CHAPTER XVIII.

K. K. K. AS A FACTOR IN POLITICS.

Late Announcement of the Earl of Beaconsfield before an Assembly of

Englishmen--The Secret Societies of Europe--Men of Influence in the

Southern States Disclaim the alleged Good Offices of the Klan in the

Work of Southern Redemption--Its True Status with Regard to Current

Politics--Combining the Offices of Regulator and _Vigilante_ with

that of Politician--An Absolutist in all Society Matters--Many who

advance the Idea that that Complete Renovation of the Social System

Effected through its Means could not have been Accomplished in the

Use of less Radical Measures--Inhuman Butcheries, etc., Figments of

the Scalawag Imagination--Many of its Acts were Lawless, etc.--A

Logical Presentation of the True Theory--How it Injured the Common

Cause--Its Generical Belongings--Few Friends Unconnected with its

Patronage--Negative Issue which it Introduced into the Great

Campaign--Occupying a Voice in Southern Counsels--Unprincipled

Plagiaries--Dangerous Sentimentalism Awakened at the North--What the

Imaginative Prose of the News-Reporter was Calculated to Do--How it

(K. K. K.) Prolonged the "Carpet-Bag" Reign of Terror.

The late announcement of the Earl of Beaconsfield (Mr. D'Israeli), before

an assembly of Englishmen, that the pending war against Turkey was the war

of the secret societies of Europe, conducted through Prince Milan, as

their agent, may induce incredulous persons to give greater heed to the

statement which we here make that the movement inaugurated by the secret

order known as the Ku-Klux-Klan was a war against radicalism as it

formerly existed in the Southern States, waged through its ... allies. If

the English premier speaks truth, there is a strong probability that the

secret purveyors to whom he refers will achieve their aim, and be crowned

with the same reflected glory that has availed to cover a multitude of

sins in the instance of the American order, though reflecting people, who

take into account the incentives to such measures, can but regard them as

intermeddlers of a very base stamp. The cause of religious liberty on the

Turkish frontier will not be benefited by this revelation; and, continuing

the analogy, there are few men of influence in the Southern States who do

not make it a point, whenever occasion offers, to disclaim the alleged

good offices of the Klan in the work of Southern redemption.

We have before intimated that, in one of these States, the cause of the

allied Democrats and Republicans did receive essential aid from this

source, and while we shall not enter into any such exegesis of the

question as would show just how far the common cause was aided or retarded

by the secret measure, we must be permitted to record a belief that its

influence was commonly hurtful.

Every secret society, enterprised with a political end in view, must, in

the nature of the case, prove unpopular with the masses of those who wield

the franchise, and in not unfrequent instances, as we have anticipated,

be deprehended by the very individuals, or parties of individuals, whom

they seek to succor. In the instance of the Klan, these conditions were

felt with peculiar weight; inasmuch as the people among whom it was

domiciled cherished, beside this common feeling, a natural aversion to

such influences in politics, derived from their _ante bellum_ experience;

and the people of the North, unacquainted with its aims, and grossly

unenlightened as to its _materiel_ and claims to social rank, wrote it

down a very monster of sedition. It was denounced in public, scoffed at in

private, declared to be an outlaw by the legislatures, interpreted as the

very essence of crookedness in morals by the courts, fulminated against by

the national and State executives, and how, under these severe conditions,

it contrived to even exist, is, and must remain, one of the unsolved

problems of the "gilded age."

But, aside from any inherited odium of the quality which we have been

discussing, the Klan had obliquities of its own, and a record compiled

therefrom which could not fail to photograph it to the world in a very

disagreeable light, and obtain for it enemies (and sometimes potential

enemies), where it would not otherwise have possessed them. Even its

interference in politics was of an illegitimate and unnatural kind, and

called forth the constant criticisms of such unprejudiced judges as those

who were to reap the benefits of their enterprises would likely prove.

But it did not stop here, and combined the offices of regulator and

_vigilante_ with that of politician. It was an absolutist in all society

matters, and those who offended in this regard could rarely base a hope of

immunity from visitation upon any well-defined precedents to be found

among its Domus Dei records. [We have seen, in the various sketches of

incidents connected with the Order, and based on its history, which have

been given in the progress of this work, the idea of its officiousness in

such details rendered prominent, and this has been done, in every

instance, with a view to subserve the intelligent aim upon which the work

is based: in a word, to render it a true reflector of the K. K. K. idea,

as it has existed in Southern society and politics.] But, leaving out of

the estimate the cruel measures sometimes resorted to in executing its

plans, there will be found many who advance the opinion that that complete

renovation of the social system accomplished through its means was a

necessity of the times which would hardly have been effected so quickly

and so thoroughly in the use of less radical measures.

And in this connection, it may not be deemed digressive to say, that the

many inhuman butcheries with which it was debited by a _not too

discriminative public_, never in reality occurred (in no instance unless

through accident or mistake), and were pure figments of the scalawag

imagination--an imperent element of Southern politics, whose acts had

provoked the reign of terror which it took this dishonest means of

deprecating.

But as nothing could be further from our purpose than to become the

champion of this secret movement--which might be inferred from a too ready

condemnation of its enemies--we hasten to add our conviction that many of

its acts were lawless, many of its correctives applied to social maladies

improportioned in severity, and its entire administration, social and

political, an incontinent abuse of usurped prerogative. We have said that

in politics its influence was hurtful to those in whose behalf it was

officiously employed, and we wish to verify this statement in a logical

manner. Assuming that our position is fully understood by the reader, the

information may be volunteered in its support, that the rank and file of

the Order comprised the radical element in Southern politics (native),

Democrats and Republicans (and not a few of the latter), a force, which it

was reasonable to presume, would enterprise radical measures only in

support of its aims. The organization, then, standing alone, and

segregated from any influences which itself may have set in motion, could

not have failed of ungracious treatment from those domestic surroundings

which it had ignored, but upon which it was confessedly dependent. The

great _party_ from which it had seceded, controlled by a rigid system of

morals in politics, viewed from habit all such movements with suspicion;

and as there was nothing in either the manners or the policy of this

departure calculated to remove the antipathies of the prejudiced, or to

win the affections of the disengaged, reflector of opinion, it failed

altogether to secure discriminations in its favor, which would have placed

it above such considerations. From this standpoint (_i. e._, its

individuality) it conciliated nobody, for even its externals were

forbidding; and the ignorant and educated classes alike--though perhaps

from diverse considerations--cherished a suppressed sentiment unfavorable

to its affectation of the supernatural, and its partiality for the shadowy

in nature.

But while it lost popularity where it should have gained it,--through

generical belongings which, possibly, could not have been rendered more in

harmony with the public fancy,--there was certainly nothing reassuring to

its fellow-citizens in the record which it put before the world. While, as

we have said, there was nothing monstrous, nor even designedly criminal in

its acts, there was so much that offended against propriety, and required

explanation withal, that those who had not been estranged before, as well

as those who had, became hopelessly so. It had not been in existence a

twelvemonth, before its name, in the localities which it frequented most,

became a by-word signifying something very forbidding and disagreeable, if

not actually criminal. In the dozen States or more whence its force was

recruited, it had not half a hundred friends unconnected with its

patronage, and these could hardly have been induced to have made a public

profession of their preference.

Its influence on Southern politics, then, could not have been favorable;

and having said so much as to the positive effect wrought, we shall

briefly examine the negative issue which it introduced into the great

campaign. And in doing this, we shall not attempt to penetrate its

motives, nor inquire how far it was responsible for acts which but

reflected an evil tendency. The reader has, doubtless, anticipated us in

the statement that it alienated the political mind of the North, reopened

the dead issues of secession and war, and licensed a political persecution

which, in extent and malignity of design, has not been equalled since the

Roman empire dictated government to its conquered dependencies.

Reconstruction, having been inaugurated under favorable auspices, was not

to be pretermitted, nor even abated, while this sage Ahithophel occupied a

voice in Southern counsels (rendering a war of races possible); and who

will affect to say that this policy had no basis of sound reason? The

society, a mystery to itself, and sorely misinterpreted by the people

among whom it was domesticated, became, of course, a monster of blended

secretiveness and iniquity to those who had small means of becoming

acquainted with even its aims through unprejudiced sources. Added to this,

the most unprincipled plagiaries of its actual history--perpetrated by

those local enemies who had most to fear from the movement--found their

way constantly into the news mediums of the country, awakening, in the

North at least, that dangerous sentimentalism which, more than politics

and religion combined, influences the mind of the nation.

Atrocities of which the body could not have been guilty, even in

thought--horrors from which it would have shrunk with the same symptoms of

dismay that clouded the brow of the Northern reader at their bare

relation--were rescued from the carpet-bagger dialect, and rendered into

the imaginative prose of the news-reporter, with the design of securing

enemies, not for the Ku-Klux movement, but the cause of Conservatism in

the South. Many of these slanders never reached the individuals or

communities who would have been authorized to refute them, and when their

disclaimers were uttered they were either unheard or unheeded.

We do not, of course, affect to say how long the evils of reconstruction

were prolonged in the South by means of this influence, but there can be

no doubt that it excited such a tendency, and for a long time proved the

forlorn hope of the enemies of good government in this section. Many of

the wise and good men who had joined the movement in its inception soon

became aware of their mistake, and abandoned all connection therewith.

Others followed at a later date, and about the year 1873 a general

disbandment ensued, leaving only guerillas in the field.

K. K. K. sketches, humorous and didactic · 第 18 / 20 章