CHAPTER XI.

LINGUISTICS

LINGUISTICS as a department of Anthropology may be regarded from many

points of view. To the evolutionist language forms one of the tests

dividing the Hominidæ from the other anthropoids; the somatologist is

interested in correlating the phonetic system with the structure of the

organs connected with the mechanism of speech; and the ethnologist

studies language for the evidence it affords of ethnic affinity or

social contact, or as a means of determining the grade of culture to

which a particular people has attained, or, again, as a reflection of

their character or psychology. The linguistic classifications of

Gallatin, Humboldt, and Müller are referred to later.

[Sidenote: =The Aryan Controversy.=]

The connection between linguistics and anthropology assumed its greatest

importance in the middle of the nineteenth century, when the discoveries

and theories of philologists were adopted wholesale to explain the

problems of European ethnology, and the Aryan controversy became the

_locus_ of disturbance throughout the Continent. “No other scientific

question, with the exception, perhaps, of the doctrine of evolution, was

ever so bitterly discussed or so infernally confounded at the hands of

Chauvinistic or otherwise biassed writers.”[121]

Footnote 121:

Ripley, 1899, p. 453.

In 1786 Sir William Jones had pointed out the relationship between

Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, German, and Celtic, and suggested a common

parentage, which was confirmed by Bopp in 1835. Unfortunately, a

primitive unity of speech was held to imply a primitive unity of race.

Among the ethnological papers read at the meeting of the British

Association in 1847 was one “On the Results of the recent Egyptian

Researches in reference to Asiatic and African Ethnology, and the

Classification of Languages,” in which Baron Bunsen sought to show that

the whole of mankind could be classified according to language. In fact,

it was taken for granted in 1847 that the study of comparative philology

would be in future the only safe foundation for the study of

anthropology.[122] The spread of this fallacy is usually attributed to

Max Müller, whose charm of style and high reputation as a Sanskrit

scholar did much to popularise the new science of philology. He invented

the term “Aryan,” which in itself contains two erroneous assumptions—one

linguistic, that the Indo-Iranian group of languages is older than its

relatives; and the other geographical, that its “cradle” was in ancient

Ariana, in Central Asia. Moreover, in his lectures he not only spoke of

an Aryan language, but of an “Aryan race.” He is credited with having

made “heroic reparation” for these errors when he wrote later: “To me an

ethnologist who speaks of an Aryan race, Aryan blood, Aryan eyes and

hair, is as great a sinner as a linguist who speaks of a dolichocephalic

dictionary or a brachycephalic grammar. It is worse than a Babylonian

confusion of tongues—it is downright theft.” But, as he pointed

out,[123] he himself never shared the misconception that he was accused

of launching on the world. He admits that he was not entirely without

blame, as he allowed himself occasionally the freedom to speak of the

Aryan or the Semitic race, meaning the people who spoke Aryan or Semitic

languages; but as early as 1853 he had protested against the intrusion

of linguistics into ethnology, and

called, if not for a complete divorce, at least for a judicial

separation between the study of Philology and the study of

Ethnology.... The phonologist should collect his evidence,

arrange his classes, divide and combine as if no Blumenbach had

ever looked at skulls, as if no Camper had ever measured facial

angles, as if no Owen had ever examined the base of a cranium.

His evidence is the evidence of language, and nothing else; this

he must follow, even though in the teeth of history, physical or

political.... There ought to be no compromise between

ethnological and phonological science. It is only by stating the

glaring contradictions between the two that truth can be

elicited.[124]

Footnote 122:

_Rep. Brit. Assoc._ (Cardiff), 1891, p. 787.

Footnote 123:

_Rep. Brit. Assoc._ (Cardiff), 1891, p. 787.

Footnote 124:

_Rep. Brit. Assoc._ (Cardiff), 1891, p. 787.

The protest was in vain. The belief in an “Aryan race” became an

accepted fact both in linguistics and in ethnology, and its influence

vitiates the work of many anthropologists even at the present day.

Naturally the question of the identity of the Aryan race was soon a

subject of keen debate. The French and German schools at once assumed

opposite sides, the Germans claiming that the Aryans were tall, fair,

and long-headed, the ancestors of the modern Teutons; and the French,

mainly on cultural evidence, claiming that the language, together with

civilisation, came into Europe with the Alpine race, which forms such a

large element in the modern French population.

There are two ways in which linguistics may be studied as an aid to

Anthropology—first, with regard to structural analysis, by which

linguistic affinities may be proved; secondly, by what has been called

“linguistic palæontology,” or the study of root words, by means of which

the original culture of a people may be ascertained. Philology pushed

both these methods too far. It claimed the right, by proof of structural

analysis, to link up the racial relationships of the European and

Asiatic peoples, and, by linguistic palæontology, to determine the

culture of the original “Aryans,” and to identify their original home.

It was over the question of the “Aryan cradle” that they were forced to

relinquish their too ambitious claims.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century it was generally believed

that our first ancestors were created in 4004 B.C. and spoke Hebrew, and

that the origin of the European languages dated from the migration of

Japhet from the plains of Shinar, _cir._ 2247. The Asiatic origin of

race and language was for long unchallenged. But in 1839 Omalius

d’Halloy, followed by Latham in 1851, began to cast doubts on the

Asiatic “cradle,” noting that the Asiatic languages had no real claim to

be considered older than those of Europe, and that in many ways the

Lithuanian and Armenian were the most archaic in the family. More

important still was the work of Benfey,[125] who may be regarded as the

originator of linguistic palæontology, and who used its evidence to

shift the original dispersal from Asia to Europe. Various philologists

followed, employing different methods to prove different theories; and

the Aryan cradle was located in many parts of Europe and Asia, ranging

from the Pamir plateau to the Baltic plains. Max Müller confessed in

1888 that “the evidence is so pliant that it is possible to make out a

more or less plausible case” for almost any part of the world.

Footnote 125:

T. Benfey, in preface to Fick’s _Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der

Indogermanischen Sprachen_, 1868.

[Sidenote: =Language and Race.=]

From claiming too much the swing of the pendulum brought linguistics

into disrepute with ethnologists, and for a time the evidence of

language was looked upon with suspicion. Even philologists were accused

of going too far in this direction.

Professor Sayce[126] says: “Identity or relationship of language can

prove nothing more than social contact.... Language is an aid to the

historian, not to the ethnologist.” But, as Professor Keane points out,

there are many cases in which language infallibly proves the existence

of ethnic elements which would otherwise have been unsuspected—as, for

example, in the case of the Basques of Europe. “Language used with

judgment is thus seen to be a great aid to the ethnologist in

determining racial affinities, and in solving many anthropological

difficulties” (1896, p. 205).

Although Max Müller wrote nearly twenty years ago, “I believe the time

will come when no anthropologist will venture to write on anything

concerning the inner life of man without having himself acquired a

knowledge of the language in which that inner life finds its truest

expression,” we are obliged still to echo his lament: “How few of the

books in which we trust with regard to the characteristics or

peculiarities of savage races have been written by men ... who have

learnt their languages until they could speak them as well as the

natives themselves!”[127]

Footnote 126:

_Science of Language_, ii., p. 317.

Footnote 127:

_Rep. Brit. Assoc._ (Cardiff), 1891, p. 792.

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History of anthropology · 第 11 / 12 章