People fairly friendly--Crucifixion--Carelessness of Manipuris--I
cross the Chindwin--Recross the Chindwin--Collect provisions--Erect
stockades and fortify our position--Revolt at Kendat--We assume
the offensive--Capture boats and small stockades--Revolt put
down--Woon and Ruckstuhl rescued--Steamers arrive and leave.
The Burmese were fairly friendly to us, though they did not display
any love for the Manipuris, and the latter showed rather too plainly
that they thought the tables were turned, and that they now had the
upper hand of the Burmese.
In many of the villages along our line of route in the Kubo valley,
we had observed crosses ready for the crucifixion of malefactors,
especially dacoits. These were also to be seen here and there, on
the banks of the river at Kendat, but the Woon afterwards told me
that he rarely crucified offenders and disliked employing torture;
indeed he had the reputation of being a merciful old man. However,
the people at large seemed quite to approve of strong measures, and
knowing what Burmese dacoits are capable of, I hardly wonder. After
I left, the man who introduced himself to me as "Hathee Jemadar"
incautiously surrendered to some dacoits, who first broke the bones
of his legs and arms inch by inch, and then ripped him up!
On the 28th December, I crossed the river with my whole force, and
entrenched myself on the sandbank of the Chindwin. That evening, I
heard from Mr. Morgan, that there was a strong party opposed to the
Woon, and greatly dissatisfied with him for having submitted. Troops
had been expected up the river from the British force at Mandalay, and
their delay encouraged the Burmese to hold up their heads. Next day,
December 29th, the air was full of rumours, and some of the Burmese
Manipuris, I have just alluded to, plied my Manipuris with all sorts
of stories, of a rising against us, on the part of the Burmese. These
stories had a great effect on the Manipuris, and they displayed so
much unsteadiness, and at the same time such gross carelessness,
that I determined to recross the river. I heard too that six men
coming to join me, had been killed, and three wounded on the road,
report said, by Burmese. I laughed at the idea, as I was sure that
the assailants were wild Chins, as the Burmese would not show their
hand prematurely. However, the news spread, and served to dishearten
the men.
On the 30th I transported my whole force to the opposite bank,
it cost me incredible trouble, and I had to superintend the most
petty details myself. I sent over a party to construct a stockade
into which the Manipuris could be penned like a flock of sheep for
the night and which I could enlarge afterwards, and I insisted on
the work being finished that day. It was finished, and last of all
I crossed the river with my escort.
Next day, Mr. Morgan told me that things had quieted down very much
among the Burmese; we did all in our power to collect provisions, and
I enlarged the stockade, improving it from day to day, till it at last
became a commodious and strong defensive building, scientifically
constructed. I occupied a small stockade on a hillock above it,
whence I had a good view, and could overlook the Manipuris. I had a
circle of outlying pickets supplied by the Kuki irregulars with me,
and these were a perpetual safe-guard against surprise during the
long dark nights. We cleared the jungle from round our stockade,
and did all we could to make our position secure.
Still the Manipuris were a constant anxiety, illustrating the
well-known saying, "Fools rush in, where angels fear to tread." Their
carelessness was astonishing. I had the utmost difficulty in
getting them to take the most ordinary precautions. The bravest and
best-disciplined troops in the world would never think of neglecting
every rule of warfare in the way that they did. Fire was a constant
danger, and having no warm clothes, the Manipuris could hardly be
prevented from lighting fires at night, thereby incurring a double
danger, viz., that of setting fire to the stockade, also lighting
up our position and enabling an enemy to fire at us. I was as a rule
eighteen or nineteen hours on foot out of the twenty-four, and during
the five or six allotted to sleep, I generally got up three times,
to see that all was right.
Provisions began to come in, and on the last day of the year, I sent
off 400 coolies to Moreh Tannah for provisions, so as to reduce the
useless mouths, and to lessen the danger from fire. I rebuilt all
the huts of green grass, as less inflammable than dry materials.
On January 1st, evil rumours were again afloat, and I asked the Woon if
he were sure of his position. He replied that he was, and had perfect
confidence that he could keep every one in hand. However, I went on
collecting provisions, and while hoping for the arrival of the troops
expected up the river, prepared for any eventuality. On January 3rd,
large supplies of rice came in. The Issekai, an officer holding the
rank of major, came twice to see me, and all seemed well. Mr. Morgan
was with me all day helping with the rice sellers, but left about 4
P.M. About an hour afterwards, he reappeared with Mr. Bretto, saying
that they had been shut out of the stockade, but that Mr. Ruckstuhl
was detained there. They suspected a rising throughout the country,
as a rumour had just been spread that a Royal prince was about to
arrive at Kendat with 3000 men.
This was bad news, and I begged Messrs. Morgan and Bretto to stay the
night with me. There was no time to be lost; I felt certain that the
country had risen, and that in a few hours our communications would
be cut, so I wrote to Manipur asking the Maharajah to send me 1000
men under Thangal Major at once to Moreh Tannah, to await events,
and 500 to join me at Kendat, also a good supply of provisions. I
telegraphed also to Government saying what had happened, and that
I had taken every precaution, and that they might rely on my doing
all that man could. I asked for no help, feeling that, if, with my
present resources, I could not retrieve my position, I should soon
be past help. I also wrote a few lines home, explaining matters in
case I was killed, with a few last words to my children.
These letters I sent off by swift and trusty men well armed, with
orders to push on with all speed. Having done this, I prepared for
a life-and-death struggle next day.
As the morning broke and the heavy mist began to rise earlier
than usual, we speedily saw the changed aspect of affairs. We
had secured two boats under a guard the night before, but all
besides had been taken from our side of the river. All the people
had left a neighbouring village, but just below us we saw one boat
after another leaving, heavily laden with the inhabitants and their
portable goods. The opposite sandbank too, was occupied in force by
the Burmese, who held our former entrenchment, and one or two small
stockades. By this time also the country in our rear had risen, so
we were completely cut off. The opposite bank was crowded with large
boats, giving every opportunity to the enemy to send a strong party
over to attack us by night, were he so disposed.
Immediate action was necessary, if only to save the British subjects,
and the faithful Woon who had suffered in our cause. The good old
Minister, Bularam Singh, quite lost his nerve, and begged and implored
me to make terms and retreat, as the only means of saving ourselves. I
told him that my very children and friends would despise me, if I,
for a moment, contemplated such a course, and that there was nothing
for it but to fight it out.
"Which man should you respect most?" I said, "one who cringed at
your feet, or one who boldly struck you?" "The man who struck me," he
replied. "Exactly so," I said; "and it is the same with the Burmese. I
intend to strike a hard blow."
I had an ultimatum written in Burmese, demanding the surrender of the
Woon, and his officers, and of all British subjects within two hours,
under pain of my attacking the stockade; this I did, to run as little
risk of injury to the captives, as possible. I had the ultimatum tied
to a bamboo, and sent in a boat to a shallow part of the river, and I
called to a Burmese to take it. This was done. I looked at my watch,
and when the time expired, opened fire on the stockade.
For the first time in my life, I laid a gun. I judged the distance from
the high bank where we stood, to the great stockade, to be 1250 yards,
and the first shell went over it. I lessened the range by 50 yards,
and again fired, and this time struck the stockade fair and well. We
saw and heard the shell explode, and our men raised a loud shout of
triumph. This little success gave the Manipuris renewed confidence. I
lined our bank with picked shots of the 4th B.I., and under cover of
these and the gun, sent two parties across in the boats, with orders
to attack and destroy all the small stockades, and to capture some
boats to convey more of our men across, and to burn all the rest,
so as to prevent the enemy assuming the offensive.
Mr. Morgan, eager for the fray, went as a volunteer and assumed the
natural position of leader. We kept up the fight all day. Shot after
shot struck the great stockade, all the small ones were captured and
burned, the enemy driven from the shore and every boat within sight
either brought over to our side, or sent burning down the river.
Meanwhile, the Burmese had not been entirely passive, they had opened
an artillery fire on us, and one or one-and-a-half-pound shots
began to fall on our side. Old Bularam Singh walked up and down,
notwithstanding this, with the greatest indifference, having now
recovered his spirits, and behaved very well.
By sunset, nothing remained to be captured but the great stockade,
and many were the volunteers, both Hindoostanis and Manipuris who
begged to be allowed to cross once more and attack it. However,
I would not consent, only two men, Messrs. Morgan and Bretto, knew
all the turns and windings of the place, and one false move might
convert our success into a disaster. All the same, I felt terribly
anxious as to the fate of the Woon and of the British subjects.
I went to my hut in the evening, feeling that we had done all we
could. As I passed through the stockade, I was surprised to see the
clever way in which the coolies remaining with us had strengthened it,
by digging deep trenches sufficient to afford a man perfect protection
against rifle fire, even without the stockade.
I rose early on January 5th, after an anxious night, having given
orders for a party to be ready to cross the river with me, to attack
the great stockade; but, just as I left my hut to make a start,
I was met by Mr. Ruckstuhl with irons on his ankles--he had got rid
of the connecting bars--who told me that it had been evacuated. The
facts I learned were as follows.
On the evening of January 3rd, incited by the near approach of three
thousand men and the promised support of the Tsawbwas of Thoungdoot,
Wuntha, Kubo, and six other districts, the bad spirits in the town rose
against the Woon, and put him and his family and chief officials, with
Mr. Ruckstuhl, in irons. It was only by a mistake that Messrs. Morgan
and Bretto were shut out of the stockade and not arrested.
When my ultimatum arrived, the Burmese laughed at the idea of my
doing anything, and when our fire opened on them they were just about
to crucify the Woon and Ruckstuhl. When, however, our attack began
to make an impression on them, and shells burst in the stockade,
especially one in a room where the chief men were deliberating,
they retreated, leaving their prisoners. Mr. Ruckstuhl had hidden
under a hedge, and the Woon and his family were taking refuge in a
Phoongye's house. This was good news and an immense relief to every
one; we felt we had done our work.
I immediately took a party across the river and rescued the Woon,
and took possession of the huge stockade, which would have cost us
many a life to capture, had it been well defended. We took sixteen
guns and a large number of wall pieces, all said to have been wrested
from Manipur in former days.
The Woon's house was apparently intact, but empty, and the town
was deserted. In a house we found a hen on a brood of chickens,
unmoved apparently by all the firing and commotion. I made over
the Woon's house to him again, and I established a Manipuri guard
for his protection. With reference to the guns, I should say that I
did not take them from the stockade on my first arrival at Kendat,
not wishing in any way to lower the prestige of the Woon who had
done us such good service, and who professed himself quite able to
account for them, and to keep the people in order. As events proved,
we were quite able to take them when necessary.
Just as we had finished our work, and Mr. Morgan and I were taking
some food in the afternoon, two steamers came in sight far down the
Chindwin. These proved to be the party sent to rescue the British
subjects at Kendat, under Major Campbell, 23rd Madras Infantry;
and consisted of a company of the Hampshire Regiment and some blue
jackets, and some of the 23rd Madras Infantry, and great was their
disappointment to find that the work had been done before they
arrived. However, had we waited for them, there would have been no
one to rescue on their arrival.
To my intense surprise, I heard that Kendat was to be abandoned, but
no arrangements had been made for carrying away the Native British
subjects. Mr. Morgan would not abandon these and the valuable property
of the Bombay-Burmah Corporation, and elected together with Mr. Bretto
to stay with me. I strongly urged Mr. Ruckstuhl (whose brother, one
of the refugees from Mengin, had been brought up by Major Campbell)
to leave for Rangoon with the steamers, as I thought, after twice
narrowly escaping a violent death, he had better run no more risks. He
took my advice. The steamers left on January 8th.