Chapter 12. The Negro as a Soldier

There was in our regiment a very young recruit, named Sam Roberts, of

whom Trowbridge used to tell this story. Early in the war Trowbridge had

been once sent to Amelia Island with a squad of men, under direction of

Commodore Goldsborough, to remove the negroes from the island. As the

officers stood on the beach, talking to some of the older freedmen, they

saw this urchin peeping at them from front and rear in a scrutinizing

way, for which his father at last called him to account, as thus:--

"Hi! Sammy, what you's doin', chile?"

"Daddy," said the inquisitive youth, "don't you know mas'r tell us

Yankee hab tail? I don't see no tail, daddy!"

There were many who went to Port Royal during the war, in civil or

military positions, whose previous impressions of the colored race were

about as intelligent as Sam's view of themselves. But, for once, I had

always had so much to do with fugitive slaves, and had studied the whole

subject with such interest, that I found not much to learn or unlearn as

to this one point. Their courage I had before seen tested; their docile

and lovable qualities I had known; and the only real surprise that

experience brought me was in finding them so little demoralized. I had

not allowed for the extreme remoteness and seclusion of their lives,

especially among the Sea Islands. Many of them had literally spent their

whole existence on some lonely island or remote plantation, where the

master never came, and the overseer only once or twice a week. With

these exceptions, such persons had never seen a white face, and of the

excitements or sins of larger communities they had not a conception. My

friend Colonel Hallo-well, of the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts, told

me that he had among his men some of the worst reprobates of Northern

cities. While I had some men who were unprincipled and troublesome,

there was not one whom I could call a hardened villain. I was constantly

expecting to find male Topsies, with no notions of good and plenty of

evil. But I never found one. Among the most ignorant there was very

often a childlike absence of vices, which was rather to be classed as

inexperience than as innocence, but which had some of the advantages of

both.

Apart from this, they were very much like other men. General Saxton,

examining with some impatience a long list of questions from some

philanthropic Commission at the North, respecting the traits and

habits of the freedmen, bade some staff-officer answer them all in two

words,--"Intensely human." We all admitted that it was a striking and

comprehensive description.

For instance, as to courage. So far as I have seen, the mass of men are

naturally courageous up to a certain point. A man seldom runs away from

danger which he ought to face, unless others run; each is apt to

keep with the mass, and colored soldiers have more than usual of this

gregariousness. In almost every regiment, black or white, there are a

score or two of men who are naturally daring, who really hunger after

dangerous adventures, and are happiest when allowed to seek them. Every

commander gradually finds out who these men are, and habitually uses

them; certainly I had such, and I remember with delight their bearing,

their coolness, and their dash. Some of them were negroes, some

mulattoes. One of them would have passed for white, with brown hair

and blue eyes, while others were so black you could hardly see their

features. These picked men varied in other respects too; some were

neat and well-drilled soldiers, while others were slovenly, heedless

fellows,--the despair of their officers at inspection, their pride on a

raid. They were the natural scouts and rangers of the regiment; they had

the two-o'clock-in-the-morning courage, which Napoleon thought so rare.

The mass of the regiment rose to the same level under excitement, and

were more excitable, I think, than whites, but neither more nor less

courageous.

Perhaps the best proof of a good average of courage among them was in

the readiness they always showed for any special enterprise. I do

not remember ever to have had the slightest difficulty in obtaining

volunteers, but rather in keeping down the number. The previous pages

include many illustrations of this, as well as of then: endurance of

pain and discomfort. For instance, one of my lieutenants, a very daring

Irishman, who had served for eight years as a sergeant of regular

artillery in Texas, Utah, and South Carolina, said he had never been

engaged in anything so risky as our raid up the St. Mary's. But in truth

it seems to me a mere absurdity to deliberately argue the question of

courage, as applied to men among whom I waked and slept, day and night,

for so many months together. As well might he who has been wandering for

years upon the desert, with a Bedouin escort, discuss the courage of the

men whose tents have been his shelter and whose spears his guard. We,

their officers, did not go there to teach lessons, but to receive them.

There were more than a hundred men in the ranks who had voluntarily met

more dangers in their escape from slavery than any of my young captains

had incurred in all their lives.

There was a family named Wilson, I remember, of which we had several

representatives. Three or four brothers had planned an escape from the

interior to our lines; they finally decided that the youngest should

stay and take care of the old mother; the rest, with their sister and

her children, came in a "dug-out" down one of the rivers. They were

fired upon, again and again, by the pickets along the banks, until

finally every man on board was wounded; and still they got safely

through. When the bullets began to fly about them, the woman shed tears,

and her little girl of nine said to her, "Don't cry, mother, Jesus will

help you," and then the child began praying as the wounded men still

urged the boat along. This the mother told me, but I had previously

heard it from on officer who was on the gunboat that picked them

up,--a big, rough man, whose voice fairly broke as he described their

appearance. He said that the mother and child had been hid for nine

months in the woods before attempting their escape, and the child would

speak to no one,--indeed, she hardly would when she came to our camp.

She was almost white, and this officer wished to adopt her, but the

mother said, "I would do anything but that for _oonah_," this being

a sort of Indian formation of the second-person-plural, such as they

sometimes use. This same officer afterwards saw a reward offered for

this family in a Savannah paper.

I used to think that I should not care to read "Uncle Tom's Cabin" hi

our camp; it would have seemed tame. Any group of men in a tent would

have had more exciting tales to tell. I needed no fiction when I had

Fanny Wright, for instance, daily passing to and fro before my tent,

with her shy little girl clinging to her skirts. Fanny was a modest

little mulatto woman, a soldier's wife, and a company laundress. She had

escaped from the main-land in a boat, with that child and another. Her

baby was shot dead in her arms, and she reached our lines with one child

safe on earth and the other in heaven. I never found it needful to give

any elementary instructions in courage to Fanny's husband, you may be

sure.

There was another family of brothers in the regiment named Miller. Their

grandmother, a fine-looking old woman, nearly seventy, I should think,

but erect as a pine-tree, used sometimes to come and visit them. She and

her husband had once tried to escape from a plantation near Savannah.

They had failed, and had been brought back; the husband had received

five hundred lashes, and while the white men on the plantation

were viewing the punishment, she was collecting her children and

grandchildren, to the number of twenty-two, in a neighboring marsh,

preparatory to another attempt that night. They found a flat-boat which

had been rejected as unseaworthy, got on board,--still under the old

woman's orders,--and drifted forty miles down the river to our lines.

Trowbridge happened to be on board the gunboat which picked them up,

and he said that when the "flat" touched the side of the vessel, the

grandmother rose to her full height, with her youngest grandchild in her

arms, and said only, "My God! are we free?" By one of those coincidences

of which life is full, her husband escaped also, after his punishment,

and was taken up by the same gunboat.

I hardly need point out that my young lieutenants did not have to teach

the principles of courage to this woman's grandchildren.

I often asked myself why it was that, with this capacity of daring

and endurance, they had not kept the land in a perpetual flame of

insurrection; why, especially since the opening of the war, they had

kept so still. The answer was to be found in the peculiar temperament of

the races, in their religious faith, and in the habit of patience that

centuries had fortified. The shrewder men all said substantially the

same thing. What was the use of insurrection, where everything was

against them? They had no knowledge, no money, no arms, no drill, no

organization,--above all, no mutual confidence. It was the tradition

among them that all insurrections were always betrayed by somebody.

They had no mountain passes to defend like the Maroons of Jamaica,--no

unpenetrable swamps, like the Maroons of Surinam. Where they had these,

even on a small scale, they had used them,--as in certain swamps round

Savannah and in the everglades of Florida, where they united with the

Indians, and would stand fire--so I was told by General Saxton, who had

fought them there--when the Indians would retreat.

It always seemed to me that, had I been a slave, my life would have been

one long scheme of insurrection. But I learned to respect the patient

self-control of those who had waited till the course of events should

open a better way. When it came they accepted it. Insurrection on their

part would at once have divided the Northern sentiment; and a large part

of our army would have joined with the Southern army to hunt them down.

By their waiting till we needed them, their freedom was secured.

Two things chiefly surprised me in their feeling toward their former

masters,--the absence of affection and the absence of revenge. I

expected to find a good deal of the patriarchal feeling. It always

seemed to me a very ill-applied emotion, as connected with the facts and

laws of American slavery,--still I expected to find it. I suppose that

my men and their families and visitors may have had as much of it as

the mass of freed slaves; but certainly they had not a particle. I

never could cajole one of them, in his most discontented moment, into

regretting "ole mas'r time" for a single instant. I never heard one

speak of the masters except as natural enemies. Yet they were perfectly

discriminating as to individuals; many of them claimed to have had kind

owners, and some expressed great gratitude to them for particular favors

received. It was not the individuals, but the ownership, of which they

complained. That they saw to be a wrong which no special kindnesses

could right. On this, as on all points connected with slavery, they

understood the matter as clearly as Garrison or Phillips; the wisest

philosophy could teach them nothing as to that, nor could any false

philosophy befog them. After all, personal experience is the best

logician.

Certainly this indifference did not proceed from any want of personal

affection, for they were the most affectionate people among whom I had

ever lived. They attached themselves to every officer who deserved love,

and to some who did not; and if they failed to show it to their masters,

it proved the wrongfulness of the mastery. On the other hand, they

rarely showed one gleam of revenge, and I shall never forget the

self-control with which one of our best sergeants pointed out to me, at

Jacksonville, the very place where one of his brothers had been hanged

by the whites for leading a party of fugitive slaves. He spoke of it as

a historic matter, without any bearing on the present issue.

But side by side with this faculty of patience, there was a certain

tropical element in the men, a sort of fiery ecstasy when aroused,

which seemed to link them by blood with the French Turcos, and made

them really resemble their natural enemies, the Celts, far more than

the Anglo-Saxon temperament. To balance this there were great individual

resources when alone,--a sort of Indian wiliness and subtlety of

resource. Their gregariousness and love of drill made them more easy to

keep in hand than white American troops, who rather like to straggle or

go in little squads, looking out for themselves, without being bothered

with officers. The blacks prefer organization.

The point of inferiority that I always feared, though I never had

occasion to prove it, was that they might show less fibre, less tough

and dogged resistance, than whites, during a prolonged trial,--a long,

disastrous march, for instance, or the hopeless defence of a besieged

town. I should not be afraid of their mutinying or running away, but of

their drooping and dying. It might not turn out so; but I mention it

for the sake of fairness, and to avoid overstating the merits of these

troops. As to the simple general fact of courage and reliability I

think no officer in our camp ever thought of there being any difference

between black and white. And certainly the opinions of these officers,

who for years risked their lives every moment on the fidelity of their

men, were worth more than those of all the world beside.

No doubt there were reasons why this particular war was an especially

favorable test of the colored soldiers. They had more to fight for than

the whites. Besides the flag and the Union, they had home and wife and

child. They fought with ropes round their necks, and when orders were

issued that the officers of colored troops should be put to death on

capture, they took a grim satisfaction. It helped their _esprit de

corps_ immensely. With us, at least, there was to be no play-soldier.

Though they had begun with a slight feeling of inferiority to the white

troops, this compliment substituted a peculiar sense of self-respect.

And even when the new colored regiments began to arrive from the North

my men still pointed out this difference,--that in case of ultimate

defeat, the Northern troops, black or white, would go home, while the

First South Carolina must fight it out or be re-enslaved. This was one

thing that made the St. John's River so attractive to them and even to

me;--it was so much nearer the everglades. I used seriously to ponder,

during the darker periods of the war, whether I might not end my days as

an outlaw,--a leader of Maroons.

Meanwhile, I used to try to make some capital for the Northern troops,

in their estimate, by pointing out that it was a disinterested thing in

these men from the free States, to come down there and fight, that the

slaves might be free. But they were apt keenly to reply, that many of

the white soldiers disavowed this object, and said that that was not

the object of the war, nor even likely to be its end. Some of them even

repeated Mr. Seward's unfortunate words to Mr. Adams, which some general

had been heard to quote. So, on the whole, I took nothing by the motion,

as was apt to be the case with those who spoke a good word for our

Government, in those vacillating and half proslavery days.

At any rate, this ungenerous discouragement had this good effect, that

it touched their pride; they would deserve justice, even if they did

not obtain it. This pride was afterwards severely tested during the

disgraceful period when the party of repudiation in Congress temporarily

deprived them of their promised pay. In my regiment the men never

mutinied, nor even threatened mutiny; they seemed to make it a matter of

honor to do then: part, even if the Government proved a defaulter;

but one third of them, including the best men in the regiment, quietly

refused to take a dollar's pay, at the reduced price. "We'se gib our

sogerin' to de Guv'ment, Gunnel," they said, "but we won't 'spise

ourselves so much for take de seben dollar." They even made a

contemptuous ballad, of which I once caught a snatch.

"Ten dollar a month!

Tree ob dat for clothin'l

Go to Washington

Fight for Linkum's darter!"

This "Lincoln's daughter" stood for the Goddess of Liberty, it would

seem. They would be true to her, but they would not take the half-pay.

This was contrary to my advice, and to that of other officers; but I

now think it was wise. Nothing less than this would have called the

attention of the American people to this outrageous fraud.*

* See Appendix.

The same slow forecast had often marked their action in other ways. One

of our ablest sergeants, Henry Mclntyre, who had earned two dollars and

a half per day as a master-carpenter in Florida, and paid one dollar and

a half to his master, told me that he had deliberately refrained from

learning to read, because that knowledge exposed the slaves to so much

more watching and suspicion. This man and a few others had built on

contract the greater part of the town of Micanopy in Florida, and was a

thriving man when his accustomed discretion failed for once, and he lost

all. He named his child William Lincoln, and it brought upon him such

suspicion that he had to make his escape.

I cannot conceive what people at the North mean by speaking of the

negroes as a bestial or brutal race. Except in some insensibility to

animal pain, I never knew of an act in my regiment which I should call

brutal. In reading Kay's "Condition of the English Peasantry" I was

constantly struck with the unlikeness of my men to those therein

described. This could not proceed from my prejudices as an abolitionist,

for they would have led me the other way, and indeed I had once written

a little essay to show the brutalizing influences of slavery. I learned

to think that we abolitionists had underrated the suffering produced

by slavery among the negroes, but had overrated the demoralization. Or

rather, we did not know how the religious temperament of the negroes

had checked the demoralization. Yet again, it must be admitted that this

temperament, born of sorrow and oppression, is far more marked in the

slave than in the native African.

Theorize as we may, there was certainly in our camp an average tone of

propriety which all visitors noticed, and which was not created, but

only preserved by discipline. I was always struck, not merely by the

courtesy of the men, but also by a certain sober decency of language.

If a man had to report to me any disagreeable fact, for instance, he

was sure to do it with gravity and decorum, and not blurt it out in an

offensive way. And it certainly was a significant fact that the ladies

of our camp, when we were so fortunate as to have such guests, the young

wives, especially, of the adjutant and quartermaster, used to go among

the tents when the men were off duty, in order to hear their big pupils

read and spell, without the slightest fear of annoyance. I do not mean

direct annoyance or insult, for no man who valued his life would have

ventured that in presence of the others, but I mean the annoyance of

accidentally seeing or hearing improprieties not intended for them. They

both declared that they would not have moved about with anything like

the same freedom in any white camp they had ever entered, and it

always roused their indignation to hear the negro race called brutal or

depraved.

This came partly from natural good manners, partly from the habit of

deference, partly from ignorance of the refined and ingenious evil which

is learned in large towns; but a large part came from their strongly

religious temperament. Their comparative freedom from swearing,

for instance,--an abstinence which I fear military life did not

strengthen,--was partly a matter of principle. Once I heard one of them

say to another, in a transport of indignation, "Ha-a-a, boy, s'pose I no

be a Christian, I cuss you sol"--which was certainly drawing pretty hard

upon the bridle. "Cuss," however, was a generic term for all manner

of evil speaking; they would say, "He cuss me fool," or "He cuss

me coward," as if the essence of propriety were in harsh and angry

speech,--which I take to be good ethics. But certainly, if Uncle Toby

could have recruited his army in Flanders from our ranks, their swearing

would have ceased to be historic.

It used to seem to me that never, since Cromwell's time, had there been

soldiers in whom the religious element held such a place. "A religious

army," "a gospel army," were their frequent phrases. In their

prayer-meetings there was always a mingling, often quaint enough, of

the warlike and the pious. "If each one of us was a praying man," said

Corporal Thomas Long in a sermon, "it appears to me that we could fight

as well with prayers as with bullets,--for the Lord has said that if you

have faith even as a grain of mustard-seed cut into four parts, you

can say to the sycamore-tree, Arise, and it will come up." And though

Corporal Long may have got a little perplexed in his botany, his faith

proved itself by works, for he volunteered and went many miles on a

solitary scouting expedition into the enemy's country in Florida, and

got back safe, after I had given him up for lost.

The extremes of religious enthusiasm I did not venture to encourage, for

I could not do it honestly; neither did I discourage them, but simply

treated them with respect, and let them have their way, so long as they

did not interfere with discipline. In general they promoted it. The

mischievous little drummer-boys, whose scrapes and quarrels were the

torment of my existence, might be seen kneeling together in their tents

to say their prayers at night, and I could hope that their slumbers were

blessed by some spirit of peace, such as certainly did not rule over

their waking. The most reckless and daring fellows in the regiment were

perfect fatalists in theur confidence that God would watch over them,

and that if they died, it would be because theur time had come. This

almost excessive faith, and the love of freedom and of their families,

all co-operated with their pride as soldiers to make them do their duty.

I could not have spared any of these incentives. Those of our officers

who were personally the least influenced by such considerations, still

saw the need of encouraging them among the men.

I am bound to say that this strongly devotional turn was not always

accompanied by the practical virtues; but neither was it strikingly

divorced from them. A few men, I remember, who belonged to the ancient

order of hypocrites, but not many. Old Jim Cushman was our favorite

representative scamp. He used to vex his righteous soul over the

admission of the unregenerate to prayer-meetings, and went off once

shaking his head and muttering, "Too much goat shout wid de sheep." But

he who objected to this profane admixture used to get our mess-funds far

more hopelessly mixed with his own, when he went out to buy chickens.

And I remember that, on being asked by our Major, in that semi-Ethiopian

dialect into which we sometimes slid, "How much wife you got, Jim?" the

veteran replied, with a sort of penitence for lost opportunities, "On'y

but four, Sah!"

Another man of somewhat similar quality went among us by the name of

Henry Ward Beecher, from a remarkable resemblance in face and figure to

that sturdy divine. I always felt a sort of admiration for this worthy,

because of the thoroughness with which he outwitted me, and the sublime

impudence in which he culminated. He got a series of passes from me,

every week or two, to go and see his wife on a neighboring plantation,

and finally, when this resource seemed exhausted, he came boldly for one

more pass, that he might go and be married.

We used to quote _him_ a good deal, also, as a sample of a certain

Shakespearian boldness of personification in which the men sometimes

indulged. Once, I remember, his captain had given him a fowling-piece

to clean. Henry Ward had left it in the captain's tent, and the latter,

finding it, had transferred the job to some one else.

Then came a confession, in this precise form, with many dignified

gesticulations:--

"Cappen! I took dat gun, and I put bun in Cappen tent. Den I look,

and de gun not dar! Den Conscience say, Cappen mus' hab gib dat gun to

somebody else for clean. Den I say, Conscience, you reason correck."

Compare Lancelot Gobbo's soliloquy in the "Two Gentlemen of Verona"!

Still, I maintain that, as a whole, the men were remarkably free from

inconvenient vices. There was no more lying and stealing than in average

white regiments. The surgeon was not much troubled by shamming sickness,

and there were not a great many complaints of theft. There was less

quarrelling than among white soldiers, and scarcely ever an instance of

drunkenness. Perhaps the influence of their officers had something to do

with this; for not a ration of whiskey was ever issued to the men, nor

did I ever touch it, while in the army, nor approve a requisition for

any of the officers, without which it could not easily be obtained. In

this respect our surgeons fortunately agreed with me, and we never

had reason to regret it. I believe the use of ardent spirits to be

as useless and injurious in the army as on board ship, and among the

colored troops, especially, who had never been accustomed to it, I think

that it did only harm.

The point of greatest laxity in their moral habits--the want of a high

standard of chastity--was not one which affected their camp life to any

great extent, and it therefore came less under my observation. But I

found to my relief that, whatever their deficiency in this respect, it

was modified by the general quality of their temperament, and indicated

rather a softening and relaxation than a hardening and brutalizing of

their moral natures. Any insult or violence in this direction was a

thing unknown. I never heard of an instance. It was not uncommon for

men to have two or three wives in different plantations,--the second,

or remoter, partner being called a "'broad wife,"--i.e. wife abroad.

But the whole tendency was toward marriage, and this state of things was

only regarded as a bequest from "mas'r time."

I knew a great deal about their marriages, for they often consulted me,

and took my counsel as lovers are wont to do,--that is, when it pleased

their fancy. Sometimes they would consult their captains first, and then

come to me in despairing appeal. "Cap'n Scroby [Trowbridge] he acvise

me not for marry dis lady, 'cause she hab seben chil'en. What for use?

Cap'n Scroby can't lub for me. I mus' lub for myself, and I lub he." I

remember that on this occasion "he" stood by, a most unattractive woman,

jet black, with an old pink muslin dress, torn white cotton gloves, and

a very flowery bonnet, that must have descended through generations of

tawdry mistresses.

I felt myself compelled to reaffirm the decision of the inferior court.

The result was as usual. They were married the next day, and I believe

that she proved an excellent wife, though she had seven children, whose

father was also in the regiment. If she did not, I know many others

who did, and certainly I have never seen more faithful or more happy

marriages than among that people.

The question was often asked, whether the Southern slaves or the

Northern free blacks made the best soldiers. It was a compliment to both

classes that each officer usually preferred those whom he had personally

commanded. I preferred those who had been slaves, for their greater

docility and affectionateness, for the powerful stimulus which their new

freedom gave, and for the fact that they were fighting, in a manner,

for their own homes and firesides. Every one of these considerations

afforded a special aid to discipline, and cemented a peculiar tie of

sympathy between them and their officers. They seemed like clansmen,

and had a more confiding and filial relation to us than seemed to me to

exist in the Northern colored regiments.

So far as the mere habits of slavery went, they were a poor preparation

for military duty. Inexperienced officers often assumed that, because

these men had been slaves before enlistment, they would bear to be

treated as such afterwards. Experience proved the contrary. The more

strongly we marked the difference between the slave and the soldier, the

better for the regiment. One half of military duty lies in obedience,

the other half in self-respect. A soldier without self-respect is

worthless. Consequently there were no regiments in which it was so

important to observe the courtesies and proprieties of military life

as in these. I had to caution the officers to be more than usually

particular in returning the salutations of the men; to be very careful

in their dealings with those on picket or guard-duty; and on no account

to omit the titles of the non-commissioned officers. So, in dealing

out punishments, we had carefully to avoid all that was brutal and

arbitrary, all that savored of the overseer. Any such dealing found them

as obstinate and contemptuous as was Topsy when Miss Ophelia undertook

to chastise her. A system of light punishments, rigidly administered

according to the prescribed military forms, had more weight with them

than any amount of angry severity. To make them feel as remote as

possible from the plantation, this was essential. By adhering to this,

and constantly appealing to their pride as soldiers and their sense of

duty, we were able to maintain a high standard of discipline,--so, at

least, the inspecting officers said,--and to get rid, almost entirely,

of the more degrading class of punishments,--standing on barrels, tying

up by the thumbs, and the ball and chain.

In all ways we had to educate their self-respect. For instance, at first

they disliked to obey their own non-commissioned officers. "I don't want

him to play de white man ober me," was a sincere objection. They had

been so impressed with a sense of inferiority that the distinction

extended to the very principles of honor. "I ain't got colored-man

principles," said Corporal London Simmons, indignantly defending himself

from some charge before me. "I'se got white-gemman principles. I'se do

my best. If Cap'n tell me to take a man, s'pose de man be as big as

a house, I'll clam hold on him till I die, inception [excepting] I'm

sick."

But it was plain that this feeling was a bequest of slavery, which

military life would wear off. We impressed it upon them that they did

not obey their officers because they were white, but because they were

their officers, just as the Captain must obey me, and I the General;

that we were all subject to military law, and protected by it in

turn. Then we taught them to take pride in having good material for

noncommissioned officers among themselves, and in obeying them. On

my arrival there was one white first sergeant, and it was a question

whether to appoint others. This I prevented, but left that one, hoping

the men themselves would at last petition for his removal, which

at length they did. He was at once detailed on other duty. The

picturesqueness of the regiment suffered, for he was very tall and fair,

and I liked to see him step forward in the centre when the line of first

sergeants came together at dress-parade. But it was a help to discipline

to eliminate the Saxon, for it recognized a principle.

Afterwards I had excellent battalion-drills without a single white

officer, by way of experiment; putting each company under a sergeant,

and going through the most difficult movements, such as division-columns

and oblique-squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no

injustice to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of

them received from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Sergeant

Rivers. I should have tried to obtain commissions for him and several

others before I left the regiment, had their literary education been

sufficient; and such an attempt was finally made by Lieutenant-Colonel

Trowbridge, my successor in immediate command, but it proved

unsuccessful. It always seemed to me an insult to those brave men to

have novices put over their heads, on the ground of color alone; and the

men felt it the more keenly as they remained longer in service. There

were more than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mustered

out after more than three years' service. The ranks had been kept full

by enlistment, but there were only fourteen line-officers instead of the

full thirty. The men who should have filled those vacancies were doing

duty as sergeants in the ranks.

In what respect were the colored troops a source of disappointment? To

me in one respect only,--that of health. Their health improved, indeed,

as they grew more familiar with military life; but I think that neither

their physical nor moral temperament gave them that toughness, that

obstinate purpose of living, which sustains the more materialistic

Anglo-Saxon. They had not, to be sure, the same predominant diseases,

suffering in the pulmonary, not in the digestive organs; but they

suffered a good deal. They felt malaria less, but they were more

easily choked by dust and made ill by dampness. On the other hand,

they submitted more readily to sanitary measures than whites, and,

with efficient officers, were more easily kept clean. They were injured

throughout the army by an undue share of fatigue duty, which is not only

exhausting but demoralizing to a soldier; by the un-suitableness of the

rations, which gave them salt meat instead of rice and hominy; and

by the lack of good medical attendance. Their childlike constitutions

peculiarly needed prompt and efficient surgical care; but almost all the

colored troops were enlisted late in the war, when it was hard to get

good surgeons for any regiments, and especially for these. In this

respect I had nothing to complain of, since there were no surgeons in

the army for whom I would have exchanged my own.

And this late arrival on the scene affected not only the medical

supervision of the colored troops, but their opportunity for a career.

It is not my province to write their history, nor to vindicate them,

nor to follow them upon those larger fields compared with which the

adventures of my regiment appear but a partisan warfare. Yet this, at

least, may be said. The operations on the South Atlantic coast, which

long seemed a merely subordinate and incidental part of the great

contest, proved to be one of the final pivots on which it turned. All

now admit that the fate of the Confederacy was decided by Sherman's

march to the sea. Port Royal was the objective point to which he

marched, and he found the Department of the South, when he reached it,

held almost exclusively by colored troops. Next to the merit of those

who made the march was that of those who held open the door. That

service will always remain among the laurels of the black regiments.

Army Life in a Black Regiment · 第 12 / 13 章