PART III.--LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES TO

THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.--To the great majority of readers, this will be

found to be much the most interesting division of the work, ranging,

as it does, over the whole field of Literature, Philosophy, Science,

Religion, Morals, History, and Politics, and embodying the mature

views of the Author upon nearly all the great Constitutional questions

which have arisen under our Government, and many of the most important

problems which have agitated the world.

PART I.

LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE

1773-1783.

TO JOHN PAGE.

FAIRFIELD, December 25, 1762.

DEAR PAGE,--This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and

jollity, sees me overwhelmed with more and greater misfortunes than

have befallen a descendant of Adam for these thousand years past, I

am sure; and perhaps, after excepting Job, since the creation of the

world. I think his misfortunes were somewhat greater than mine; for,

although we may be pretty nearly on a level in other respects, yet, I

thank my God, I have the advantage of brother Job in this, that Satan

has not as yet put forth his hand to load me with bodily afflictions.

You must know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounded with

enemies, who take counsel together against my soul; and when I lay

me down to rest, they say among themselves, come let us destroy him.

I am sure if there is such a thing as a Devil in this world, he must

have been here last night, and have had some hand in contriving what

happened to me. Do you think the cursed rats (at his instigation, I

suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book, which was in my pocket, within

a foot of my head? And not contented with plenty for the present, they

carried away my jemmy-worked silk garters, and half a dozen new minuets

I had just got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the winter. But

of this I should not have accused the Devil, (because, you know rats

will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigations,

might have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a

different quarter, had not happened. You know it rained last night, or

if you do not know it, I am sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my

watch in the usual place, and going to take her up after I arose this

morning, I found her in the same place, it's true, but _Quantum mutatus

ab illo_! all afloat in water, let in at a leak in the roof of the

house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my pocket-book.

Now, you know, if chance had had anything to do in this matter, there

were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well

as at this one, which was perpendicularly over my watch. But I'll tell

you, it's my opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over it

on purpose. Well, as I was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech.

I should not have cared much for this, but something worse attended

it; the subtle particles of the water with which the case was filled,

had, by their penetration, so overcome the cohesion of the particles

of the paper, of which my dear picture and watch-paper were composed,

that, in attempting to take them out to dry them, good God! _Mens

horret referre!_ My cursed fingers gave them such a rent, as I fear I

never shall get over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had in

reserve for me; he knew I cared not for anything else he could do to

me, and was determined to try his last most fatal expedient. "_Multis

fortunæ vulneribus percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et penitus

succubui!_" I would have cried bitterly, but I thought it beneath the

dignity of a man, and a man too, who had read των οντων, τα μεν εφ'

ἡμιν, τα δ' ουκ εφ' ἡμιν. However, whatever misfortunes may attend the

picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be, that all the health and

happiness which Heaven can send may be the portion of the original,

and that so much goodness may ever meet with what may be most

agreeable in this world, as I am sure it must be in the next. And now,

although the picture be defaced, there is so lively an image of her

imprinted in my mind, that I shall think of her too often, I fear, for

my peace of mind; and too often, I am sure, to get through old Coke

this winter; for God knows I have not seen him since I packed him up

in my trunk in Williamsburg. Well, Page, I do wish the Devil had old

Coke, for I am sure I never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in

my life. What! are there so few inquietudes tacked to this momentary

life of ours, that we must need be loading ourselves with a thousand

more? Or, as brother Job says, (who, by-the-bye, I think began to

whine a little under his afflictions,) "Are not my days few? Cease

then, that I may take comfort a little before I go whence I shall not

return, even to the land of darkness, and the shadow of death." But

the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain knowledge

to make us happy and admired. _Mere jargon!_ Is there any such thing

as happiness in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am sure the

man who powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most

nonsense, is most admired. Though to be candid, there are some who

have too much good sense to esteem such monkey-like animals as these,

in whose formation, as the saying is, the tailors and barbers go

halves with God Almighty; and since these are the only persons whose

esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but that, upon the whole, the

advice of these old fellows may be worth following.

You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would give me to have a letter

from you. Write me very circumstantially everything which happened at

the wedding. Was she there? because, if she was, I ought to have been

at the Devil for not being there too. If there is any news stirring

in town or country, such as deaths, courtships, or marriages, in the

circle of my acquaintance, let me know it. Remember me affectionately

to all the young ladies of my acquaintance, particularly the Miss

Burwells, and Miss Potters, and tell them that though that heavy

earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the better half of me, my soul,

is ever with them, and that my best wishes shall ever attend them.

Tell Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats knew I was to

win a pair of garters from her, or they never would have been so cruel

as to carry mine away. This very consideration makes me so sure of

the bet, that I shall ask everybody I see from that part of the world

what pretty gentleman is making his addresses to her. I would fain ask

the favor of Miss Becca Burwell to give me another watch-paper of her

own cutting, which I should esteem much more, though it were a plain

round one, than the nicest in the world cut by other hands; however,

I am afraid she would think this presumption, after my suffering the

other to get spoiled. If you think you can excuse me to her for this,

I should be glad if you would ask her. Tell Miss Sukey Potter that

I heard, just before I came out of town, that she was offended with

me about something, what it is I do not know; but this I know, that

I never was guilty of the least disrespect to her in my life, either

in word or deed; as far from it as it has been possible for one to

be. I suppose when we meet next, she will be _endeavoring_ to repay

an imaginary affront with a real one; but she may save herself the

trouble, for nothing that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen her

in my esteem, and I am determined always to look upon her as the same

honest-hearted, good-humored, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell--tell--in

short, tell them all ten thousand things more than either you or I can

now or ever shall think of as long as we live.

My mind has been so taken up with thinking of my acquaintances, that,

till this moment, I almost imagined myself in Williamsburg, talking to

you in our old unreserved way; and never observed, till I turned over

the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my letter; however,

that I may not tire your patience by further additions, I will make but

this one more, that I am sincerely and affectionately,

Dear Page, your friend and servant.

P. S. I am now within an easy day's ride of Shadwell, whither I shall

proceed in two or three days.

TO JOHN PAGE.

SHADWELL, Jan. 20, 1763.

DEAR PAGE,--To tell you the plain truth, I have not a syllable to write

to you about. For I do not conceive that anything can happen in my

world which you would give a curse to know, or I either. All things

here appear to me to trudge on in one and the same round: we rise

in the morning that we may eat breakfast, dinner and supper, and go

to bed again that we may get up the next morning and do the same: so

that you never saw two peas more alike than our yesterday and to-day.

Under these circumstances, what would you have me say? Would you that

I should write nothing but truth? I tell you I know nothing that is

true. Or would you rather that I should write you a pack of lies? Why,

unless they were more ingenious than I am able to invent, they would

furnish you with little amusement. What can I do then? nothing, but

ask you the news in your world. How have you done since I saw you? How

did Nancy look at you when you danced with her at Southall's? Have you

any glimmering of hope? How does R. B. do? Had I better stay here and

do nothing, or go down and do less? or, in other words, had I better

stay here while I am here, or go down that I may have the pleasure of

sailing up the river again in a full-rigged flat? Inclination tells me

to go, receive my sentence, and be no longer in suspense; but reason

says, if you go, and your attempt proves unsuccessful, you will be

ten times more wretched than ever. In my last to you, dated Fairfield,

Dec. 25, I wrote to you of the losses I had sustained; in the present

I may mention one more, which is the loss of the whites of my eyes, in

the room of which I have got reds, which gives me such exquisite pain

that I have not attempted to read anything since a few days after Jack

Walker went down, and God knows when I shall be able to do it. I have

some thoughts of going to Petersburg, if the actors go there in May.

If I do, I do not know but I may keep on to Williamsburg, as the birth

night will be near. I hear that Ben Harrison has been to Wilton: let

me know his success. Have you an inclination to travel, Page? because

if you have, I shall be glad of your company. For you must know that

as soon as the Rebecca (the name I intend to give the vessel above

mentioned) is completely finished, I intend to hoist sail and away.

I shall visit particularly England, Holland, France, Spain, Italy,

(where I would buy me a good fiddle,) and Egypt, and return through the

British provinces to the Northward home. This to be sure, would take us

two or three years, and if we should not both be cured of love in that

time, I think the devil would be in it. After desiring you to remember

me to acquaintances below, male and female, I subscribe myself,

Dear Page, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN PAGE.

SHADWELL, July 15th, 1763.

DEAR PAGE,--Yours of May 30th came safe to hand. The rival you

mentioned I know not whether to think formidable or not, as there has

been so great an opening for him during my absence. I say _has been_,

because I expect there is one no longer. Since you have undertaken to

act as my attorney, you advise me to go immediately and lay siege _in

form_. You certainly did not think, at the time you wrote this, of that

paragraph in my letter wherein I mentioned to you my resolution of

going to Britain. And to begin an affair of that kind now, and carry

it on so long a time in form, is by no means a proper plan. No, no,

Page; whatever assurances I may give her in private of my esteem for

her, or whatever assurances I may ask in return from her, depend on

it--they must be kept in private. Necessity will oblige me to proceed

in a method which is not generally thought fair; that of treating

with a ward before obtaining the approbation of her guardian. I say

necessity will oblige me to it, because I never can bear to remain

in suspense so long a time. If I am to succeed, the sooner I know it,

the less uneasiness I shall have to go through. If I am to meet with

a disappointment, the sooner I know it, the more of life I shall have

to wear it off; and if I do meet with one, I hope in God, and verily

believe, it will be the last. I assure you, that I almost envy you

your present freedom; and if Belinda will not accept of my service, it

shall never be offered to another. That she may, I pray most sincerely;

but that she will, she never gave me reason to hope. With regard to my

not proceeding in form, I do not know how she may like it. I am afraid

not much. That her guardians would not, if they should know of it, is

very certain. But I should think that if they were consulted after I

return, it would be sufficient. The greatest inconvenience would be my

not having the liberty of visiting so freely. This is a subject worth

your talking over with her; and I wish you would, and would transmit to

me your whole confab at length. I should be scared to death at making

her so unreasonable a proposal as that of waiting until I return from

Britain, unless she could first be prepared for it. I am afraid it will

make my chance of succeeding considerably worse. But the event at last

must be this, that if she consents, I shall be happy; if she does not,

I must _endeavor_ to be as much so as possible. I have thought a good

deal on your case, and as mine may perhaps be similar, I must endeavor

to look on it in the same light in which I have often advised you to

look on yours. Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the

Deity to be the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he

has very much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is

what I have steadfastly believed.

The most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently

meet with calamities and misfortunes which may greatly afflict us;

and, to fortify our minds against the attacks of these calamities and

misfortunes, should be one of the principal studies and endeavors

of our lives. The only method of doing this is to assume a perfect

resignation to the Divine will, to consider that whatever does happen,

must happen; and that, by our uneasiness, we cannot prevent the blow

before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has fallen.

These considerations, and others such as these, may enable us in some

measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up

with a tolerable degree of patience under this burthen of life; and to

proceed with a pious and unshaken resignation, till we arrive at our

journey's end, when we may deliver up our trust into the hands of him

who gave it, and receive such reward as to him shall seem proportioned

to our merit. Such, dear Page, will be the language of the man who

considers his situation in this life, and such should be the language

of every man who would wish to render that situation as easy as the

nature of it will admit. Few things will disturb him at all: nothing

will disturb him much.

If this letter was to fall into the hands of some of our gay

acquaintance, your correspondent and his solemn notions would probably

be the subjects of a great deal of mirth and raillery, but to you, I

think, I can venture to send it. It is in effect a continuation of the

many conversations we have had on subjects of this kind; and I heartily

wish we could now continue these conversations face to face. The time

will not be very long now before we may do it, as I expect to be in

Williamsburg by the first of October, if not sooner. I do not know

that I shall have occasion to return, if I can rent rooms in town to

lodge in; and to prevent the inconvenience of moving my lodgings for

the future, I think to build: no castle though, I assure you; only a

small house, which shall contain a room for myself and another for you,

and no more, unless Belinda should think proper to favor us with her

company, in which case I will enlarge the plan as much as she pleases.

Make my compliments to her particularly, as also to Sukey Potter, Judy

Burwell, and such others of my acquaintance as enquire after me. I am,

Dear Page, your sincere friend.

TO JOHN PAGE.

WILLIAMSBURG, October 7, 1763.

DEAR PAGE,--In the most melancholy fit that ever any poor soul was, I

sit down to write to you. Last night, as merry as agreeable company

and dancing with Belinda in the Apollo could make me, I never could

have thought the succeeding sun would have seen me so wretched as I

now am! I was prepared to say a great deal: I had dressed up, in my

own mind, such thoughts as occurred to me, in as moving a language as

I knew how, and expected to have performed in a tolerably creditable

manner. But, good God! When I had an opportunity of venting them, a

few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupted with

pauses of uncommon length, were the too visible marks of my strange

confusion! The whole confab I will tell you, word for word, if I can,

when I see you, which God send may be soon. Affairs at W. and M. are

in the greatest confusion. Walker, M'Clurg and Wat Jones are expelled

_pro tempore_, or, as Horrox softens it, rusticated for a month.

Lewis Burwell, Warner Lewis, and one Thompson, have fled to escape

flagellation. I should have excepted Warner Lewis, who came off of

his own accord. Jack Walker leaves town on Monday. The court is now at

hand, which I must attend constantly, so that unless you come to town,

there is little probability of my meeting with you anywhere else. For

God sake come. I am, dear Page, your sincere friend.

TO JOHN PAGE.

DEVILSBURG, January 19, 1764.

The contents of your letter have not a little alarmed me; and really,

upon seriously weighing them with what has formerly passed between ----

and myself, I am somewhat at a loss what to conclude; your "_semper

saltat, semper ridet, semper loquitur, semper solicitat_," &c., appear

a little suspicious, but good God! it is impossible! I told you our

confab in the Apollo; but I believe I never told you that we had on

another occasion. I then opened my mind more freely, and more fully.

I mentioned the necessity of my going to England, and the delays

which would consequently be occasioned by that. I said in what manner

I should conduct myself till then, and explained my reasons, which

appears to give that satisfaction I could have wished; in short, I

managed in such a manner that I was tolerable easy myself, without

doing anything which could give αδνιλεβ'ς friends the least

umbrage, were the whole that passed to be related to them. I asked

no question which would admit of a categorical answer; but I assured

αδνιλεβ that such questions would one day be asked--in short,

were I to have another interview with him, I could say nothing now

which I did not say then; and were I, with a view of obtaining one,

_licentiam solicitandi aliis, quibus degit postulare_, it would be

previously necessary to go the rounds _cum custodibus_; and after

all this, he could be in no other situation than he is at present.

After the proofs I have given of my sincerity, he can be under no

apprehension of a change in my sentiments; and were I to do as my

friends advise me, I would give no better security than he has at

present. He is satisfied that I shall make him an offer, and if he

intends to accept of it, he will disregard those made by others; my

fate depends on αδνιλεβ'ς present resolutions, by them I must

stand or fall--if they are not favorable to me, it is out of my power

to say anything to make them so which I have not said already; so that

a visit could not possibly be of the least weight, and it is, I am

sure, what he does not in the least expect. I hear you are courting

F----y B----l, but shall not listen to it till I hear it from you. When

I was up the country, I wrote a letter to you, dated Fairfield, Dec.

25, 1763; let me know if you have received such a one. As I suppose you

do not use your Statutes of Britain, if you can lend them to me, till

I can provide myself with a copy, it will infinitely oblige me. Adieu,

dear Page.

TO GOVERNOR PAGE.

DEVILSBURG,[78] January 23, 1764.

DEAR PAGE,--I received your letter of Wednesday, the 18th instant;

in that, of this day, you mention one which you wrote last Friday,

and sent by the Secretary's boy; but I have neither seen nor heard of

such a one. God send mine of January 19 to you may not have shared

the same fate; for, by your letter, I am uncertain whether you have

received it or not; you therein say, "you hope to have received an

answer from me by this time," by which I judge it has miscarried; but

you mention mine of December 25th, which put me in spirits again, as

I do not know how you should have got intelligence that I had wrote

such a one, unless you had seen my letter of Jan. 19, in which it was

mentioned--yes, there is one other way by which you might have received

such intelligence. My letter of Jan. 19 may have been opened, and the

person who did it may have been further incited by curiosity, to ask

you if you had received such a letter as they saw mentioned therein;

but God send, and I hope this is not the case. Sukey Potter, to whom

I sent it, told me yesterday she delivered it to Mr. T. Nelson, the

younger, who had delivered it to you--I hope with his own hand. I wish

I had followed your example, and wrote it in Latin, and that I had

called my dear _campana in die_,[79] instead of αδνιλεβ.

We must fall on some scheme of communicating our thoughts to each

other, which shall be totally unintelligible to every one but to

ourselves. I will send you some of these days Shelton's Tachygraphical

Alphabet, and directions. Jack Walker is engaged to Betsey Moore, and

desired all his brethren might be made acquainted with his happiness.

But I hear he will not be married this year or two. Put _campana in

die_ in mind of me; tell him I think as I always did. I have sent my

horses up the country, so that it is out of my power to take even an

airing on horseback at any time. My paper holds out no longer, so must

bid you adieu.

TO JOHN PAGE.

DEVILSBURG, April 9, 1764.

DEAR PAGE,--This letter will be conveyed to you by the assistance

of our friend Warner Lewis. Poor fellow! never did I see one more

sincerely captivated in my life. He walked to the Indian camp with her

yesterday, by which means he had an opportunity of giving her two or

three love squeezes by the hand; and, like a true arcadian swain, has

been so enraptured ever since, that he is company for no one. B----y

has at last bestowed her hand on B----d; and whether it was for money,

beauty, or principle, will be so nice a dispute, that no one will

venture to pronounce. Two days before the wedding I was not a little

surprised, on going to the door at my house, to see him alight from

his horse. He stepped up to me, and desired the favor of me to come to

Mr. Yates' at such a time. It was so unexpected, that for some time I

could make no reply; at last, I said "yes," and turned about and walked

back into my room. I accordingly attended, and to crown the joke, when

I got there, was dubbed a bridesman. There were many other curious

circumstances too tedious to mention here. Jack Walker is expected in

town to-morrow. How does your pulse beat after your trip to the Isle of

Wight? What a high figure I should have cut, had I gone! When I heard

who visited you there, I thought I had met with the narrowest escape in

the world. I wonder how I should have behaved--I am sure I should have

been at a great loss. If your mistress can spare you a little time,

your friends here would be very glad to see you, particularly Small and

myself, as everything is now ready for taking the height of this place

above the water of the creeks. Fleming's relapse will justly afford you

great matter of triumph, after rallying you so much on being in love.

Adieu, dear Page.

P. S. Walker is just arrived--he goes out of town on Wednesday, and

will return again in about three weeks.

TO JOHN PAGE.

CHARLOTTESVILLE, Feb. 21, 1770.

DEAR PAGE,--I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my favorite

pullet; the consequence of which will readily occur to her. I promised

also to give her some Virginia silk which I had expected, and I begin

to wish my expectation may not prove vain. I fear she will think me

but an ungainly acquaintance. My late loss may perhaps have reached

you by this time; I mean the loss of my mother's house by fire, and

in it of every paper I had in the world, and almost every book. On

a reasonable estimate I calculate the _cost_ of the books burned to

have been £200 sterling. Would to God it had been the money, _then_

had it never cost me a sigh! To make the loss more sensible, it fell

principally on my books of Common Law, of which I have but one left, at

that time lent out. Of papers too of every kind I am utterly destitute.

All of these, whether public or private, of business or of amusement,

have perished in the flames. I had made some progress in preparing for

the succeeding General Court; and having, as was my custom, thrown my

thoughts into the form of notes, I troubled my head no more with them.

These are gone, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not

a trace behind. The records also, and other papers which furnished me

with states of the several cases, having shared the same fate, I have

no foundation whereon to set out anew. I have in vain attempted to

recollect some of them; the defect sometimes of one, sometimes of more

circumstances, rendering them so imperfect that I can make nothing of

them. What am I to do then in April? The resolution which the Court

has declared of admitting no continuances of causes seemed to be

unalterable; yet it might surely be urged, that my case is too singular

to admit of their being often troubled with the like excuse. Should

it be asked, what are the misfortunes of an individual to a Court?

The answer of a Court, as well as of an individual, if left to me,

should be in the words of Terence, "_homo sum; humani nil a me alienum

puto_"--but a truce with this disagreeable subject.

Am I never more to have a letter from you? Why the devil don't you

write? But I suppose you are always in the moon, or some of the

planetary regions. I mean you are there in idea; and, unless you mend,

you shall have my consent to be there _de facto_; at least, during the

vacations of the Court and Assembly. If your spirit is too elevated to

advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend Mrs. Page to support

your correspondences. Methinks I should, with wonderful pleasure,

open and peruse a letter written by so fair, and (what is better)

so friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the

civility of a letter, I assure you I merit a very long one. If this

conflagration, by which I am burned out of a home, had come before I

had advanced so far in preparing another, I do not know but I might

have cherished some treasonable thoughts of leaving these my native

hills; indeed I should be much happier were I nearer to Rosewell and

Severn hills--however, the gods, I fancy, were apprehensive that if we

were placed together, we should pull down the moon, or play some such

devilish prank with their works. I reflect often with pleasure on the

philosophical evenings I passed at Rosewell in my last visits there.

I was always fond of philosophy, even in its drier forms; but from a

ruby lip, it comes with charms irresistible. Such a feast of sentiment

must exhilarate and lengthen life, at least as much as the feast of

the sensualist shortens it--in a word, I prize it so highly, that, if

you will at any time collect the same _Belle Assemblée_, on giving me

three days previous notice, I shall certainly repair to my place as

a member of it. Should it not happen before I come down, I will carry

Sally Nicholas in the green chair to Newquarter, where your periagua

(how the ---- should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton-like,

of its own accord. You know I had a wagon which moved itself--cannot

we construct a boat then which shall row itself? _Amicus noster,

Fons_,[80] _quo modo agit, et quid agit?_ You may be all dead for

anything we can tell here. I expect he will follow the good old rule of

driving one passion out by letting another in. _Clavum clavo pangere_

was your advice to me on a similar occasion. I hope you will watch his

immersion as narrowly as if he were one of Jupiter's satellites; and

give me immediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of advice. I do not

mean, Madam, to advise him against it. On the contrary, I am become an

advocate for the passion; for I too am _cœlo tactus, Currus_[81]

_bene se habet_. He speaks, thinks, and dreams of nothing but his

young son. This friend of ours, Page, in a very small house, with a

table, half a dozen chairs, and one or two servants, is the happiest

man in the universe. Every incident in life he so takes as to render

it a source of pleasure. With as much benevolence as the heart of man

will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly apparatus of life,

he exhibits to the world a new phenomenon in philosophy--the Samian

sage in the tub of the cynic. Name me sometimes _homunculo tuo_, not

forgetting little _dic mendacium_. I am determined not to enter on the

next page, lest I should extend this nonsense to the bottom of that

also. _A dieu je vous commis_, not doubting his care of you both.

TH: JEFFERSON.

TO CHAS. McPHERSON.

ALBERMARLE, IN VIRGINIA, Feb. 25th, 1773.

DEAR SIR,--Encouraged by the small acquaintance which I had the

pleasure of having contracted with you during your residence in this

country, I take the liberty of making the present application to you.

I understood you were related to the gentleman of your name (Mr. James

McPherson), to whom the world is so much indebted for the elegant

collection, arrangement, and translation of Ossian's poems. These

pieces have been and will, I think, during my life, continue to be

to me the sources of daily and exalted pleasures. The tender and the

sublime emotions of the mind were never before so wrought up by the

human hand. I am not ashamed to own that I think this rude bard of the

North the greatest poet that has ever existed. Merely for the pleasure

of reading his works, I am become desirous of learning the language

in which he sung, and of possessing his songs in their original form.

Mr. McPherson, I think, informs us he is possessed of the originals.

Indeed, a gentleman has lately told me he had seen them in print; but

I am afraid he has mistaken a specimen from Temora, annexed to some

of the editions of the translation, for the whole works. If they are

printed, it will abridge my request and your trouble, to the sending

me a printed copy; but if there be more such, my petition is, that

you would be so good as to use your interest with Mr. McPherson to

obtain leave to take a manuscript copy of them, and procure it to be

done. I would choose it in a fair, round hand, on fine paper, with a

good margin, bound in parchments as elegantly as possible, lettered on

the back, and marbled or gilt on the edges of the leaves. I would not

regard expense in doing this. I would further beg the favor of you to

give me a catalogue of the books written in that language, and to send

me such of them as may be necessary for learning it. These will, of

course, include a grammar and dictionary. The cost of these, as well

as the copy of Ossian, will be (for me), on demand, answered by Mr.

Alexander McCaul, sometime of Virginia, merchant, but now of Glasgow,

or by your friend Mr. Ninian Minzees, of Richmond, in Virginia, to

whose care the books may be sent. You can, perhaps, tell me whether

we may ever hope to see any more of those Celtic pieces published.

Manuscript copies of any which are in print, it would at any time give

me the greatest happiness to receive. The glow of one warm thought is

to me worth more than money. I hear with pleasure from your friend that

your path through life is likely to be smoothed by success. I wish the

business and the pleasures of your situation would admit leisure now

and then to scribble a line to one who wishes you every felicity, and

would willingly merit the appellation of, dear sir,

Your friend and humble servant.

TO COL. A. CARY.

Dec. 9th, 1774.

DEAR SIR,--As I mean to be a conscientious observer of the measures

generally thought requisite for the preservation of our independent

rights, so I think myself bound to account to my country for any act of

mine which might wear an appearance of contravening them. I, therefore,

take the liberty of stating to you the following matter, that through

your friendly intervention, it may be communicated to the committee of

your county. You may remember that it was about the last of May that

the House of Burgesses, after its dissolution, met in Raleigh, and

formed our first association against the future use of tea only; tho'

the proceedings of the ministry against the town of Boston were then

well known to us.

I believe nobody thought at that time of extending our association

further, to the total interruption of our commerce with Britain; or, if

it was proposed by any (which I don't recollect), it was condemned by

the general sense of the members who formed that association. Two or

three days, therefore, after this, I wrote to Cary & Co., of London,

for fourteen pairs of sash windows, to be sent to me ready made and

glazed, with a small parcel of spare glass to mend with. This letter

went by a ship, which sailed about the third of June, just before Power

arrived here. I did not suppose they would send them till Power should

come in again in the spring of 1775.

About the middle of June, as nearly as I can recollect, a few of the

late members were again convened (in consequence of fresh advices from

Boston), and then it was suggested that a more extensive association

might be necessary. A convention met for that purpose the first of

August, and formed a new association, of which I received a copy about

the 11th of the month. But as a general Congress was then appointed

to be held to reconsider the same matters, and it was agreed that

our association should be subject to any alteration that they might

recommend, I did not write to countermand my order, thinking I should

have sufficient time after the final determination of the Congress

should be known, to countermand it before Power should sail in the

spring. Accordingly, within a few days after receiving a copy of the

general association, I wrote to Cary & Co. not to send the sashes

and glass which I had ordered, and gave my letter to the care of a

gentleman (Mr. Evans) just then going downward, who promised to send

it out speedily; but three or four days after I received a letter

from those gentlemen, dated August 29th, in which they inform me my

window frames and glass are ready, but that it being necessary to

detain them about a month to harden the puttying, they were not sent

in that ship, but might be expected by the next ship afterwards. From

this I conclude they may be near arriving at this time, in which case

they will come under the 1st and 10th articles of the association. In

order, therefore, that no proceeding of mine might give a handle for

traducing our measures, I thought it better previously to lay before

your committee, within whose ward they will probably be landed, a full

state of the matter, by which it might be seen under what expectations

I had failed to give an earlier countermand, and to show that, as they

come under the prohibitions of the Continental association, (which,

without the spirit of prophecy, could not have been foretold when I

ordered them,) so I mean they shall be subject to its condemnation. To

your committee, therefore, if landed within their county, I submit the

disposal of them, which shall be obeyed as soon as made known to their

and your

Most humble servant.

Dec. 9th, 1774. A copy of this sent to Col. A. Cary, and another to

Col. B. Harrison, by Mr. Marrei.

TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL.

May 7, 1775.

DEAR SIR,--Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an

action of considerable magnitude, between the King's troops and our

brethren of Boston, in which it is said five hundred of the former,

with the Earl of Percy, are slain. That such an action has occurred,

is undoubted, though perhaps the circumstances may not have reached us

with truth. This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation,

and a phrensy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people.

It is a lamentable circumstance, that the only mediatory power,

acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation

his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still

blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech

and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate

into acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortunately

otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its

ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people

here were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked,

than frightened, by haughty deportment. And to fill up the measure of

irritation, a proscription of individuals has been substituted in the

room of just trial. Can it be believed, that a grateful people will

suffer those to be consigned to execution, whose sole crime has been

the developing and asserting their rights? Had the Parliament possessed

the power of reflection, they would have avoided a measure as impotent,

as it was inflammatory. When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained

high hope that a reconciliation could have been brought about. The

difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress,

might have been accommodated, if entered on, by both parties, with a

disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems,

can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who

have made sale of their virtue to the Minister, should yet talk of

retaining dignity! But I am getting into politics, though I sat down

only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and express my constant wishes

for your happiness.

TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ.

MONTICELLO, August 25, 1775.

DEAR SIR,--I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not

eligible to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of

Great Britain will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest.

There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is

pleasing, and who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion, but

to me it is of all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish is

a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy

period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally

from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease

and tranquillity, banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes

in the world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth

of the former wish), looking with fondness towards a reconciliation

with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute

towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to

yourself, that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on

this side of the water, who (for what purpose I cannot tell) have

constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small

faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you

can inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken

it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender

at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of

the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were

thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative

to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far

towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in Parliament

who are called friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real

determinations. I observe, they pronounced in the last Parliament, that

the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms

they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up; and, in fact,

that they would give up everything but the article of taxation. Now,

the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the

assertion. Their continuance in this error may, perhaps, produce very

ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought

possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not

unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and

all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity

to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the

interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt.

I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now

be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our real

intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be

accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till

it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great

Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most potent

nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they

may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be

certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our

accepting a foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be obtainable, but

on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would

be thought a hard condition, to those who still wish for re-union with

their parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be

in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation

on earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather

than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British

Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly

exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the ocean.

If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his

disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assisting to do

this, to render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time,

certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the

head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original

station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the

resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and

salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as

you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I

expect, to communicate some things, consistently with your honor, and

the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication

among individuals, may be mutually beneficial to the contending

parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts,

your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility;

if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative

points, you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your

felicity, attend you, wherever you go, and believe me to be assuredly,

Your friend and servant.

TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ,.

PHILADELPHIA, November 29, 1775.

DEAR SIR,--I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death

of our most worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22d of the last

month. He was struck with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours.

I have it in my power to acquaint you, that the success of our arms has

corresponded with the justice of our cause. Chambly and St. John's were

taken some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada,

except about forty or fifty men. This day, certain intelligence has

reached us, that our General, Montgomery, is received into Montreal;

and we expect, every hour, to be informed that Quebec has opened its

arms to Colonel Arnold, who, with eleven hundred men, was sent from

Boston up the Kennebec, and down the Chaudière river to that place. He

expected to be there early this month. Montreal acceded to us on the

13th, and Carlton set out, with the shattered remains of his little

army, for Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by Arnold. In

a short time, we have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will

join us in Congress, and complete the American union, as far as we

wish to have it completed. We hear that one of the British transports

has arrived at Boston; the rest are beating off the coast, in very

bad weather. You will have heard, before this reaches you, that Lord

Dunmore has commenced hostilities in Virginia. That people bore with

everything, till he attempted to burn the town of Hampton. They opposed

and repelled him, with considerable loss on his side, and none on ours.

It has raised our countrymen into a perfect phrensy. It is an immense

misfortune, to the whole empire, to have a King of such a disposition

at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he is

the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies

me that ignorance or wickedness, somewhere, controls him. In an earlier

part of this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there

was but one appeal. The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced

on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn; that,

after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they

can take. That step is now pressed upon us, by the measures adopted,

as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir,

there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a

union with Great Britain, than I do. But by the God that made me, I

will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the

British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments

of America. We want neither inducement nor power, to declare and assert

a separation. It is will, alone, which is wanting, and that is growing

apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will

probably decide, everlastingly, our future course; and I am sorry to

find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds and waters should

not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General Howe's

reinforcements should arrive in safety, we have hopes he will be

inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we

must drub him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not

mere brutes, to crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he

designs to scourge us,

Yours, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

PHILADELPHIA, July 8, 1776.

DEAR SIR,--For news, I refer you to your brother, who writes on that

head. I enclose you a copy of the Declaration of Independence, as

agreed to by the House, and also as originally framed. You will judge

whether it is the better or worse for the critics. I shall return

to _Virginia_ after the 11th of _August_. I wish my successor may be

certain to come before that time; in that case I shall hope to see you,

and not _Wythe_, in Convention, that the business of Government, which

is of everlasting concern, may receive your aid.

Adieu, and believe me to be your friend and servant.

TO DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PARIS.

VIRGINIA, August 13, 1777.

HONORABLE SIR,--I forbear to write you news, as the time of Mr.

Shore's departure being uncertain, it might be old before you receive

it, and he can, in person, possess you of all we have. With respect

to the State of Virginia in particular, the people seem to have laid

aside the monarchical, and taken up the republican government, with

as much ease as would have attended their throwing off an old, and

putting on a new suit of clothes. Not a single throe has attended

this important transformation. A half-dozen aristocratical gentlemen,

agonizing under the loss of pre-eminence, have sometimes ventured

their sarcasms on our political metamorphosis. They have been thought

fitter objects of pity, than of punishment. We are, at present, in the

complete and quiet exercise of well-organized government, save only

that our courts of justice do not open till the fall. I think nothing

can bring the security of our continent and its cause into danger, if

we can support the credit of our paper. To do that, I apprehend, one

of two steps must be taken. Either to procure free trade by alliance

with some naval power able to protect it; or, if we find there is no

prospect of that, to shut our ports totally, to all the world, and turn

our colonies into manufactories. The former would be most eligible,

because most conformable to the habits and wishes of our people. Were

the British Court to return to their senses in time to seize the

little advantage which still remains within their reach, from this

quarter, I judge, that, on acknowledging our absolute independence

and sovereignty, a commercial treaty beneficial to them, and perhaps

even a league of mutual offence and defence, might, not seeing the

expense or consequences of such a measure, be approved by our people,

if nothing, in the mean time, done on your part, should prevent it. But

they will continue to grasp at their desperate sovereignty, till every

benefit short of that is forever out of their reach. I wish my domestic

situation had rendered it possible for me to join you in the very

honorable charge confided to you. Residence in a polite Court, society

of literati of the first order, a just cause and an approving God, will

add length to a life for which all men pray, and none more than

Your most obedient and humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

ALBERMARLE, VIRGINIA, Aug. 21, 1777.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 26th came safely to hand. I wish it were

in my power to suggest any remedy for the evil you complain of; though,

did any occur, I should propose it to you with great diffidence, after

knowing you had thought on the subject yourself. There is indeed a fact

which may not have come to your knowledge, out of which, perhaps, some

little good may be drawn. The borrowing money in Europe, or obtaining

credit there for necessaries, has already probably been essayed, and it

is supposed with some degree of success. But I expect your applications

have as yet been made only to France, Holland, or such other States as

are of principal note. There is, however, a small power well disposed

to our cause, and, as I am informed, possessed of abilities to assist

us in this way. I speak of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The little States

of Italy, you know, have had long peace, and show no disposition to

interrupt that peace shortly. The Grand Duke, being somewhat avaricious

in his nature, has availed himself of the opportunity of collecting

and hoarding what money he has been able to gather. I am informed

from good authority (an officer who was concerned in the business

of his treasury) that about three years ago he had ten millions of

crowns lying dead in his coffers. Of this, it is thought possible as

much might be borrowed as would amount to a million of pounds lawful

money. At any rate, the attempt might be worth making. Perhaps an

application from Dr. Franklin, who has some acquaintance in that

court, might be sufficient; or as it might be prudent to sound well

before the application, in order to prevent the discredit of a rebuff,

perhaps Congress would think it worth while to send a special agent

there to negotiate the matter. I think we have a gentleman here, who

would do it with dexterity and fidelity. He is a native of that Duchy,

well connected there, conversant in courts, of great understanding

and equal zeal in our cause. He came over not long since to introduce

the cultivation of vines, olives, &c., among us. Should you think the

matter worth a further thought, either of the Cols. Lee's, to whom he

is known, can acquaint you more fully of his character. If the money

can be obtained in specie, it may be applied to reduce the quantity

of circulating paper, and be so managed as to help the credit of that

which will remain in circulation. If credit alone can be obtained for

the manufactures of the country, it will still help us to clothe our

armies, or to increase at market the necessaries our people want.

What upon earth can Howe mean by the manœuvre he is now practicing?

There seems to me no object in this country which can be either of

utility or reputation to his cause. I hope it will prove of a piece

with all the other follies they have committed. The forming a junction

with the northern army up the Hudson river, or taking possession of

Philadelphia, might have been a feather in his cap, and given them a

little reputation in Europe--the former as being the design with which

they came, the latter as being a place of the first reputation abroad,

and the residence of Congress. Here he may destroy the little hamlet of

Williamsburg, steal a few slaves, and lose half his army among the fens

and marshes of our lower country, or by the heat of the climate.

I am, dear sir, yours, &c.

TO ----.[82]

WILLIAMSBURG, VIRGINIA, June 8th, 1778.

SIR,--Your letter of September 15th, 1777, from Paris, comes safe

to hand. We have not, however, had the pleasure of seeing Mr. De

Crenis, the bearer of it, in this country, as he joined the army in

Pennsylvania as soon as he arrived.

I should have taken particular pleasure in serving him on your

recommendation. From the kind anxiety expressed in your letter,

as well as from other sources of information, we discover that our

enemies have filled Europe with Thrasonic accounts of victories they

had never won and conquests they were fated never to make. While these

accounts alarmed our friends in Europe, they afforded us diversions.

We have long been out of all fear for the event of the war. I enclose

you a list of the killed, wounded, and captives of the enemy from

the commencement of hostilities at Lexington, in April, 1775, until

November, 1777, since which time there has been no event of any

consequence. This is the best history of the war which can be brought

within the compass of a letter. I believe the account to be near the

truth, though it is difficult to get at the numbers lost by an enemy

with absolute precision. Many of the articles have been communicated

to us from England as taken from the official returns made by their

General. I wish it were in my power to send you as just an account

of our loss. But this cannot be done without an application to the

war office, which, being in another county, is at this time out of

my reach. I think that upon the whole it has been about one-half the

number lost by them; in some instances more, but in others less. This

difference is ascribed to our superiority in taking aim when we fire;

every soldier in our army having been intimate with his gun from his

infancy. If there could have been a doubt before as to the event of the

war, it is now totally removed by the interposition of France, and the

generous alliance she has entered into with us. Though much of my time

is employed in the councils of America, I have yet a little leisure to

indulge my fondness for philosophical studies.

I could wish to correspond with you on subjects of that kind. It might

not be unacceptable to you to be informed, for instance, of the true

power of our climate, discoverable from the thermometer, from the force

and direction of the winds, the quantity of rain, the plants which grow

without shelter in winter, &c. On the other hand, we should be much

pleased with cotemporary observations on the same particulars in your

country, which will give us a comparative view of the two climates.

Farenheit's thermometer is the only one in use with us. I make my daily

observations as early as possible in the morning, and again about four

o'clock in the afternoon, generally showing the maxima of cold and heat

in the course of 24 hours. I wish I could gratify your Botanical taste,

but I am acquainted with nothing more than the first principles of that

science; yet myself and my friends may furnish you with any Botanical

subjects which this country affords, and are not to be had with you,

and I shall take pleasure in procuring them when pointed out by you.

The greatest difficulty will be the means of conveyance during the

continuance of the war.

If there is a gratification, which I envy any people in this world,

it is to your country its music. This is the favorite passion of

my soul, and fortune has cast my lot in a country where it is in

a state of deplorable barbarism. From the line of life in which we

conjecture you to be, I have for some time lost the hope of seeing

you here. Should the event prove so, I shall ask your assistance in

procuring a substitute, who may be a proficient in singing, &c., on the

Harpsichord. I should be contented to receive such an one two or three

years hence; when it is hoped he may come more safely and find here a

greater plenty of those useful things which commerce alone can furnish.

The bounds of an American fortune will not admit the indulgence of

a domestic band of musicians, yet I have thought that a passion for

music might be reconciled with that economy which we are obliged to

observe. I retain among my domestic servants a gardener, a weaver, a

cabinet-maker, and a stone-cutter, to which I would add a _vigneron_.

In a country where, like yours, music is cultivated and practiced by

every class of men, I suppose there might be found persons of these

trades who could perform on the French horn, clarinet, or hautboy,

and bassoon, so that one might have a band of two French horns,

two clarinets, two hautboys, and a bassoon, without enlarging their

domestic expenses. A certainty of employment for a half dozen years,

and at the end of that time, to find them, if they chose, a conveyance

to their own country, might induce them to come here on reasonable

wages. Without meaning to give you trouble, perhaps it might be

practicable for you, in your ordinary intercourse with your people, to

find out such men disposed to come to America. Sobriety and good nature

would be desirable parts of their characters. If you think such a plan

practicable, and will be so kind as to inform me what will be necessary

to be done on my part, I will take care that it shall be done. The

necessary expenses, when informed of them, I can remit before they are

wanting, to any port in France, with which country alone we have safe

correspondence. I am, Sir, with much esteem, your humble servant

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE.

MONTICELLO IN ALBEMARLE, VA., July 19, 1778.

DEAR SIR,--I sincerely congratulate you on the recovery of

Philadelphia, and wish it may be found uninjured by the enemy. How far

the interests of literature may have suffered by the injury, or removal

of the Orrery, (as it is miscalled,) the public libraries, your papers

and implements, are doubts which still excite anxiety. We were much

disappointed in Virginia generally, on the day of the great eclipse,

which proved to be cloudy.

In Williamsburg, where it was total, I understood only the beginning

was seen. At this place, which is lat. 38 8', and longitude west from

Williamsburg, about 1 45', as is conjectured, 11 digits only were

supposed to be covered. It was not seen at all until the moon had

advanced nearly one-third over the sun's disc. Afterwards it was seen

at intervals through the whole. The egress particularly was visible.

It proved, however, of little use to me, for want of a time piece that

could be depended on, which circumstance, together with the subsequent

restoration of Philadelphia to you, has induced me to trouble you

with this letter, to remind you of your kind promise of making me an

accurate clock, which, being intended for astronomical purposes only,

I would have divested of all apparatus for striking, or for any other

purpose, which, by increasing its complication, might disturb its

accuracy. A companion to it for keeping seconds, and which might be

moved easily, would greatly add to its value. The Theodolite, for which

I also spoke to you, I can now dispense with, having since purchased a

most excellent one.

TO JOHN PAGE.

WILLIAMSBURG, January 22, 1779.

DEAR PAGE,--I received your letter by Mr. Jamieson. It had given me

much pain, that the zeal of our respective friends should ever have

placed you and me in the situation of competitors. I was comforted,

however, with the reflection, that it was their competition, not

ours, and that the difference of the numbers which decided between us,

was too insignificant to give you a pain, or me a pleasure, had our

dispositions towards each other been such as to admit those sensations.

I know you too well to need an apology for anything you do, and hope

you will forever be assured of this; and as to the constructions of

the world, they would only have added one to the many sins for which

they are to go to the devil. As this is the first, I hope it will be

the last, instance of ceremony between us. A desire to see my family,

which is in Charles City, carries me thither to-morrow, and I shall not

return till Monday. Be pleased to present my compliments to Mrs. Page,

and add this to the assurances I have ever given you, that I am, dear

Page, your affectionate friend.

TO GEORGE WYTHE.

FOREST, March 1, 1779.

DEAR SIR,--Since I left you, I have reflected on the bill regulating

the practising of attornies, and of our omitting to continue the

practitioners at the County and General Courts separate. I think the

bar of the General Court a proper and excellent nursery for future

judges, if it be so regulated that science may be encouraged, and

may live there. But this can never be if an inundation of insects is

permitted to come from the county courts, and consume the harvest.

These people, traversing the counties, seeing the clients frequently at

their own courts, or, perhaps, at their own houses, must of necessity

pick up all the business. The convenience of frequently seeing their

counsel, without going from home, cannot be withstood by the country

people. Men of science, then, if there were to be any, would only be

employed as auxiliary counsel in difficult cases. But can they live by

that? Certainly not. The present members of that kind, therefore, must

turn marauders in the county courts, and, in future, none will have

leisure to acquire science. I should therefore be for excluding the

county court attornies; or rather, for taking the general court lawyers

from the incessant drudgery of the county courts and confining them

to their studies, that they may qualify themselves as well to support

their clients, as to become worthy successors to the bench. I hope to

see the time when the election of judges of the Supreme Courts shall be

restrained to the bars of the General Court and High Court of Chancery:

for when I speak of the former above, I mean to include the latter. I

should, even in our present bill, have no objection to inserting such

a restriction to take place seven or fourteen years hence. Adieu.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY PATRICK HENRY.

ALBEMARLE, March 27, 1779.

SIR,--A report prevailing here, that in consequence of some powers from

Congress, the Governor and Council have it in contemplation to remove

the Convention troops,[83] either wholly or in part, from their present

situation, I take the liberty of troubling you with some observations

on that subject. The reputation and interest of our country, in

general, may be affected by such a measure: it would, therefore, hardly

be deemed an indecent liberty in the most private citizen, to offer

his thoughts to the consideration of the Executive. The locality of my

situation, particularly in the neighborhood of the present barracks,

and the public relation in which I stand to the people among whom they

are situated, together with a confidence which a personal knowledge

of the members of the Executive gives me, that they will be glad of

information from any quarter, on a subject interesting to the public,

induce me to hope that they will acquit me of impropriety in the

present representation.

By an article in the Convention of Saratoga, it is stipulated, on the

part of the United States, that the officers shall not be separated

from their men. I suppose the term officers, includes _general_ as

well as _regimental_ officers. As there are general officers who

command all the troops, no part of them can be separated from these

officers without a violation of the article: they cannot, of course,

be separated from one another, unless the same general officer could

be in different places at the same time. It is true, the article adds

the words, "as far as circumstances will admit." This was a necessary

qualification; because, in no place in America, I suppose, could there

have been found quarters for both officers and men together; those

for the officers to be according to their rank. So far, then, as the

circumstances of the place where they should be quartered, should

render a separation necessary, in order to procure quarters for the

officers, according to their rank, the article admits that separation.

And these are the circumstances which must have been under the

contemplation of the parties; both of whom, and all the world beside

(who are ultimate judges in the case), would still understand that they

were to be as near in the environs of the camp, as convenient quarters

could be procured; and not that the qualification of the article

destroyed the article itself, and laid it wholly at our discretion.

Congress, indeed, have admitted of this separation; but are they so

far lords of right and wrong as that our consciences may be quiet with

their dispensation? Or is the case amended by saying they leave it

optional in the Governor and Council to separate the troops or not? At

the same time that it exculpates not them, it is drawing the Governor

and Council into a participation in the breach of faith. If indeed it

is only proposed, that a separation of the troops shall be referred to

the consent of their officers; that is a very different matter. Having

carefully avoided conversation with them on public subjects, I cannot

say, of my own knowledge, how they would relish such a proposition.

I have heard from others, that they will choose to undergo anything

together, rather than to be separated, and that they will remonstrate

against it in the strongest terms. The Executive, therefore, if

voluntary agents in this measure, must be drawn into a paper war with

them, the more disagreeable, as it seems that faith and reason will be

on the other side. As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough

mortification, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction

of our public honor; as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and

confiding, that our Supreme Executive, whose acts will be considered as

the acts of the Commonwealth, estimate that honor too highly to make

its infraction their own act. I may be permitted to hope, then, that

if any removal takes place, it will be a general one; and, as it is

said to be left to the Governor and Council to determine on this, I am

satisfied that, suppressing every other consideration, and weighing the

matter dispassionately, they will determine upon this sole question,

Is it for the benefit of those for whom they act, that the Convention

troops should be removed from among them? Under the head of interest,

these circumstances, viz., the expense of building barracks, said to

have been £25,000, and of removing the troops backwards and forwards,

amounting to, I know not how much, are not to be pretermitted, merely

because they are Continental expenses; for we are a part of the

Continent; we must pay a shilling of every dollar wasted. But the sums

of money which, by these troops, or on their account, are brought into,

and expended in this State, are a great and local advantage. This can

require no proof. If, at the conclusion of the war, for instance, our

share of the Continental debt should be twenty millions of dollars, or

say that we are called on to furnish an annual quota of two millions

four hundred thousand dollars, to Congress, to be raised by tax, it

is obvious that we should raise these given sums with greater or less

ease, in proportion to the greater or less quantity of money found

in circulation among us. I expect that our circulating money is, by

the presence of these troops, at the rate of $30,000 a week, at the

least. I have heard, indeed, that an objection arises to their being

kept within this State, from the information of the commissary that

they cannot be subsisted here. In attending to the information of that

officer, it should be borne in mind that the county of King William

and its vicinities are one thing, the territory of Virginia another.

If the troops could be fed upon long letters, I believe the gentleman

at the head of that department in this country, would be the best

commissary upon earth. But till I see him determined to act, not to

write; to sacrifice his domestic ease to the duties of his appointment,

and apply to the resources of this country, wheresoever they are to

be had, I must entertain a different opinion of him. I am mistaken

if, for the animal subsistence of the troops hitherto, we are not

principally indebted to the genius and exertions of Hawkins, during

the very short time he lived after his appointment to that department,

by your board. His eye immediately pervaded the whole State, it was

reduced at once to a regular machine, to a system, and the whole put

into movement and animation by the fiat of a comprehensive mind. If

the Commonwealth of Virginia cannot furnish these troops with bread,

I would ask of the commissariat, which of the thirteen is now become

the grain colony? If we are in danger of famine from the addition of

four thousand mouths, what is become of that surplus of bread, the

exportation of which used to feed the West Indies and Eastern States,

and fill the colony with hard money? When I urge the sufficiency of

this State, however, to subsist these troops, I beg to be understood,

as having in contemplation the quantity of provisions necessary for

their real use, and not as calculating what is to be lost by the

wanton waste, mismanagement, and carelessness of those employed about

it. If magazines of beef and pork are suffered to rot by slovenly

butchering, or for want of timely provision and sale; if quantities of

flour are exposed, by the commissaries entrusted with the keeping it,

to pillage and destruction; and if, when laid up in the Continental

stores, it is still to be embezzled and sold, the land of Egypt itself

would be insufficient for their supply, and their removal would be

necessary, not to a more plentiful country, but to more able and honest

commissaries. Perhaps the magnitude of this question, and its relation

to the whole State, may render it worth while to await the opinion of

the National Council, which is now to meet within a few weeks. There is

no danger of distress in the meantime, as the commissaries affirm they

have a great sufficiency of provisions for some time to come. Should

the measure of removing them into another State be adopted, and carried

into execution, before the meeting of Assembly, no disapprobation of

theirs will bring them back, because they will then be in the power of

others, who will hardly give them up.

Want of information as to what may be the precise measure proposed by

the Governor and Council, obliges me to shift my ground, and take up

the subject in every possible form. Perhaps, they have not thought to

remove the troops out of this State altogether, but to some other part

of it. Here, the objections arising from the expenses of removal, and

of building new barracks, recur. As to animal food, it may be driven

to one part of the country as easily as to another: that circumstance,

therefore, may be thrown out of the question. As to bread, I suppose

they will require about forty or forty-five thousand bushels of grain

a year. The place to which it is to be brought to them, is about the

centre of the State. Besides, that the country round about is fertile,

all the grain made in the counties adjacent to any kind of navigation,

may be brought by water to within twelve miles of the spot. For these

twelve miles, wagons must be employed; I suppose half a dozen will

be a plenty. Perhaps, this part of the expense might have been saved,

had the barracks been built on the water; but it is not sufficient to

justify their being abandoned now they are built. Wagonage, indeed,

seems to the commissariat an article not worth economising. The most

wanton and studied circuity of transportation has been practised: to

mention only one act, they have bought quantities of flour for these

troops in Cumberland, have ordered it to be wagoned down to Manchester,

and wagoned thence up to the barracks. This fact happened to fall

within my own knowledge. I doubt not there are many more such, in

order either to produce their total removal, or to run up the expenses

of the present situation, and satisfy Congress that the nearer they

are brought to the commissary's own bed, the cheaper they will be

subsisted. The grain made in the western counties may be brought partly

in wagons, as conveniently to this as to any other place; perhaps more

so, on account of its vicinity to one of the best passes through the

Blue Ridge; and partly by water, as it is near to James river, to the

navigation of which, ten counties are adjacent above the falls. When I

said that the grain might be brought hither from all the counties of

the State adjacent to navigation, I did not mean to say it would be

proper to bring it from all. On the contrary, I think the commissary

should be instructed, after the next harvest, not to send one bushel

of grain to the barracks from below the falls of the rivers, or from

the northern counties. The counties on tide water are accessible to

the calls for our own army. Their supplies ought, therefore, to be

husbanded for them. The counties in the northwestern parts of the

State are not only within reach for our own grand army, but peculiarly

necessary for the support of Macintosh's army; or for the support of

any other northwestern expedition, which the uncertain conduct of the

Indians should render necessary; insomuch, that if the supplies of that

quarter should be misapplied to any other purpose, it would destroy, in

embryo, every exertion, either for particular or general safety there.

The counties above tide water, in the middle and southern and western

parts of the country, are not accessible to calls for either of those

purposes, but at such an expense of transportation as the article would

not bear. Here, then, is a great field, whose supplies of bread cannot

be carried to our army, or rather, which will raise no supplies of

bread, because there is nobody to eat them. Was it not, then, wise in

Congress to remove to that field four thousand idle mouths, who must

otherwise have interfered with the pasture of our own troops? And, if

they are removed to any other part of the country, will it not defeat

this wise purpose? The mills on the waters of James river, above the

falls, open to canoe navigation, are very many. Some of them are of

great note, as manufacturers. The barracks are surrounded by mills.

There are five or six round about Charlottesville. Any two or three

of the whole might, in the course of the winter, manufacture flour

sufficient for the year. To say the worst, then, of this situation, it

is but twelve miles wrong. The safe custody of these troops is another

circumstance worthy consideration. Equally removed from the access of

an eastern or western enemy; central to the whole State, so that should

they attempt an irruption in any direction, they must pass through a

great extent of hostile country; in a neighborhood thickly inhabited by

a robust and hardy people, zealous in the American cause, acquainted

with the use of arms, and the defiles and passes by which they must

issue: it would seem, that in this point of view, no place could have

been better chosen.

Their health is also of importance. I would not endeavor to show that

their lives are valuable to us, because it would suppose a possibility,

that humanity was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only

attended to. The barracks occupy the top and brow of a very high hill,

(you have been untruly told they were in a bottom.) They are free from

fog, have four springs which seem to be plentiful, one within twenty

yards of the piquet, two within fifty yards, and another within two

hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink wells within the piquet. Of

four thousand people, it should be expected, according to the ordinary

calculations, that one should die every day. Yet, in the space of near

three months, there have been but four deaths among them; two infants

under three weeks old, and two others by apoplexy. The officers tell

me, the troops were never before so healthy since they were embodied.

But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captivity, his wishes

and comforts are to be disregarded and even crossed? I think not. It

is for the benefit of mankind to mitigate the horrors of war as much

as possible. The practice, therefore, of modern nations, of treating

captive enemies with politeness and generosity, is not only delightful

in contemplation, but really interesting to all the world, friends,

foes and neutrals. Let us apply this: the officers, after considerable

hardships, have all procured quarters, comfortable and satisfactory

to them. In order to do this, they were obliged, in many instances,

to hire houses for a year certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as

were sufficient to tempt independent owners to go out of them, and

shift as they could. These houses, in most cases, were much out of

repair. They have repaired them at a considerable expense. One of the

general officers has taken a place for two years, advanced the rent

for the whole time, and been obliged, moreover, to erect additional

buildings for the accommodation of part of his family, for which there

was not room in the house rented. Independent of the brick work, for

the carpentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to pay

fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has

paid to one person three thousand six hundred and seventy dollars for

different articles to fix himself commodiously. They have generally

laid in their stocks of grain and other provisions, for it is well

known that officers do not live on their rations. They have purchased

cows, sheep, &c., set in to farming, prepared their gardens, and have

a prospect of comfort and quiet before them. To turn to the soldiers:

the environs of the barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid

off in hundreds of gardens, each enclosed in its separate paling; these

well prepared, and exhibiting a fine appearance. General Riedezel alone

laid out upwards of two hundred pounds in garden seeds for the German

troops only. Judge what an extent of ground these seeds would cover.

There is little doubt that their own gardens will furnish them a great

abundance of vegetables through the year. Their poultry, pigeons and

other preparations of that kind, present to the mind the idea of a

company of farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers. In addition to the

barracks built for them by the public, and now very comfortable, they

have built great numbers for themselves, in such messes as fancied each

other; and the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now happy and

satisfied with their situation. Having thus found the art of rendering

captivity itself comfortable, and carried it into execution, at their

own great expense and labor, their spirits sustained by the prospect

of gratifications rising before their eyes, does not every sentiment

of humanity revolt against the proposition of stripping them of all

this, and removing them into new situations, where, from the advanced

season of the year, no preparations can be made for carrying themselves

comfortably through the heats of summer; and when it is known that

the necessary advances for the conveniences already provided, have

exhausted their funds and left them unable to make the like exertions

anew. Again, review this matter, as it may regard appearances. A body

of troops, after staying a twelvemonth at Boston, are ordered to take a

march of seven hundred miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they may

be plentifully subsisted. As soon as they are there, they are ordered

on some other march, because, in Virginia, it is said, they cannot be

subsisted. Indifferent nations will charge this either to ignorance,

or to whim and caprice; the parties interested, to cruelty. They now

view the proposition in that light, and it is said, there is a general

and firm persuasion among them, that they were marched from Boston with

no other purpose than to harass and destroy them with eternal marches.

Perseverance in object, though not by the most direct way, is often

more laudable than perpetual changes, as often as the object shifts

light. A character of steadiness in our councils, is worth more than

the subsistence of four thousand people.

There could not have been a more unlucky concurrence of circumstances

than when these troops first came. The barracks were unfinished for

want of laborers, the spell of weather the worst ever known within

the memory of man, no stores of bread laid in, the roads, by the

weather and number of wagons, soon rendered impassable: not only the

troops themselves were greatly disappointed, but the people in the

neighborhood were alarmed at the consequences which a total failure

of provisions might produce. In this worst state of things, their

situation was seen by many and disseminated through the country, so

as to occasion a general dissatisfaction, which even seized the minds

of reasonable men, who, if not affected by the contagion, must have

foreseen that the prospect must brighten, and that great advantages to

the people must necessarily arise. It has, accordingly, so happened.

The planters, being more generally sellers than buyers, have felt the

benefit of their presence in the most vital part about them, their

purses, and are now sensible of its source. I have too good an opinion

of their love of order to believe that a removal of these troops would

produce any irregular proofs of their disapprobation, but I am well

assured it would be extremely odious to them.

To conclude. The separation of these troops would be a breach of public

faith, therefore I suppose it is impossible; if they are removed to

another State, it is the fault of the commissaries; if they are removed

to any other part of the State, it is the fault of the commissaries;

and in both cases, the public interest and public security suffer, the

comfortable and plentiful subsistence of our own army is lessened,

the health of the troops neglected, their wishes crossed, and their

comforts torn from them, the character of whim and caprice, or, what

is worse, of cruelty, fixed on us as a nation, and, to crown the whole,

our own people disgusted with such a proceeding.

I have thus taken the liberty of representing to you the facts and the

reasons, which seem to militate against the separation or removal of

these troops. I am sensible, however, that the same subject may appear

to different persons, in very different lights. What I have urged as

reasons, may, to sounder minds, be apparent fallacies. I hope they will

appear, at least, so plausible, as to excuse the interposition of

Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, June 23, 1779.

SIR,--I have the pleasure to enclose you the particulars of Colonel

Clarke's success against St. Vincennes, as stated in his letter but

lately received; the messenger, with his first letter, having been

killed. I fear it will be impossible for Colonel Clarke to be so

strengthened, as to enable him to do what he desires. Indeed, the

express who brought this letter, gives us reason to fear St. Vincennes

is in danger from a large body of Indians collected to attack it, and

said, when he came from Kaskaskias, to be within thirty leagues of the

place. I also enclose you a letter from Colonel Shelby, stating the

effect of his success against the seceding Cherokees, and Chuccamogga.

The damage done them, was killing half a dozen, burning eleven towns,

twenty thousand bushels of corn, collected probably to forward the

expeditions which were to have been planned at the council which was

to meet Governor Hamilton at the mouth of the Tennessee, and taking as

many goods as sold for twenty-five thousand pounds. I hope these two

blows coming together, and the depriving them of their head, will, in

some measure, effect the quiet of our frontiers this summer. We have

intelligence, also, that Colonel Bowman, from Kentucky, is in the midst

of the Shawnee country, with three hundred men, and hope to hear a good

account of him. The enclosed order, being in its nature important, and

generally interesting, I think it proper to transmit it to you, with

the reasons supporting it.[84] It will add much to our satisfaction, to

know it meets your approbation.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of private respect and

public gratitude,

Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

P. S.--The distance of our northern and western counties, from the

scene of southern service, and the necessity of strengthening our

western quarter, have induced the Council to direct the new levies

from the counties of Yohogania, Ohio, Monongalia, Frederick, Hampshire,

Berkeley, Rockingham, and Greenbrier, amounting to somewhat less than

three hundred men, to enter into the ninth regiment at Pittsburg. The

aid they may give there, will be so immediate and important, and what

they could do to the southward, would be so late, as, I hope, will

apologise for their interference.

T. J.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, July 17, 1799.

SIR,--I some time ago, enclosed to you a printed copy of an order

of Council, by which Governor Hamilton was to be confined in irons,

in close jail, which has occasioned a letter from General Phillips,

of which the enclosed is a copy. The General seems to think that a

prisoner on capitulation, cannot be put in close confinement, though

his capitulation should not have provided against it. My idea was, that

all persons taken in war, were to be deemed prisoners of war. That

those who surrender on capitulation (or convention) are prisoners of

war also, subject to the same treatment with those who surrender at

discretion, except only so far as the terms of their capitulation or

convention shall have guarded them. In the capitulation of Governor

Hamilton (a copy of which I enclose), no stipulation is made as to the

treatment of himself, or those taken with him. The Governor, indeed,

when he signs, adds a flourish of reasons inducing him to capitulate,

one of which is the generosity of his enemy. Generosity, on a large

and comprehensive scale, seems to dictate the making a signal example

of this gentleman; but waving that, these are the only private motives

inducing him to surrender, and do not enter into the contract of

Colonel Clarke. I have the highest idea of those contracts which take

place between nation and nation, at war, and would be the last on earth

to do anything in violation of them. I can find nothing in those books

usually recurred to as testimonials of the law and usages of nature and

nations, which convicts the opinions I have above expressed of error.

Yet there may be such an usage as General Phillips seems to suppose,

though not taken notice of by these writers. I am obliged to trouble

your Excellency on this occasion, by asking of you information on this

point. There is no other person, whose decision will so authoritatively

decide this doubt in the public mind, and none with which I am

disposed so implicitly to comply. If you shall be of opinion, that the

bare existence of a capitulation, in the case of Governor Hamilton,

privileges him from confinement, though there be no article to that

effect in the capitulation, justice shall most assuredly be done him.

The importance of this point, in a public view, and my own anxiety

under a charge of violation of national faith by the Executive of this

Commonwealth, will, I hope, apologise for my adding this to the many

troubles with which I know you to be burdened. I have the honor to be,

with the most profound respect,

Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.

P. S. I have just received a letter from Colonel Bland, containing

information of numerous desertions from the Convention troops, not

less than four hundred in the last fortnight. He thinks he has reason

to believe it is with the connivance of some of their officers. Some

of these have been retaken, all of them going northwardly. They had

provided themselves with forged passports, and with certificates of

having taken the oath of fidelity to the State; some of them forged,

others really given by weak magistrates. I give this information to

your Excellency, as, perhaps, it may be in your power to have such of

them intercepted as shall be passing through Pennsylvania and Jersey.

Your letter enclosing the opinion of the board of war in the case of

Allison and Lee, has come safe to hand, after a long passage. It shall

be answered by next post.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, October 1, 1779.

SIR,--On receipt of your letter of August 6th, during my absence,

the Council had the irons taken off the prisoners of war. When your

advice was asked, we meant it should decide with us; and upon my

return to Williamsburg, the matter was taken up and the enclosed advice

given.[85] A parole was formed, of which the enclosed is a copy, and

tendered to the prisoners. They objected to that part of it, which

restrained them from _saying_ anything to the prejudice of the United

States, and insisted on "freedom of speech." They were, in consequence,

remanded to their confinement in the jail, which must be considered

as a voluntary one, until they can determine with themselves to be

inoffensive in word as well as deed. A flag sails hence to-morrow to

New York, to negotiate the exchange of some prisoners. By her, I have

written to General Phillips on this subject, and enclosed to him copies

of the within; intending it as an answer to a letter I received from

him on the subject of Governor Hamilton. I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, Oct. 2, 1779.

SIR,--Just as the letter accompanying this was going off, Colonel

Mathews arrived on parole from New York, by the way of head-quarters,

bringing your Excellency's letter, on his subject, with that of the

British commissary of prisoners. The subject is of great importance,

and I must, therefore, reserve myself to answer after further

consideration. Were I to speak from present impressions, I should

say it was happy for Governor Hamilton, that a final determination

of his fate was formed before this new information. As the enemy have

released Captain Willing from his irons, the Executive of this State

will be induced, perhaps, not to alter their former opinion. But it

is impossible they can be serious in attempting to bully us in this

manner. We have too many of their subjects in our power, and, too much

iron to clothe them with, and I will add, too much resolution to avail

ourselves of both, to fear their pretended retaliation. However, I

will do myself the honor of forwarding to your Excellency the ultimate

result of Council on this subject.

In consequence of the information in the letter from the British

commissary of prisoners, that no officers of the Virginia line should

be exchanged till Governor Hamilton's affair should be settled, we

have stopped our flag, which was just hoisting anchor with a load

of privates for New York. I must, therefore, ask the favor of your

Excellency to forward the enclosed by flag, when an opportunity offers,

as I suppose General Phillips will be in New York before it reaches

you. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest esteem,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

IN COUNCIL, Oct. 8, 1779.

SIR,--In mine of the second of the present month, written in the

instant of Colonel Mathews' delivery of your letter, I informed

you what had been done on the subject of Governor Hamilton and his

companions, previous to that moment. I now enclose you an advice

of Council,[86] in consequence of the letter you were pleased to

enclose me, from the British commissary of prisoners, with one from

Lord Rawdon; also a copy of my letter to Colonel Mathews, enclosing,

also, the papers therein named. The advice of Council to allow the

enlargement of prisoners, on their giving a proper parole, has not been

recalled, nor will be, I suppose, unless something on the part of the

enemy should render it necessary. I rather expect, however, that they

will see it their interest to discontinue this kind of conduct. I am

afraid I shall hereafter, perhaps, be obliged to give your Excellency

some trouble in aiding me to obtain information of the future usage of

our prisoners. I shall give immediate orders for having in readiness

every engine which the enemy have contrived for the destruction of

our unhappy citizens, captured by them. The presentiment of these

operations is shocking beyond expression. I pray heaven to avert them;

but nothing in this world will do it, but a proper conduct in the

enemy. In every event, I shall resign myself to the hard necessity

under which I shall act.

I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, your Excellency's

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO COLONEL MATHEWS.

IN COUNCIL, October, 1779.

SIR,--The proceedings respecting Governor Hamilton and his companions,

previous to your arrival here, you are acquainted with. For your more

precise information, I enclose you the advice of Council, of June the

16th, of that of August the 28th, another of September the 19th, on the

parole tendered them the 1st instant, and Governor Hamilton's letter

of the same day, stating his objections, in which he persevered: from

that time his confinement has become a voluntary one. You delivered us

your letters the next day, when the post being just setting out, much

business prevented the Council from taking them into consideration.

They have this day attended to them, and found their resolution

expressed in the enclosed advice, bearing date this day. It gives

us great pain that any of our countrymen should be cut off from the

society of their friends and tenderest connections, while it seems as

if it was in our power to administer relief. But we trust to their

good sense for discerning, and their spirit for bearing up against

the fallacy of this appearance. Governor Hamilton and his companions

were imprisoned and ironed, 1st. In retaliation for cruel treatment of

our captive citizens by the enemy in general. 2d. For the barbarous

species of warfare which himself and his savage allies carried on

in our western frontier. 3d. For particular acts of barbarity, of

which he himself was personally guilty, to some of our citizens in

his power. Any one of these charges was sufficient to justify the

measures we took. Of the truth of the first, yourselves are witnesses.

Your situation, indeed, seems to have been better since you were sent

to New York; but reflect on what you suffered before that, and knew

others of your countrymen to suffer, and what you know is now suffered

by that more unhappy part of them who are still confined on board the

prison ships of the enemy. Proofs of the second charge, we have under

Hamilton's own hand; and of the third, as sacred assurances as human

testimony is capable of giving. Humane conduct on our part was found

to produce no effect; the contrary, therefore, was to be tried. If it

produces a proper lenity to our citizens in captivity, it will have

the effect we meant; if it does not, we shall return a severity as

terrible as universal. If the causes of our rigor against Hamilton were

founded in truth, that rigor was just, and would not give right to the

enemy to commence any new hostilities on their part; and all such new

severities are to be considered, not as retaliation, but as original

and unprovoked. If those causes were not founded in truth, they should

have denied them. If, declining the tribunal of truth and reason, they

choose to pervert this into a contest of cruelty and destruction, we

will contend with them in that line, and measure out misery to those

in our power, in that multiplied proportion which the advantage of

superior numbers enables us to do. We shall think it our particular

duty, after the information we gather from the papers which have been

laid before us, to pay very constant attention to your situation and

that of your fellow prisoners. We hope that the prudence of the enemy

will be your protection from injury; and we are assured that your

regard for the honor of your country, would not permit you to wish

we should suffer ourselves to be bullied into an acquiescence, under

every insult and cruelty they may choose to practice, and a fear to

retaliate, lest you should be made to experience additional sufferings.

Their officers and soldiers, in our hands are pledges for your safety:

we are determined to use them as such. Iron will be retaliated by iron,

but a great multiplication on distinguished objects: prison ships by

prison ships, and like for like in general. I do not mean by this to

cover any officer who has acted, or shall act improperly. They say

Captain Willing was guilty of great cruelties at the Natches; if so,

they do right in punishing him. I would use any powers I have, for the

punishment of any officer of our own, who should be guilty of excesses

unjustifiable under the usages of civilized nations. However, I do not

find myself obliged to believe the charge against Captain Willing to

be true, on the affirmation of the British commissary, because, in the

next breath, he affirms no cruelties have as yet been inflicted on him.

Captain Willing has been in irons.

I beg you to be assured, there is nothing, consistent with the honor

of your country, which we shall not, at all times, be ready to do for

the relief of yourself and companions in captivity. We know that ardent

spirit and hatred for tyranny, which brought you into your present

situation, will enable you to bear up against it with the firmness

which has distinguished you as a soldier, and to look forward with

pleasure to the day, when events shall take place, against which,

the wounded spirits of your enemies will find no comfort, even from

reflections on the most refined of the cruelties with which they have

glutted themselves.

I am, with great respect, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, November 28th, 1779.

SIR,--Your Excellency's letter on the discriminations which have been

heretofore made, between the troops raised within this State, and

considered as part of our quota, and those not so considered, was

delivered me four days ago. I immediately laid it before the Assembly,

who thereupon came to the resolution I now do myself the honor of

enclosing you. The resolution of Congress, of March 15th, 1779, which

you were so kind as to enclose, was never known in this State till

a few weeks ago, when we received printed copies of the Journals of

Congress. It would be a great satisfaction to us, to receive an exact

return of all the men we have in Continental service, who come within

the description of the resolution, together with our State troops

in Continental service. Colonel Cabell was so kind as to send me a

return of the Continental regiments commanded by Lord Sterling, of

the first and second Virginia State regiments, and of Colonel Gist's

regiment. Besides these are the following; viz., Colonel Harrison's

regiment of artillery, Colonel Bayler's horse, Colonel Bland's horse,

General Scott's new levies, part of which are gone to Carolina, and

part are here, Colonel Gibson's regiment stationed on the Ohio, Heath

and O'Hara's independent companies at the same stations, Colonel

Taylor's regiment of guards to the Convention troops: of these, we

have a return. There may, possibly, be others not occurring to me.

A return of all these would enable us to see what proportion of the

Continental army is contributed by us. We have, at present, very

pressing calls to send additional numbers of men to the southward. No

inclination is wanting in either the Legislature or Executive, to aid

them or strengthen you; but we find it very difficult to procure men.

I herewith transmit to your Excellency some recruiting commissions,

to be put into such hands as you may think proper, for re-enlisting

such of our soldiery as are not already engaged for the war. The Act

of Assembly, authorizing these instructions, requires that the men

enlisted should be reviewed and received by an officer to be appointed

for that purpose; a caution less necessary in the case of men now

actually in service, and, therefore, doubtless, able bodied, than in

the raising new recruits. The direction, however, goes to all cases,

and, therefore, we must trouble your Excellency with the appointment of

one or more officers of review. Mr. Moss, our agent, receives orders,

which accompany this, to pay the bounty money and recruiting money,

and to deliver the clothing. We have, however, certain reason to fear

he has not any great sum of money on hand; and it is absolutely out of

our power, at this time, to supply him, or to say, with certainty, when

we shall be able to do it. He is instructed to note his acceptances

under the draughts, and to assure payment as soon as we shall have it

in our power to furnish him, as the only substitute for money. Your

Excellency's directions to the officer of review, will probably procure

us the satisfaction of being informed, from time to time, how many men

shall be re-enlisted.

By Colonel Mathews, I informed your Excellency fully of the situation

of Governor Hamilton and his companions. Lamothe and Dejean have given

their paroles, and are at Hanover Court-House: Hamilton, Hay, and

others, are still obstinate; therefore, still in close confinement,

though their irons have never been on, since your second letter on the

subject. I wrote full information of this matter to General Phillips

also, from whom I had received letters on the subject. I cannot, in

reason, believe that the enemy, on receiving this information, either

from yourself or General Phillips, will venture to impose any new

cruelties on our officers in captivity with them. Yet their conduct,

hitherto, has been most successfully prognosticated by reversing

the conclusions of right reason. It is, therefore, my duty, as well

as it was my promise to the Virginia captives, to take measures for

discovering any change which may be made in their situation. For this

purpose, I must apply for your Excellency's interposition. I doubt not

but you have an established mode of knowing, at all times, through your

commissary of prisoners, the precise state of those in the power of the

enemy. I must, therefore, pray you to put into motions, any such means

you have, for obtaining knowledge of the situation of the Virginia

officers in captivity. If you should think proper, as I could wish, to

take upon yourself to retaliate any new sufferings which may be imposed

on them, it will be more likely to have due weight, and to restore

the unhappy on both sides, to that benevolent treatment for which all

should wish.

I have the honor to be, &c., &c.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, December 10, 1779.

SIR,--I take the liberty of putting under cover to your Excellency,

some letters to Generals Phillips and Reidezel, uninformed whether they

are gone into New York or not, and knowing that you can best forward

them in either case.

I also trouble you with a letter from the master of the flag in this

State, to the British commissary of prisoners in New York, trusting it

will thus be more certainly conveyed than if sent to Mr. Adams. It is

my wish that the British commissary should return his answer through

your Excellency, or your commissary of prisoners, and that they should

not propose, under this pretext, to send another flag, as the mission

of the present flag is not unattended with circumstances of suspicion;

and a certain information of the situation of ourselves and our allies

here, might influence the measures of the enemy.

Perhaps your commissary of prisoners can effect the former method of

answer.

I enclose to you part of an Act of Assembly ascertaining the quantity

of land which shall be allowed to the officers and soldiers at the

close of the war, and providing means of keeping that country vacant

which has been allotted for them.

I am advised to ask your Excellency's attention to the case of Colonel

Bland, late commander of the barracks in Albemarle. When that gentleman

was appointed to that command, he attended the Executive here, and

informed them, he must either decline it, or be supported in such a

way as would keep up that respect which was essential to his command;

without, at the same time, ruining his private fortune.

The Executive were sensible he would be exposed to great and

unavoidable expense: they observed, his command would be in a

department separate from any other, and that he actually relieved a

Major General from the same service. They did not think themselves

authorized to say what should be done in this case, but undertook to

represent the matter to Congress, and, in the meantime, gave it as

their opinion that he ought to be allowed a decent table. On this he

undertook the office, and in the course of it incurred expenses which

seemed to have been unavoidable, unless he would have lived in such

a way as is hardly reconcilable to the spirit of an officer, or the

reputation of those in whose service he is. Governor Henry wrote on the

subject to Congress; Colonel Bland did the same; but we learn they have

concluded the allowance to be unprecedented, and inadmissible in the

case of an officer of his rank. The commissaries, on this, have called

on Colonel Bland for reimbursement. A sale of his estate was about to

take place, when we undertook to recommend to them to suspend their

demand, till we could ask the favor of you to advocate this matter so

far with Congress, as you may think it right; otherwise the ruin of a

very worthy officer must inevitably follow.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem,

Your Excellency's most obedient servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WILLIAMSBURG, February 10, 1780.

SIR,--It is possible you may have heard, that in the course of last

summer an expedition was meditated, by our Colonel Clarke, against

Detroit: that he had proceeded so far as to rendezvous a considerable

body of Indians, I believe four or five thousand, at St. Vincennes;

but, being disappointed in the number of whites he expected, and not

choosing to rely principally on the Indians, he was obliged to decline

it. We have a tolerable prospect of reinforcing him this spring, to the

number which he thinks sufficient for the enterprise. We have informed

him of this, and left him to decide between this object, and that of

giving vigorous chastisement to those tribes of Indians, whose eternal

hostilities have proved them incapable of living on friendly terms

with us. It is our opinion, his inclination will lead him to determine

on the former. The reason of my laying before your Excellency this

matter, is, that it has been intimated to me that Colonel Broadhead

is meditating a similar expedition. I wished, therefore, to make you

acquainted with what we had in contemplation. The enterprising and

energetic genius of Clarke is not altogether unknown to you. You also

know (what I am a stranger to) the abilities of Broadhead, and the

particular force with which you will be able to arm him for such an

expedition. We wish the most hopeful means should be used for removing

so uneasy a thorn from our side. As yourself, alone, are acquainted

with all the circumstances necessary for well-informed decision, I am

to ask the favor of your Excellency, if you should think Broadhead's

undertaking it most likely to produce success, that you will be so

kind as to intimate to us to divert Clarke to the other object, which

is also important to this State. It will, of course, have weight with

you, in forming your determination, that our prospect of strengthening

Clarke's hands, sufficiently, is not absolutely certain. It may be

necessary, perhaps, to inform you, that these two officers cannot

act together, which excludes the hopes of ensuring success by a joint

expedition.

I have the honor to be, with the most sincere esteem, your Excellency's

most obedient and most humble servant.

TO GENERAL DE RIEDESEL.[87]

RICHMOND, May 3, 1780.

SIR,--Your several favors of December 4th, February 10th, and March

30th, are come duly to hand. I sincerely condole with Madame de

Riedesel on the birth of a _daughter_, but receive great pleasure from

the information of her recovery, as every circumstance of felicity to

her, yourself or family, is interesting to us. The little attentions

you are pleased to magnify so much, never deserved a mention or

thought. My mortification was that the peculiar situation in which

we were, put it out of our power to render your stay here more

comfortable. I am sorry to learn that the negotiations for the exchange

of prisoners have proved abortive, as well from a desire to see the

necessary distresses of war alleviated in every possible instance, as

that I am sensible how far yourself and family are interested in it.

Against this, however, is to be weighed the possibility that we may

again have a pleasure we should otherwise, perhaps, never have had;

that of seeing you again. Be this as it may, opposed as we happen

to be in our sentiments of duty and honor, and anxious for contrary

events, I shall, nevertheless, sincerely rejoice in every circumstance

of happiness or safety, which may attend you personally; and when a

termination of the present contest shall put it in my power to declare

to you more unreservedly, how sincere are the sentiments of esteem and

respect (wherein Mrs. Jefferson joins me) which I entertain for Madame

de Riedesel and yourself, and with which I am, Sir,

Your most obedient and most humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

RICHMOND, June 11, 1780.

SIR,--Major Galvan, as recommended by your Excellency, was dispatched

to his station without delay, and has been furnished with everything he

desired, as far as we were able. The line of expresses formed between

us, is such as will communicate intelligence from one to the other

in twenty-three hours. I have forwarded to him information of our

disasters in the South, as they have come to me.

Our intelligence from the southward is most lamentably defective.

Though Charleston has been in the hands of the enemy a month, we

hear nothing of their movements which can be relied on. Rumors

are, that they are penetrating northward. To remedy this defect, I

shall immediately establish a line of expresses from hence to the

neighborhood of their army, and send thither a sensible, judicious

person, to give us information of their movements. This intelligence

will, I hope, be conveyed to us at the rate of one hundred and

twenty miles in the twenty-four hours. They set out to their

stations to-morrow. I wish it were possible, that a like speedy line

of communication could be formed from hence to your Excellency's

head-quarters. Perfect and speedy information of what is passing in the

South, might put it in your power, perhaps, to frame your measures by

theirs. There is really nothing to oppose the progress of the enemy,

northward, but the cautious principles of the military art. North

Carolina is without arms. We do not abound. Those we have, are freely

imparted to them, but such is the state of their resources, that they

have not been able to move a single musket from this State to theirs.

All the wagons we can collect, have been furnished to the Marquis de

Kalb, and are assembled for the march of twenty-five hundred men, under

General Stevens, of Culpeper, who will move on the 10th instant. I have

written to Congress to hasten supplies of arms and military stores for

the Southern States, and particularly to aid us with cartridge-paper

and boxes, the want of which articles, small as they are, renders

our stores useless. The want of money cramps every effort. This will

be supplied by the most unpalatable of all substitutes, force. Your

Excellency will readily conceive, that, after the loss of one army,

our eyes are turned towards the other, and that we comfort ourselves,

if any aids can be furnished by you, without defeating the operations

more beneficial to the general union, they will be furnished. At the

same time, I am happy to find that the wishes of the people go no

further, as far as I have an opportunity of learning their sentiments.

Could arms be furnished, I think this State and North Carolina would

embody from ten to fifteen thousand militia, immediately, and more if

necessary.

I hope, ere long, to be able to give you a more certain statement of

the enemy's as well as our situation, which I shall not fail to do.

I enclose you a letter from Major Galvan, being the second I have

forwarded to you.

With sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, I have the

honor to be your Excellency's

Most obedient humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.

RICHMOND, July 2, 1780.

SIR,--I have received from the Committee of Congress, at head-quarters,

three letters calling for aids of men and provisions. I beg leave

to refer you to my letter to them, of this date, on those subjects.

I thought it necessary, however, to suggest to you the preparing an

arrangement of officers for the men; for, though they are to supply our

battalions, yet, as our whole line officers, almost, are in captivity,

I suppose some temporary provision must be made. We cheerfully transfer

to you every power which the Executive might exercise on this occasion.

As it is possible you may cast your eye on the unemployed officers now

within the State, I write to General Muhlenburg, to send you a return

of them. I think the men will be rendezvoused within the present month.

The bill, indeed, for raising them is not actually passed, but it is in

its last stage, and no opposition to any essential parts of it. I will

take care to notify you of its passage.

I have, with great pain, perceived your situation; and, the more

so, as, being situated between two fires, a division of sentiment

has arisen, both in Congress and here, as to which the resources of

this country should be sent. The removal of General Clinton to the

northward, must, of course, have great influence on the determination

of this question; and I have no doubt but considerable aids may be

drawn hence, for your army, unless a larger one should be embodied

in the South, than the force of the enemy there seems to call for. I

have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect and esteem, your

Excellency's

Most obedient humble servant.[88]

TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS.

RICHMOND, August 4, 1780.