Ghumbeer Singh and our treatment of him--Nur Singh and
attempt on his life--McCulloch--His wisdom and generosity--My
establishment--Settlement of frontier dispute.
Ghumbeer Singh did much for Manipur during his comparatively short
reign. He made all the roads in his territory safe, and subdued the
different hill-tribes who had asserted their independence during
the troubles with Burmah. Imphal, the old capital, had not been
re-occupied, though the sacred spot where the temple of Govindjee
stood was cared for; but a new palace had been built at Langthabal
at a distance of three and a half miles from Imphal where several
fine masonry buildings were erected, and a canal dug for the annual
boat races. Langthabal [19] was deserted in 1844 and the old site
re-occupied, and in my time, the buildings at Langthabal were
picturesque ruins, having been greatly injured by time and the
earthquakes of 1869 and 1880. Ghumbeer Singh left an infant son,
Chandra Kirtee Singh who was two years of age at his father's death
and a distant cousin, Nur Singh, was appointed Regent. Contrary to all
precedent, the Regent was loyal to his charge and governed well and
ably for the infant prince, in spite of constant attempts to overthrow
his government. In 1844, the Queen-Mother wishing to govern herself,
attempted to procure Nur Singh's murder as he was at prayers in the
temple. She failed and fled with her son the young Rajah Chandra
Kirtee Singh to British territory. The Regent then proclaimed himself
Rajah with the consent of all the people. The Manipur Levy had been
maintained up till 1835 when the Government of India withdrew their
connection from it, and ceased to pay the men. Major Grant left
Manipur, and Captain Gordon, who had been adjutant since 1827, was
made Political Agent of Manipur. Captain Pemberton had long since
been on special survey duty.
Captain Gordon died in December 1844. He was much liked and long
remembered by the people whom he had greatly benefited, among other
ways by introducing English vegetables, and fruits. He was succeeded
by Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel) McCulloch.
Rajah Nur Singh died in 1850, and was succeeded by his brother
Debindro, a weak man, quite unfit for the position. In 1850, young
Chandra Kirtee Singh invaded the valley with a body of followers,
Debindro fled, and he mounted the throne without opposition. Up to
this time the Government of India had always acknowledged the de facto
Rajah of Manipur, and revolutions with much accompanying bloodshed
were common. Now, however, McCulloch strongly urged the advisability
of supporting Chandra Kirtee Singh, and he received authority to
"make a public avowal of the determination of the British Government
to uphold the present Rajah and to resist and punish any parties
attempting hereafter to dispossess him." The Court of Directors of
the East India Company, in a despatch dated May 5th, 1852, confirmed
the order of the Government of India and commented thus: "The position
you have assumed of pledged protector of the Rajah, imposes on you as
a necessary consequence the obligation of attempting to guide him,
by your advice, but if needful of protecting his subjects against
oppression on his part; otherwise our guarantee of his rule may be
the cause of inflicting on them a continuance of reckless tyranny."
These words of justice and wisdom were steadily ignored by successive
governments. On no occasion did the Government of India ever seriously
remonstrate with the Rajah, or make a sustained effort to improve
his system of administration. The East India Company's order became
a dead letter, but the resolution to uphold Chandra Kirtee Singh
bore good fruit, and during his long reign of thirty-five years no
successful attempt against his authority was ever made, and he on
his part displayed unswerving fidelity to the British Government.
I have already mentioned the great work that Colonel McCulloch
accomplished with regard to the Kukis. This added to his long
experience, gave him great influence in the State, and when he
retired from the service in 1861, it was amidst the regrets of the
whole people. Able, high-minded, respected, and having accomplished
a task few could even have attempted, he left without honour or
reward from his Government. How many men of inferior capacity,
and quite without his old-fashioned single-minded devotion to duty,
are nowadays covered with stars! When he left he made every effort
to hand over his vast power and influence intact to his successor,
and to smooth his way as much as possible. Had the Government of
India exercised the slightest tact and discretion in the selection of
its agent, he might have carried on the good work so ably commenced,
and brought Manipur by rapid strides into the path of progress. As it
was it would have been difficult to find an officer more unfitted to
succeed Colonel McCulloch than the one selected; he was soon involved
in difficulties, and after a troubled period was ordered by Government
to leave at three days' notice. For a time the agency remained vacant,
but the Rajah applied for another officer, and Colonel McCulloch was
requested by the Government to quit his retirement, and again assume
charge. He did so, and was received with acclamations by Rajah and
people, the whole State turning out to meet him. His first effort was
to restore the confidence forfeited by the late political agent, and
everything went on as smoothly as ever; but, towards the end of 1867,
he finally retired, staying on a few days after his successor's arrival
to post him up in his work. This time it would have been thought that
some judgment would be shown in the selection of an officer for the
post; but the next political agent was eminently unfitted and for
some years before his death in 1876, was on very indifferent terms
with the Durbar.
During the brief period that elapsed between the last event and my
taking charge, two different officers held the post.
My Government establishment consisted of a head clerk, a most excellent
man, Baboo Rusni Lall Coondoo; a native doctor, Lachman Parshad;
native secretary and Manipuri interpreter; Burmese interpreter;
Naga interpreter; Kuki interpreter; and latterly six chuprassies,
i.e., orderlies or lictors. As for private servants we had three Naga
girls, a Mugh cook and assistant, who could turn out a dinner equal to
any of the London clubs for one hundred people at a couple of days'
notice, and under him I had four young Nagas learning their work,
as I was determined to do more for my successors than my predecessors
had done for me, viz., teach and train up a staff of servants so as
to save the necessity of importing the scum of Calcutta. I had an
excellent bearer, Horna, as I have already stated, and under him were
two or three Nagas; washermen, syces, gardeners, water-carriers,
etc., made up the number. All my interpreters, chuprassies, and
servants, I clothed in scarlet livery which made a great impression,
and gradually the air of squalor which prevailed when I arrived began
to disappear. I had charge of a Government Treasury from which I used
to pay myself and the Government establishment. The currency of the
country was a small bell-metal coin called "Sel," of which 400 to
480 went to the rupee, also current, but copper pice were not used,
and all Manipuri accounts were kept in "Sel."
At this time the Naga Hills were still under a political officer
whose actual jurisdiction was limited to the villages which had paid
tribute to me, as already described. He was supposed to exercise a
certain influence over many of the large villages, but the influence
was lessened by the feeling entertained by the Nagas that our stay
in the hills was uncertain, and that for all practical purposes the
Manipuris were the power most to be reckoned with, and from our
point of view it was very desirable that our headquarter station
should be removed to Kohima. A dispute with Mozuma, due chiefly to
our vacillating conduct, was now going on, but its chiefs would not
accept our terms, and an expedition to coerce them was in preparation
in which I was to take part. Mr. Carnegy was political officer, a man
of ability and determination, and very pleasant to deal with. During
the dispute with Mozuma, the other villages held aloof, thinking Mozuma
was able to hold its own, and waiting to see which side gained the day.
Burmah was still under its native rulers. There were constant frontier
disputes going on between it and Manipur, but that state of things
was chronic.
To the south of Manipur, the Chin and Lushai tribes were quiet.
There was a long standing boundary dispute between Manipur and the
Naga Hills. The boundary had been most arbitrarily settled by us
when the survey was carried out, so far as a certain point, beyond
that it was vague. Manipur claimed territory which we certainly did
not possess, and which she had visited from time to time, but did not
actually hold in subjection. Other portions, as I afterwards proved,
were occupied by her, though the fact had not been ascertained. Over
and over again efforts had been made to bring the Durbar to terms,
but without success. I determined to grapple with the question at
once. I took a map and drew a line including all that I thought Manipur
entitled to, in the neighbourhood of the Naga Hills, and advised the
Maharajah to accept the arrangement on the understanding that when I
visited the country claimed further eastward, I would recommend the
Government of India to allow him to retain all that he actually held in
his possession. This was agreed to by him and confirmed by Government,
and I believe that substantial justice was done to both parties.
I should like to have seen Manipur get more, as a set-off against our
unjust treatment in former years, but as we were sure eventually, to
occupy all the Naga Hills, it was necessary to make such an adjustment
as would not injure British interests in the future.