, two ammunition

depots, storehouses, and signalling stations had been destroyed;

considerable damage had been done to the wharves and the famous Mole at

Zeebrugge; thirteen large guns had been put out of action; and a

dredger, a torpedo-boat, and two submarines sunk.

During this time the only British losses were three vessels sunk; and

their very names indicate the {212} extent and variety of the marine

resources that were to prove our salvation. The armed yacht _Sanda_,

the pleasure steamer _Brighton Queen_, once so often thronged with

cross-channel trippers, and the drifter _Great Heart_--these were the

first casualties of the Dover Patrol. That they were so few was due in

large measure to the vigilance and seamanship of three men, of

Commodore C. D. Johnston in command of the Dover destroyers; of Captain

P. G. Bird in charge of the drifters; and of Commander W. Rigg, who was

chiefly responsible for the early organization of the mine-sweepers;

while to Wing-Commander Longmore of the Dunkirk aerodrome must be

assigned much of the credit for checking the enemy's aircraft. Had

they not been supported, however, by the cheerful fidelity and amazing

competence of their subordinates, they could have achieved but little

as was generously recognized by Vice-Admiral Bacon in his first

official despatch.

"Their Lordships will appreciate," he wrote, "the difficulties

attendant on the cruising in company by day and night under war

conditions of a fleet of eighty vessels comprising several widely

different classes, manned partly by trained naval ratings, but more

largely by officers of the naval reserve, whose fleet training has

necessarily been scant, and by men whose work in life has hitherto been

that of deep sea fishermen. The protection of such a moving fleet by

the destroyers in waters which are the natural home of the enemy's

submarines, has been admirable, and justifies the training and

organization of the _personnel_ of the flotilla. But more remarkable

still, {213} in my opinion, is the aptitude shown by the officers and

crews of the drifters and trawlers, which, in difficult waters, under

conditions totally strange to them, have maintained their allotted

stations without a single accident. Moreover, these men under fire

have exhibited a coolness well worthy of the _personnel_ of a service

inured by discipline. The results show how deeply sea adaptability is

ingrained in the seafaring race of these islands."

Those are words that, if they were true of the first sea-recruits of

1914, are equally, and, in some respects, more astonishingly applicable

to the thousands that subsequently joined them from all ranks. Of

these earlier candidates for sea service, none was more typical than

Lieutenant-Commander H. T. Gartside Tipping, the oldest naval officer

then afloat and one of the first to perish in the Narrow Seas. Having

retired from the navy, with the rank of lieutenant, thirty-five years

before the outbreak of war, Lieutenant-Commander Tipping had inherited

a small estate, including a yacht, in the Isle of Wight. Here he had

lived a quiet country life, ardently devoted to yacht racing; had kept

himself alert and physically fit; and, at the age of sixty-six, having

rejoined his old service and been given the rank of

lieutenant-commander, had gladly and efficiently served under officers

who might almost have been his grandsons.

To such a man as Lieutenant-Commander Tipping, however, the call of the

sea may quite understandably have been imperative. Far less

foretellable, and only to be explained, surely, by the racial instinct

{214} referred to by Admiral Bacon, was the later phenomenon of expert

sailors quartering the seas in fast patrol-boats, who, but a year or

two before, had been farmers or commercial travellers, or clerks behind

counters in London shops. Christened in naval fashion by their

professional brothers with various opprobious nicknames, these were in

reality but the affectionate symbols of the older navy's pride in its

temporary junior partners; and the best measure of their

work--necessarily undramatic, as all preventive work must largely

be--is a survey of what the enemy was unable to accomplish in any

representative period of the war. Let us take, for example, the six

months before the Battle of Jutland, in its middle period. In that

half year, through the Dover Patrol alone, there passed 21,000 merchant

ships, and of these only 21 were lost or seriously damaged as the

result of enemy action--little less than one in every thousand,

entrusted to the case of this particular command. More remarkable

still, perhaps, since these were inevitably, of course, the enemy's

constant and most tempting target, not a single transport or one

soldier's life was lost at sea during the same time.

Such had been the record, then, of the Dover Patrol up to the events

described in the last chapter--events that, as we have shown, drove

Germany's naval activity, for its main efforts, under the water, and

confined it afloat to those tip-and-run raids of which that of the

following February may be taken as typical. It was on Sunday night,

February 25th, soon after eleven o'clock, that a number of star-shells

suddenly broke in the sky over the Isle of Thanet, illuminating {215}

the coast for a long distance and bringing many of its inhabitants to

their windows. Almost simultaneously a brisk bombardment revealed the

presence of a flotilla of German destroyers--Margate, Broadstairs, and

a little hamlet between them, being subjected to the enemy's fire.

Fortunately the casualties were few, and there was no military

damage--none of the places attacked being fortified towns--but a woman

and a child were killed and two children seriously wounded, and a dozen

houses wrecked or injured. A single British destroyer pluckily engaged

the enemy, who was soon lost to sight in the darkness, neither the

British vessel nor any of the raiders suffering, as far as was known,

any serious hurt.

For this enemy success, if such it can be called, and for one or two

previous ones of a like nature, there was considerable criticism of the

Dover Patrol, chiefly of an ignorant and hasty character. With the

Germans at Zeebrugge and Ostend, and in favourable conditions of

weather and darkness, it was obviously out of the question to give

immutable guarantees against occasional excursions such as these; and

that these brief and lawless bombardments reflected no lack of spirit

on the part of the Patrol, the Dover destroyers _Swift_ and _Broke_

were soon triumphantly to demonstrate.

This was in the small hours of the dark morning of April 21, 1917, some

of the German destroyers having crept into the Straits and shelled both

Dover and Calais. In the case of the former town there were no

casualties, but over a hundred shells were thrown into Calais, several

people being killed, others {216} injured, and a good many houses being

destroyed. Out on patrol and near mid-channel steaming westward, were

the _Swift_ and _Broke_, the _Swift_ leading under Commander Ambrose

Peck, and the _Broke_ in charge of Commander E. R. Evans. Of the two

vessels, soon to become immortal, the _Swift_ was seven years the

older, having been launched at Birkenhead in 1907 from the yards of

Messrs. Cammel Laird. She had a displacement of 1,800 tons and carried

four 4-inch guns. The _Broke_, on the other hand, had only just been

completed before the outbreak of war, and, although approximately of

the same dimensions, carried six 4-inch guns and three torpedo-tubes.

By a remarkable coincidence, in view of what was to come, she bore the

name of that Sir Philip Broke who commanded the _Shannon_ during her

historic duel in the spring of 1813, with the _Chesapeake_, when the

latter was captured, after a most heroic resistance, during a

hand-to-hand struggle on her deck. Commander Evans was, of course, the

famous Polar explorer, who had been second-in-command to the ill-fated

Captain Scott.

The sea was quite calm, but, in the black night, it was impossible to

see more than half a mile ahead; and the enemy vessels were but six

hundred yards distant when they were spotted by the destroyers'

lookouts. Six in number, and including amongst them some of the

fastest destroyers in the world, they were then on the port bow and

travelling at high speed in an opposite direction to that of the

_Swift_ and _Broke_; and, almost simultaneously, they became aware of

the presence of the two Britishers. Instantly they {217} sounded their

fire-gongs, and, six to two, opened rapid fire. A minute before and

the _Swift_ and _Broke_ had been respectable members of a gallant

flotilla. Ten minutes later--such is the luck of the sea--and they had

written their names forever in British naval history.

Wheeling round almost at right angles to her previous course, and in

the face of the point-blank fire and dazzling flashes of the enemy's

guns; with a target before her little more than 300 feet long and

racing through the darkness at nearly thirty miles an hour; with the

practical certainty, if she missed this, of being herself rammed by the

next in the line; regardless of the odds, the _Swift_ hurled herself at

the first visible German destroyer. So instant had been the decision

of the _Swift's_ commander, that it might almost have been called

automatic--the natural response not only of a lifetime's schooling, but

of all the centuries behind this of British admiralty. Hit or miss, it

was a sporting chance, the chance of a lifetime, and he took it. Alas,

it was a miss, but such a narrow one that he himself cut through

without disaster, swung round to port, torpedoed another of the six,

and then picked up and chased a third.

Meanwhile the _Broke_, following the _Swift_, had put her helm over

almost at the same moment; had successfully torpedoed one of the enemy

line, literally plastering her with 4-inch shells; and was now making

to ram another--possibly the one that the _Swift_ had missed. This she

did, splitting her at full speed, burying her bows in her and crushing

her down; and there then ensued such a fight as had scarcely been {218}

witnessed since the days of steam. With a gun out of action and part

of her bridge already carried away before she had rammed; with her

helmsman bleeding from several wounds but sticking to his wheel as long

as he was conscious; with the remaining enemy destroyers pouring their

shells into her, and German sailors swarming into her forecastle--the

_Broke_ raked her prey with everything that could be fired from a

4-inch gun to an automatic pistol.

By now, however, several Germans had gained their footing on deck,

where Midshipman Gyles had been working the forward guns; and, for a

few seconds, half blind with blood, and almost alone, he met the rush.

Then a huge German seized his pistol-wrist and tried to wrench the

weapon away from him, only to be struck at and thwarted by

Petty-Officer Woodfield and finally cutlassed by Able Seaman Ingelson.

With cutlasses and pistols the decks were then cleared, and a couple of

hiding Germans made prisoners, and half a minute later the _Broke_

freed herself from the German destroyer. With the _Swift_ still

chasing the enemy that she had marked down, and with two others put out

of action, the _Broke_ now turned her attention to the remainder and

attempted to ram yet one more. In this she failed--she had been struck

in the boiler-room and was becoming difficult to manoeuvre--but loosed

a torpedo at the destroyer nearest to her, and was successful in

hitting her.

The enemy was now in full flight, but the disabled _Broke_ succeeded in

drawing level with one of the burning destroyers. Rapidly losing way,

she nevertheless {219} approached her at considerable risk to herself,

the enemy, who had previously been shouting for help, suddenly and

unexpectedly opening fire--an act of treachery that, as it proved,

merely hastened his end. Four rounds silenced him, and a torpedo aimed

amidships struck him fairly and settled his fate.

Meanwhile the _Swift_, herself partially disabled, had lost touch with

the vanishing enemy, and, coming about, had sighted the destroyer

rammed by the _Broke_ and now on the verge of sinking. Here, too, the

sailors on board were chorussing their desire to surrender; but, with

natural suspicion, the _Swift_ remained on guard, her guns trained on

the sinking vessel. Presently this heeled over; the crew took to the

water; and, as there seemed to be no other enemy vessel in sight, the

_Swift_ cautiously switched on her searchlights, lowered her boats, and

began the work of rescue. At the same time the _Broke_ began to signal

to her--the whole fight had lasted barely five minutes--and the two

crews were soon cheering each other, as well they might.

Both the destroyers sunk were four-funnelled vessels of the fastest and

latest German type; two others had been crippled; and over a hundred

men and officers taken prisoners. When the _Broke_ rammed, as her

helmsman had said, "I smiled for the first time during the action"--and

that smile may be taken as representative not only of both ships'

companies but of the town of Dover on that April morning, when the two

destroyers, saluted by everything in the harbour, modestly crept to

their buoys.

{220}

_Brilliant_ as this little action was, however, and typical both of the

ineptitude with which the German destroyer-service was handled, and the

prestige that the Dover Patrol had built up for itself during the war,

it was but an incident of the ceaseless campaign, waged with almost

every weapon in the Narrow Seas. Thus, while the coastal bombardments

that had been so prominent a feature of the earlier months of the war

were, for military reasons, deemed inadvisable during 1916 and 1917, an

active blockade of the occupied Flanders area was maintained and

vigorously pressed home.

Not only was the minefield that had been laid down when the North Sea

was first closed continually added to, but other barrages were always

being thought out and improved as necessity demanded. Thus, in 1916,

twenty miles of nets had been laid parallel to the Belgian coast, and,

in the winter of the same year, another had been constructed from the

Goodwins to Dunkirk. This was somewhat difficult to keep in order, but

the Belgian nets were renewed in 1917, and, in November and December of

the same year, 4,000 mines were laid between Folkestone and Boulogne.

These were of the latest type, and, with further additions, together

with a system of flares and day and night patrols, developed into a

barrier against which, in the end, the German submarines beat in

vain--at least seventeen of these being certainly known to have fallen

victims to its efficiency.

Second only in naval importance to the Grand Fleet, and in even more

strenuous contact with the enemy, none had more cause, perhaps, to

bless the {221} Dover Patrol, of whose unadvertised work this is but

the barest outline, than those 2,000,000 soldiers, for whom, each year,

it acted as crossing-sweeper, on their way home to England.

{222}

The Heroic Record of the British Navy: A Short History of the Naval War, 1914-1918 · 第 9 / 12 章