I have great pleasure in stating to you that I find the affairs of

the Province to be generally in a very prosperous condition. It

will be useful however, to observe closely, how far this prosperity

depends upon adventitious circumstances and in what degree it rests

upon our own inherent means and resources: for it is necessary to

contemplate the condition in which the Country might be placed, by

alterations in such of her transactions as may be deemed

precarious, to feel, with due effect, the necessity, which I

earnestly represent, of attending zealously to those internal

resources which are not of that uncertain description. The trade of

the Province is, at present, very active; but much of that activity

depends obviously, upon external circumstances, on the permanency

of which, it were imprudent to continue to stake so exclusively,

the well being of the Country. It will be prudent, therefore, to

endeavour to open channels by which we may make our Commerce more

general, consequently less precarious, and particularly to

establish and improve commercial intercourse with our sister

Colonies. Taking from _them_, what we require, we may make returns

by some important operations of our industry, and particularly by

the proceeds of an advantageous trade which this transaction would

greatly extend; contributing thus to each others wants, in a way

mutually beneficial: and, in an union of interests, promoting and

consolidating strong and lasting ties.

Other channels for commercial operations of very advantageous

natures invite us to cultivate with increased activity, that rich

source of wealth (one of our natural advantages) which our

Fisheries present! These, if rendered more productive, will afford

us great additional facilities in trade with the new States of

South America: and there are favourable openings in the liberal

policy of the present times, which should encourage us to

cultivate, by every means, commercial intercourse with those

States. By your wisdom and bounty the Fisheries have been improved

on remote parts of the coasts of British America; but I recommend

you to consider whether the Home or Coast Fisheries might not be

brought more under the fostering and stimulating influence of your

bounty by some extension of its provisions. The main branch of our

manufacturing industry (Ship-Building) has increased prodigiously,

and is now carried on to an extent beyond that of any former

period: but it is submitted to your consideration whether it is not

accompanied by some disadvantageous circumstances which detract

vastly from the great value it might be made to produce, and to

leave in the Province; and for which I have no doubt, you will

adopt prudent remedies that will render this branch of industry

more staple, as well as more beneficial.

Vast sums are sent from this Province, in specie, for the purchase

of foreign agricultural produce. This enormous burthen operating in

fact, as a tax raised by foreign industry on our food, contributes

to raise high above the rate in surrounding Countries, the wages of

labour here, and to lay the Province under corresponding difficulty

and disability in every branch of its industry. It comes home to

us, grievously, in various forms, in every operation of our

domestic and political economy; and I appeal to your wisdom, to

your patriotism, to the real interests, and to the public spirit of

the Country for zealous co-operations in the measures and exertions

necessary to relieve the Province from this most serious

difficulty.

Agricultural, Emigrant, and other Societies should be encouraged to

extend and exert their influence in every way that can tend to

promote, improve, circulate and distinguish the modes and means

most favourable to augment the production of subsistence. By such

means, too, we may reasonably expect soon to possess a population

sufficient for the operative parts of all other branches of

industry; and when these several operations shall all be executed

by British Subjects and British Colonists, the Province will feel

and exhibit in her condition the good effects of having closed

those drains that have long carried off much capital which

otherwise would have been laid out in the Merchants' stores, in the

cultivation of the soil, and in other productive enterprizes of

vast advantage.

Large sums have been expended on the Great Roads of this Province;

but their condition shows the inefficiency of the present system,

in appropriation and execution. This arises, chiefly, from having

tried too much, and in such attempts dispersing limited means, to

superficial and endless labor; on works far too numerous and

costly, to be all substantially improved at the same time. Such

appropriation, therefore, should be made of the sums which may be

allotted to the Great Roads as may ensure effectual exertion upon

them in succession, and in the order of their importance; and at

the same time preclude those partial and general alterations in the

lines of Roads, from which vast sums of public money have been

uselessly expended. The Public Service has been exposed to very

serious inconvenience by irregularities incident to the present

line of communication between the Seat of Government and the City

of Saint John. To remedy this, whatever it may be necessary to do

in other times and seasons, I earnestly recommend the expediency of

completing such a communication with Saint John, for a winter

travelling and Post Road, as may not be subject to those serious

interruptions and dangers to which the present line must always be

exposed, during the greater portion of the year.

Fully impressed with the importance of attending to the efficiency

of the Militia, I have derived much satisfaction from what I have

witnessed of their appearance and public spirit. The Militia Law

will have to pass under your revision, generally, and I recommend

the amendment of those clauses which press so severely upon the

Militiamen in regard to the distance of travel to their drill, and

also with respect to age, at unnecessary cost of time, and

inconvenience to the people.

I earnestly recommend to your continued patronage the several

Institutions for the Education of our Youth; and I may have

occasion hereafter to recommend measures for giving security and

encouragement to those Provident Institutions, which I am happy to

acquaint you have been established in this Province, under very

promising circumstances, highly advantageous to the Country.

I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that our Most Gracious

Sovereign has condescended to patronize the College of

New-Brunswick with his gracious Favor, and to bestow a Grant from

His Royal Revenues in this Province, to place that Institution upon

a very improved establishment; and I rely upon such gradual

provision being made hereafter, in addition to your last vote, as

may enable the Governor and Trustees, to proceed in the erection of

a suitable building. His Majesty's Secretary of State has further

dispensed the grace and favour of the Crown in a manner that cannot

fail to be duly and fully appreciated, and to sustain those

principles of attachment, and loyalty which distinguish the origin

and course of this Colony.

In addition to the provision made for the Madras Schools,

generally, and to that of the African School at St. John, I

recommend some provision for a similar establishment at the Seat of

Government, to bring more generally within the influence of these

excellent Institutions, a portion of the human race to whom we owe

kindness, charity, and benevolence, and for whom we should provide

religious, moral and industrious education.

In the very prosperous condition which the affairs of this Province

may now permanently take, I perceive, that the period is arrived

for entertaining enlarged views and scope of system, necessary to

supersede some very disadvantageous circumstances which should be

gradually corrected, and to raise the Province to that

consideration, value and importance, which it will soon assume, if

the management of its affairs proceed upon sound views and

estimates of her true situation, and be conducted according to

fixed and solid general principles. But great misery and

embarrassment may be inflicted on young and advancing Countries, if

disturbed by doubts, or exposed to quick transitions arising from

different schemes of temporizing policy, and I desire to point out

the errors and dangers of all contingent measures and pursuits made

only to comply with chance circumstances, temporary interests and

adventitious excitements.

To that solid course, then, which may best embrace all of those

interests of which the public good is made up, and upon which the

permanency of your prosperity depends, I shall endeavour to look,

and on it encourage the exertions of the whole Population to push

their special interests with spirit and enterprize, under the sober

guidance of general measures calculated to produce a steadiness,

healthfulness and solidity of progress, which, under Divine

Blessing, and the powerful and enlightened protection of our Parent

State, will gradually conduct this happy Province to a very high

degree of value and prosperity.

At a general meeting of the Members of the Legislature, and other

respectable Gentlemen from all parts of the Province, assembled in one

of the Committee Rooms of the House of Assembly on Thursday the 17th of

February, 1825, by request of the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, to take into

consideration some propositions to be submitted by his Excellency,

relating to the improvement of Agriculture, &c. in this Province, when

His Excellency was pleased to open the proceedings of the meeting with

the following SPEECH:--

The purpose for which I have caused this meeting to be convened,

is of the first importance to the Country: And I am delighted to

find myself surrounded on this occasion, as I hope to be on every

occasion, by those distinguished Persons, from whose station, stake

and consideration in the Country, I may expect the most powerful

aid in promoting the great objects I have in view, if we are all

fully impressed with the expediency and necessity we are under,

each in our several stations, of doing all that may depend upon us,

to accomplish the purposes which I am now to bring more

particularly under your consideration.

The purpose for which we are met is, to enquire whether some

encouragement and excitement may not be applied to Agricultural

pursuits, to operate, discreetly and gradually, in a manner to

relieve the country from the great difficulty and disability under

which it is laid by the vast sums which we pay for our food, and

from the very disadvantageous effects which this produces on the

cost of labour, and consequently in all branches of our industry.

Under ordinary circumstances, the high price occasioned by

deficiency in the supply of any article in general demand,

operating as a premium upon increased production, has a direct and

natural tendency to remedy its own evils. This, in fact, is an

effect which _is_ working here, though slowly, to cure the malady

of which we complain; and if other branches of industry were not in

an excited, forced, and somewhat unnatural condition, it would be

unnecessary, superfluous, or perhaps disadvantageous, to interfere

with the sources and currents of supply, which ultimately

accommodate themselves in the most advantageous and fittest way, to

meet demand. But these are peculiarities in the circumstances of

this Country, which must appear very obvious to all persons who

have correct notions of the extent of her business and dealings,

compared with the limited Population and Capital we possess, which

occasioning powerful competitions in other branches, would appear

to demand some additional encouragement and adventitious aid, to

draw Labour and Capital in greater quantities, to the cultivation

of the Soil.

To consider, properly, the best modes and means by which we may

augment the production of subsistence, it will be proper to resolve

the question into the consideration of the elements of production,

viz. Labour, Capital and Land, and to enquire in what way we can

give to those constituent parts of production, the facilities and

encouragement they require, to compete with other branches which

are obviously under the influence of adventitious excitement.

With respect to Land, we possess it in abundance, and in quality

ready to yield what we may in a judicious manner require of it; and

it will be one of my main objects to endeavour to lay open to

Agricultural pursuits, extensive tracts which have long been locked

up in reserved superabundance. This measure has in one case been,

heretofore, sought and petitioned for; but it was not accorded to,

at that time, in consequence of doubts entertained by His Majesty's

Government, as to the value of the standing produce of that Land,

for other purposes. But it is an advantage arising from a late

appointment to a high situation in the Province, that powers are

given, subject to certain conditions and regulations which I may

sanction, to throw open portions of those reserves to meet the

improving circumstances of the Country, and this will be speedily

observed in a way that will open considerable tracts of valuable

Land to the operations of Agriculture.

Proceeding, next, to the consideration of Capital, it has appeared

to me to be very desirable, that some new measures should be taken

with a view to attract the enterprizes of Capitalists, not only to

the cultivation of fresh tracts, but likewise to that of the waste

Lands of the Province generally; and I entertain the intention of

bringing this proposition under the consideration of the High

Authorities, elsewhere, upon whom this will depend. But the

creation and accumulation of small Capitals, sufficient to enable

the working man to enter with advantage on the cultivation of a

grant of Land, of the usual extent, is a matter in degree and

practicability, much within the influence of our own measures, and

it becomes therefore subject of very fit consideration for this

meeting, composed of so many distinguished persons, who, returning

soon to their respective Countries, may give information respecting

those Institutions which are constituted, and likely I trust to be

protected, to provide for the safe custody and accumulation of the

small savings of the industrious classes of Society.

The greater part of such accumulations may be considered as funds

rescued from unproductive consumption, to be laid out productively

in various important branches of industry; and whilst, therefore,

in this view, the provident Institutions deserve encouragement from

all classes, they more particularly suggest to the gentlemen acting

in the different Emigrant and Agricultural Societies, and to the

employers of Agricultural Labours generally, the co-operation which

may be expected from _Savings' Banks_ in encouraging, by enabling,

all industrious persons, soon to enter with advantage on the

cultivation of the Soil, as proprietors of Land.

The poor Emigrant, for instance, who comes to the country destitute

of pecuniary means, and who should always be met and welcomed with

a great deal of charitable attention and protection, should be

told, that to enter on the laborious enterprize of clearing a Lot,

in the wilderness, without Capital, would be to entangle himself in

very considerable difficulty. The best course which such a person

can pursue, would be to avail himself of the assistance, which it

should be a main object of all Emigrant Societies to provide, to

procure advantageous employment in which to acquire experience of

the climate, habit of Labour, and best modes of culture; and whilst

acquiring these, to accumulate his Savings in the Savings' Banks,

in the manner that any person, who is not burthened with a large

family, may soon do, in farm service in summer, and in other

pursuits in winter.

This object will perhaps be best pursued by the Emigrant Societies

in the different parts, taking active measures to become acquainted

with the circumstances and description of Emigrants so soon as they

arrive, and entering in a Book, their names, age, trade or

occupation, objects, and the means they may possess of pursuing

these. From those entries of the circumstances and condition of the

Individuals, Emigrant Societies would be competent to give them

counsel and protection. If the Emigrant's desire should be to

Agricultural pursuits, which will commonly be the case, but that he

has no Capital to commence with, he should be advised to put

himself to Farm service, and his attention should be drawn to the

facilities which Savings' Banks provide for receiving, securing and

augmenting his savings. If this measure meet concurrence in its

objects and practicability, it will be received as an appeal to the

Agriculturists of the Country to keep correspondence with the

nearest Emigrant Societies, for the purpose of procuring Labourers

of their recommendation.

But although it may not be expedient for a person without Capital,

to enter at once on the cultivation of his tract, yet it appears to

me that some inducement should be applied to excite his industry by

a prospect of an advantageous location, so soon as he finds himself

capable of undertaking it; and in this view I see no difficulty in

the arrangement, and on the other hand, great public advantage, in

securing for persons thus working for their capital, locations upon

the Lots they may prefer, subject to a condition that, within one

year, the Emigrant Society in whose Books they may be registered,

report favorably of their proceedings, in a manner to give fair

expectation that at the end of a further short period, they would

be able to enter upon their location, and pay a proportion of their

fees, in aid of which the Society should provide some donation or

loan.

But when the Emigrant has pecuniary means, or is resolved to enter

at once on his Land, the Emigrant Societies will be enabled to let

him chuse his situation, in the plans of unoccupied Lots reserved

for Emigrants, which plans will for this purpose be transmitted to

the Emigrant Societies, and to whose recommendation a quick return

of location tickets will be made; and I am happy to say that this

measure will be observed and promoted with much ability and zeal by

the distinguished persons on whom it will severally depend.

When we reflect that one of the greatest difficulties under which

we labour in accomplishing the great purpose of independence with

respect to our food, arises from the want a working population

sufficient for the all operative parts of our industry, and

consequently the very high rate of wages and food, which lays the

Agriculturist under disadvantages of the most serious description,

in a climate where the productive powers of the earth are so long

dormant, we must all concur in the necessity of aiding Societies by

whose means so many able hands can be procured, and for want of

properly supporting which, so many have passed to a foreign land.

An increased competition or supply of labour then will be much

influenced by arrangements such as I have indicated; whilst in its

modes, intelligence and material means, it may be greatly promoted

by _Agricultural Societies_. These, under the designation of

Agricultural and Emigrant Societies, I should wish to see formed in

every County in the Province, and Sub-Societies organized under

them to carry their benefits to all parts of the Country. I trust,

indeed, that ere you depart, the foundation, or rather the

re-organization of such a system will be completed, and I call upon

the Gentlemen of distinction from the different Counties who are

now present to concur in this measure, and when they return to

their respective Counties, to engage to organize such Societies to

be composed of persons who would be most likely to co-operate in

this great purpose. I feel confident, that whenever Societies shall

be so organized in any County, they will meet the provision which I

trust will be made by the liberality of the Country for their

support and efficiency: and I perceive with much satisfaction that

the public spirit of the Country is in many parts exhibiting itself

in the form, and for the purpose which we contemplate for general

adoption.

For the purpose of improving, circulating and distinguishing the

modes and means most favorable to increased production, and of

drawing to a focus that information which it may be desirable to

possess here in the Seat of Government for myself and for you it

will be proper that some provision should be devised for the

laborious part of that purpose which will depend upon a Secretary

who should be appointed to manage the correspondence of the Central

Committee to report proceedings to the general meeting.

The general meeting should be composed of all Members of the

Legislature; of all Presidents and Vice-Presidents of County

Societies, and of all members subscribers in the regulated amount.

The Central Committee should be named in the general meeting to

carry on the correspondence during the recess, and to arrange the

general Accounts; but the appropriation of Public Funds should be

made direct to the County Societies and subject only to the audit

of the Central Committee. These Reports will thus exhibit a general

statement of the sums expended and whether commensurate progress

has been made in the improvement of Agricultural implements,

machinery, modes of culture, augmentation of production, and breed

of Cattle, all of which should be under the influence of these

meetings.

With views such as these, so soon as I discovered, in studying your

affairs, the disabilities and difficulties which the Province might

have to contend with from deficiency in the supply of food, and

aware that it would require pecuniary means, on my part, to put

into activity the plans which I then formed, and now lay before

you, I submitted to His Majesty's Secretary of State the importance

of sanctioning a small grant from the funds at the disposal of the

Crown, to meet the liberality and public spirit with which I am

persuaded, elsewhere and every where, the great object now under

our consideration will be supported. I have great satisfaction in

showing how readily this has been dispensed: I will read the terms

of it, and hasten to say that the use I shall make of it, will be,

to place a sum, which I hope will be annual, at the disposal of

those County Societies that are or may be organized to meet the

views which I here lay before you.

In communicating this grant from His Majesty's Revenue to the

Agricultural Societies, it is however my duty to state, that the

continuation of this grant for future years, will depend upon the

report which I may have in my power to make of the advantages which

it may have produced; and these will mainly depend upon the

liberality and zeal with which this Provision is seconded in the

Country generally.

The Society having been formed and organized, the President communicated

to the Meeting that he had received a Message from His Excellency the

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, that it was his intention to attend the Meeting in

person, to communicate his sentiments on their proceedings, and his

acceptance of the office of Patron.

Whereupon His Excellency entered and having taken the Chair, addressed

the Society as follow:--

_Mr. President, Vice-Presidents, and Gentlemen

of the Agricultural and Emigrant Society,_

I evince the satisfaction and cordiality with which I receive your

Address by placing myself in this Chair, as your Patron, on the

very instant the distinguished Seat is offered to me; and the first

sentence I shall deliver from it is, to assure you that my most

zealous exertions shall be used to promote the great objects we

have in view, in every way that may depend upon me.

I am gratified for the present, sanguine and confident for the

future, when I look around me and perceive the distinguished

persons of whom this Society is composed, and the interest which it

has excited; and it is particularly pleasing to me to find myself

supported by the distinguished person whom you have placed in the

President's Chair. I congratulate you, Gentlemen, upon such an

election, and myself on having such coadjutures.

The Agricultural and Emigrant Societies being now about to go into

immediate, and, as I hope successful operation, it may not be

useless to express to you, and through you to convey to the Public,

some appeals to those exertions which will be required to realize

the benefits which we here contemplate, and for attaining which,

the course is now so clear.

This fine, and as I have hitherto found it, happy Province, is

advancing rapidly, with growth almost exuberant, to a station, the

real intrinsic character and condition of which, in other times,

will depend mainly upon the manner in which we who are now

directing its affairs, in certainly a critical period of its

advancement, when it is daily developing its resources, and forming

its system, may discharge our several duties, by doing all that may

depend upon us to train, sustain and correct the principles, habits

and pursuits, and to regulate the exertions, by which,

unquestionably, it may be conducted to a state of great prosperity.

To consider these duties with reference to all the obligations we

owe to the Country, in the several branches which contribute to its

most political and statistical progress, would lead us away far

beyond the sphere of our present purpose; I shall, therefore, only

consider the duties we have to fulfil in regard to the Institutions

now completely organized. The several purposes contemplated by

those Institutions call upon us to promote habits of frugality,

domestic economy, and useful industry, as training a rural

population to settle and labour on the soil, and to assist them so

to exert themselves in the modes and means of culture as to improve

our Agricultural condition; to make us more independent at least

for our food; and subsequently to set free other branches of

industry, which are now under great disability. The foundation of

systems which may produce such benefits has now been laid. I have

had much satisfaction in recommending and promoting them. My views

have been cordially and ably seconded every where; the measures

they called for have now been adopted; and they have been liberally

endowed by the Legislature with pecuniary means to animate and

quicken the system. The Savings' Bank Bill; the organization and

endowment of the Body I now address, open, to the industrious

classes of Society, and to the interests of the Country generally,

a distinct view of the progress that may be made from foundations

laid, first, in habits of frugality and domestic economy, onwards,

through moral and provident conduct, to security and accommodation,

productive application, improvement in Agriculture, increase of

population, competition in labour, encouragement and development of

industry, and augmented production. The Acts and the system of this

Session have laid the foundation of much improvement to the

country, on solid grounds; and seeds which _should_ blossom

hereafter, are planted in the fertile soil; but whether the

superstructure is to be raised, or them seeds are to spring,

depends not on those who have laboured on the foundation, or who

have provided the means that may quicken the process. Whether the

Savings' Bank Bill, or this most admirable Institution are to be

effectual in doing good, depends upon the degree of Public Spirit

with which our exertions here, may be supported and extended in the

Country generally. All Public Institutions live only by Public

Spirit, in any Country; but this is particularly the case in young

Countries where man owes to fellow man a greater contribution of

his concern and of his aid. Look at the progress of an individual

case. When a Settler goes, singly, to encounter the difficulties

and the labour of a solitary Location in an unsettled District, and

with the sweat of his own brow to shelter his family, and to clear

space to receive the seeds which are to yield his immediate

subsistence, we all know what fortitude, power and time are

required to accomplish such beginnings. But should he undertake his

enterprize on a site near to where former Settlers have experienced

such difficulties, the recent sense brings to his aid the little

community, to labour for him; and by the exertions of that _Public_

he is speedily established in a way, that he might never have

accomplished by his own solitary powers. _This is Public Spirit._

So may it be with the Edifices we are now raising! They are, in

some respects, partially, and in others wholly, _new Settlers_, in

this Country; and they are well deserving of public exertion to

complete the useful fabric. We are here entirely dependent upon

public spirit.--What can these systems do without it? They would

languish from this day, and might expire even in their cradle. This

I do trust will never happen. I know not how long I may be the

witness of their progress; but sure I am that the intensity of

interest which I feel in this Province, and which I have imbibed

paternally, for the success of these Institutions which I have been

instrumental in bringing forward, will always be felt with such

solicitude as shall give me pleasure in their success; but which

from that very interest, will suggest reproach, if (which cannot

be) they should fail from want of public exertion. But remember

that time, labour in arrangement and management, must be

contributed gratuitously, for the Chief offices of these

Institutions. I am confident that those sacrifices will be

cheerfully tendered by the public spirit of the Country in a way

that shall produce advantage to it, and reflect everlasting credit,

honor and substantial enjoyment upon the patriotic persons who may

offer their aid.--It cannot fail to do so; for the man who feels

the real impulses of public spirit is usually the happiest, because

he is the best of Beings. Public spirit contains in it every

laudable passion, and every fine affection.--It comprehends our

duties towards our parents, to our kindred, to our friends, to our

neighbours, to our fellow man in every degree, and to every thing

dear to mankind in the public Institutions formed of them. Public

spirit is the highest of virtues, and affords the highest degree of

satisfaction. Steadfast in good purpose; fidelity in trust;

impartial to all; a passion to promote universal good, with

personal labour, pains, and the sacrifice of every selfish feeling;

to endeavour to maintain Society in peace, tranquillity, plenty and

security. It is, in short, as I feel it, one man's care for the

many: and, as you I am persuaded feel it, the concern of every man

for the good of all. This sentiment binds us together in the

pursuit of public advantage to a co-operation from which I am

convinced none will shrink in any difficulty which these

Institutions may have to encounter; and onward let us go with a

determination that when we meet again in this place, we may

receive, and record, reports which shall prove that our schemes

have prospered.

I have now the pleasure to announce that from the Funds which His

Majesty's Secretary of State has put at my disposal from the King's

Casual Revenue, I shall appropriate L25 to each of the County

Societies for the present year subject to the regulations and

conditions already established; and I will not fail to intercede

for a continuance of this Royal Bounty, if I can report success in

our labours.

APPENDIX No. II.

_Extracts relating to the early transactions in Nova-Scotia and

New-Brunswick, copied verbatim from papers compiled by a gentlemen who

intended to publish an account of New-Brunswick; but was from

unexpected circumstances obliged to relinquish the design._

PROVINCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

Notice is hereby given, that it hath been determined that a

squadron of His Majesty's ships and divers regiments of foot should

winter in Nova-Scotia, which will require large supplies of fresh

provisions to be sent thither from time to time, not only for the

support of the sick in the hospitals, but for the refreshment of

those that are well,--and that His Excellency Governor Lawrence

hath given assurance, that the coasters and others trading in

refreshments of that sort, shall not only be protected by the

Admiral from pressing, but shall receive, both from His Excellency

and the Admiral, all manner of countenance and regard.

A. OLIVER, Sec.

Province of the Massachusetts Bay. Boston, October 31, 1758.

The following proclamation being published in Nova-Scotia and

transmitted to this government, was read in Council, and ordered to

be published in this Province.

THOS. CLARK, D. Sec.

By His Excellency Charles Lawrence, Captain-General and

Commander-in-Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of

Nova-Scotia, or Acadia, in America, Vice-Admiral of the same, &c.,

&c., &c.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by the late success of His Majesty's arms in the reduction

of Cape Breton and its dependencies, and also by the demolition and

entire destruction of Gaspe, Miramichi, and of Saint Lawrence, and

on Saint John's river in the Bay of Fundy, the enemy, who have

formerly disturbed and harassed the Province of Nova-Scotia, and

much obstructed its progress, have been compelled to retire and

take refuge in Canada; a favorable opportunity now presents itself

for the peopling and cultivating, as well the lands vacated by the

French, as every other part of that valuable Province:

I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of His Majesty's

Council, to issue this proclamation, declaring that I shall be

ready to receive any proposals that may hereafter be made to me,

for effectually settling the said vacated, or any other lands

within the Province aforesaid: a description whereof, and of the

advantages arising from their peculiar nature and situation, I have

ordered to be published with this proclamation.

Given in the Council Chamber at Halifax, this 12th day of

October, 1758, and in the thirty-second year of His Majesty's

Reign.

By His Excellency's command, }

with the advice of His Majesty's } CHARLES LAWRENCE.

Council }

GOD SAVE THE KING!

A description of the lands ordered to be published pursuant to the

foregoing proclamation, which consist of more than one hundred thousand

acres of land, interval and plow lands, producing wheat, rye, barley,

oats, hemp, flax, &c. These have been cultivated for more than a

hundred years past, and never fail of crops, nor need manuring.

Also, more than one hundred thousand acres of upland, cleared and

stocked with English grass, planted with orchards, gardens, &c. These

lands, with good husbandry, produce often two loads of hay per acre.

The wild and unimproved lands adjoining abound with black birch, ash,

oak, pine, fir, &c.

All these lands are so intermixed that every single farmer may have a

proportionable quantity of plow land, grass land, and wood land, and

are all situated about the Bay of Fundy, upon rivers navigable for

ships of burden.

Proposals will be received by Mr. Hancock of Boston, and by Messrs.

Delancie & Watts of New-York, to be transmitted to the Governor, or

President of the Council at Halifax.

(Copy.)

His Majesty's confirmation of the plan for settling the Province of

Nova-Scotia.

At the Court of St. James's, the 16th day of February, 1760,

(Seal) (Present)

The King's Most Excellent Majesty,

Lord Keeper, Earl Gower,

Lord President, Viscount Barrington,

Lord Steward, Lord Deleware,

Earl of Hyndford, Mr. Vice Chamberlain.

Whereas there was this day read to the Board, a representation from

the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, dated the 30th of

December last, containing an account of the proceedings of the

Governor in Council of Nova-Scotia, with regard to the settling of

the lands evacuated by the removal of the French inhabitants from

that Province, as well as other tracts of land in the wild and

uncleared part of that country, and also with regard to the terms

and conditions upon which the said Governor and Council have agreed

to make grants of the said lands: and the said Lords Commissioners

being of opinion, that the plan so laid down by the said Governor

and Council, will be a means of the speedy settling the vacant

lands in that Province, and therefore proper to receive His

Majesty's approbation: His Majesty has this day took the said

representation into consideration, and is hereby pleased, with the

advice of his Privy Council, to declare his royal approbation of

the said plan of the said Governor and Council, for the speedy

settling the vacant lands in that Province: and also of the terms

and conditions agreed upon for that purpose, and doth therefore

order that the Governor or Commander-in-Chief of his Province of

Nova-Scotia for the time being, do carry the same into execution.

(Signed) W. SHARPE.

_Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Governor Lawrence, to the

Agent for the Province of Nova-Scotia, at Boston, dated 24th June,

1760._

"I am ready to receive farther proposals, in consequence of His

Majesty's approbation of our measures, from any person or persons

who will offer themselves to become settlers in this Province; and

that all due encouragement shall be given them to the utmost limits

of the authority with which His Majesty has been pleased to invest

the Governor and Council of this Province.--Nota Bene. Proposals

left with Mr. Hancock, will be transmitted to the Governor at

Halifax.

"Captain Bragdon informs us, that Captain Fisher in a sloop from

Annapolis Royal, bound to Fort Cumberland, was cast away in the Bay

of Fundy, on board of which was Lieutenant Tonge, an Engineer, with

a considerable sum of money, which was lost, together with the

lives of two or three persons on board. Friday last arrived here

the Province ship King George, Captain Hallowell, from Louisburg

and a cruize. From Louisburg, we learn that the armed vessels

lately sent out thence, had been at Pictou, and burnt five or six

vessels which the enemy took from us last year, and brought off

some plunder; and that the Indians from Saint John, who brought the

account of the five French men of war being in the Bay of Chaleur,

also informed that they had landed four hundred men, in order to

attack Fort Cumberland.

"Arrived here, Colonel Arthithnot, who commanded at Fort Frederick,

in Saint John's River, the year past; also several other officers

and a number of soldiers belonging to this Province, who have

garrisoned His Majesty's forts up the Bay of Fundy, and now

discharged, arrived here, being relieved by a number of soldiers

lately enlisted in this Province, for that service. We hear that

the Indians behave well, and still continue to come into the forts

at Nova-Scotia, and carry on trade very peaceably."

_Extract of a Letter from Colonel Fry, to His Excellency the Governor,

dated Fort Cumberland, Chignecto, March 7, 1760._

SIR.--I informed your Excellency in my last of 10th December, of

the submission of the French peasants residing at Miramichi,

Richibucto, Bucktouche, Peticodiac, and Memramcook, made by their

deputies sent here for that purpose. On the 30th of January last,

Mr. Manack, a French Priest, who has had the charge of the people

at Miramichi, Richibucto, and Bucktouche, and a number of the

principal men of those places, arrived here, when they received

their submission in a formal manner, by subscribing to articles,

(drawn suitable to the case,) whereby among other things, they have

obliged themselves and people they represent, to come to Bay Verte

with all their effects and shipping as early in the spring as

possible, in order to be disposed of as Governor Lawrence shall

direct. With the French Priest, came two Indian Chiefs, Paul

Lawrence and Augustin Michael; Lawrence tells me he was a prisoner

in Boston, and lived with Mr. Henshaw, a blacksmith; he is Chief of

a tribe at Richibucto. I have received their submissions, for

themselves and for their tribes, to His Britannic Majesty, and sent

them to Halifax for the terms by Governor Lawrence. I have likewise

received the submission of two other Chiefs, who I dealt with as

before mentioned, and was in hopes I had no more treaties to make

with savages; but he told me I was mistaken for there would be a

great many more upon the same business, as soon as their spring

hunting was over: and upon my enquiring how many, he gave a list of

fourteen Chiefs, including those already mentioned, (copy of which

I have inclosed) most of which he said would come. I was surprised

to hear of such a number of Indian Chiefs in this part of America,

and Mr. Manack further told me that they were all of one nation,

and known by the name of Mickmacks; that they were very numerous,

amounting to near three thousand souls; that he had learned their

language since he had been among them, and found so much excellence

in it, that he was well persuaded if the beauties of it were known

in Europe, there would be seminaries erected for the propagation of

it. How that might be, is better known to him than to those who

know nothing of the language; but I think I may venture to say,

that if there be so many of these Indians, as he says there are, I

know this Province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may

reap a vast advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the

hands of the French.

About the time that Mr. Manack arrived here, there came in eight

men, one of whom was a New-England man, one Irishman, and the rest

Italians and Spaniards; who informed me they deserted from a French

frigate that lay froze in at the head of Gaspe harbour. The two

former belonged to a vessel commanded by Captain Malcom, of Boston,

who was taken by the above frigate, as she was returning from

Quebec, where she had been on a trading voyage.

Names of the Indian Chiefs inhabiting the coast of Acadia:

Louis Frances, Chief of Miramichi,

Denis Winemowet, do. Tabogimkik,

Etienne Abchabo, do. Pohomoosh,

Claud Atanaze, do. Gediack,

Paul Lawrence, do. La Have,

Joseph Algimoure, do. Chignectou,

John Newit, do. Pictou,

Baptist La Morue, do. Isle of St. John's,

Reni, do. Nalkitgoniash,

Jeannot Piguidawelwet, do. Keshpugowitk,

Batelemy Aungualett, do. Minas,

Augustin Michael, do. Richibucto.

A NARRATIVE.

_Of the proceedings of the first settlers at the River St. John, under

the authority of the Government of Nova-Scotia._

In the year 1761, a number of persons from the county of Essex,

province of Massachusetts, presented a petition through their agent to

the Government of Nova-Scotia, for a grant of a Township of twelve

miles square at the river Saint John, they received a favorable answer

and obtained full authority to survey a tract of that dimension

wherever it might be found fit for improvement. In consequence many of

the applicants, proceeded in the course of the winter and spring

following to prepare for exploring the Country, and to survey such

Township: they provided a vessel for that purpose, and on the 16th May,

1762, embarked at Newburyport and arrived in three days at the harbour

Saint John (the 19th:) The party amounted to near twenty men, exclusive

of two families, who took passage in the same vessel, one of whom

shipped a small frame for a dwelling, and boards to cover it, with a

small stock of cattle; the frame and stock was landed the day of their

arrival; on the third day the house was finished and inhabited.

The exploring and surveying party then proceeded to view the lands

round the harbour and bay of Saint John in a whale boat, they brought

with them: for they could not travel on the land, on account of the

multitude of fallen trees that had been torn up by the roots in a

violent gale of wind, nearly four years previous. (The same gale

extended as far up the river as the Oromocto, and most of the Country

below that place, was equally incumbered with the fallen trees.)--After

making all the discoveries that could be made near the harbour, it was

the unanimous opinion that all the lands near that part of the Country,

were unfit for making any settlements at that time, and in about ten

days from their first arrival, they set out to view the country as far

as Saint Anns, ninety miles up the river, where they expected to find

an extensive body of clear land that had been formerly improved by the

French inhabitants. On their way to that place they landed wherever

they saw any appearance of improvement: all such small spots, as far up

as Milk Creek, were supposed not to exceed one hundred acres, most of

which had been very roughly cleared.--On the arrival of the exploring

party at Saint Anns, they lost no time in making a shelter for

themselves, nearly opposite the river Nashwouk, (as it was then

pronounced by the Indians,) but since, with some variation, as there is

in the original names of divers other rivers, lakes, and names by which

the tribes were distinguished,--and they commenced their survey at the

small gravelly point against Government-House, with an intention to

survey a Township, to terminate twelve miles below that place, and

after surveying the courses of the river about four miles downward, a

large company of Indians came down about nine miles from their Priest's

residence, with his Interpreter: all having painted faces of divers

colours and figures, and dressed in their war habits. The chiefs, with

grave countenances, informed the adventurers that they were trespassers

on their rights: that the Country belonged to them, and unless they

retired immediately, they, (the Indians), would compel them. This gave

no small alarm to a few men in the heart of an Indian Country, most of

whom had never beheld a wild Indian, but had all their lives heard of

their savage cruelties and murders. The reply made to the Chiefs was to

this effect; that the adventurers had received authority from the

Governor of Halifax to survey and settle any land they should chuse, at

the river Saint John--that they had never been informed of the Indians

claiming the village of Saint Anns; but as they then declared the land

there, to be their property, though it had been inhabited by the French

who were considered entitled to it, till its capture by the English,

they would retire further down the river.--In answer to this the Chiefs

suggested that the whole country belonged to the Indians, they had some

time ago, had a conference with Governor LAWRENCE, and had consented

that the English should settle the country up as far as the Grimross:

from this acknowledgment of the Chiefs, the adventurers were a little

relieved from the shock they received at first, and said, they were

unwilling to dispute, and would in a few days, remove their camps

towards Grimross. This answer did not appear fully to satisfy the

Indians, yet they made no reply. The surveying party removed their

camp, according to their promise almost as far down as the lower end of

the Oromocto Island on the east side of the river, whence they finished

the survey, twelve miles below the first mentioned bounds: and returned

to Fort Frederick, 20, 8, 15, where there was a vessel bound direct to

Halifax, and took passage in her, with an account of all their

discoveries, and surveys, and with a plan of their Township, they had

laid out into lots: but they were so unfortunate as to arrive at that

place just at that time accounts were received, that the French had

sent out a large fleet and a body of land forces, and had taken Saint

Johns, Newfoundland, and were almost hourly expected to attack Halifax,

where at that time was only one man of war, the Northumberland, and

very few troops. The militia called out; public offices shut, and

nothing to be seen but bustle and preparation for the defence of the

town, that being the situation of Government, the agents and surveyors,

for the adventurers were obliged to return without giving any account

of their proceedings, or obtaining any confirmation of their former

order for surveying a township, or any instructions to govern their

conduct in carrying on the intended settlements. This disappointment

was, in the autumn of the same year, followed by one still greater.

Commissioners were sent to Fort Frederick, to inform the former

applicants for grants of lands, that the space they had surveyed would

not be granted to them. On receiving this distressing information they

sent a petition to the King, stating the expence they had been at, in

full confidence, that all the promises and encouragements, they had

received from Government, would be confirmed. This petition was sent

under cover addressed to the then agent for the Province, most

earnestly soliciting his influence in obtaining a speedy answer for

their petition. He took a lively interest in their cause, and in a

short time, obtained an order to the Governor to grant all such shares

in the tract they had laid out, as should from time to time be settled;

and the same gentleman advanced a considerable sum for the proprietors,

to defray the expence of obtaining such order, and the proprietors, as

a mark of their gratitude, and esteem of their patron, gave their town

his name, with a small addition to it, and grants were made to all the

resident proprietors, in or about the year 1765. The Indians had

remained peaceable from 1762 to 1765: in this year they assembled

together, and gave threats of immediately commencing a new war against

the English; and the inhabitants of all the frontiers of the Province

were greatly alarmed, and the commander of Fort Frederick doubled his

sentries on the occasion. The pretexts of the Indians were well known

to be mostly false and frivolous, and the commandant and inhabitants

residing near the garrison, took great pains to persuade the Chiefs to

lay their complaints before the Governor, at Halifax, before they

engaged in a war that would eventually prove ruinous to themselves,

which might be prevented by their stating to Government all the grounds

of the injuries they complained of: after little consideration they

agreed to the proposal, and soon after set out for Halifax, accompanied

by one of the inhabitants. Their business on their first arrival, was,

without loss of time, made known to the Governor, who appointed a time

and place to give the Chiefs a hearing of their complaints. They on

examination, could not in any degree, support their heaviest charges,

and in the end, they admitted they had been misinformed. So that the

result of their complaints, amounted to nothing more than that the

inhabitants had frequently killed some Beavers, Moose, and other

animals, but not far from their houses, which the Chiefs alleged was

their exclusive property; and that it was of the condition of a former

treaty that the English settlers should not be allowed to kill any wild

game in any part of the wilderness, beyond the limits of their farms

and improvements. The Governor informed them in his answer, that all

treaties before that time, should be strictly observed, and that if the

inhabitants had in any instance, done anything contrary to such

treaties, they should be severely reprimanded and restrained from

continuing such practices. The Chiefs replied, that it might be out of

their power to pacify their young men, unless the damage before done to

them should be paid. This brought on an inquiry of the Chiefs, what the

alleged damage amounted to. In their answer they highly overrated as

the inhabitants made it clearly appear, from their statement of the

number of animals that had been killed. The Chiefs finding themselves

detected in having alarmed the country without reason and of having

thereby put them in distressing fear and to great expence, appeared

ashamed of their conduct, and could only repeat that the Indians of

their tribe would insist on being paid the damages for the loss of

their wild animals. After a full hearing a final answer was given them;

as follows.--That although the grievances that they had stated were by

no means sufficient to justify their hostile proceedings; yet to do

them ample justice, he would order to be sent them a certain amount in

clothing and provisions (amount not remembered) provided they would

consider it full satisfaction for the injuries done by the settlers,

and send orders to restrain them from hunting wild animals in the

woods. The Chiefs accepted that offer, and the Indians remained

peaceable, till the commencement of the revolt of the thirteen

Colonies, when they were called upon to aid in defence of the Province,

or at least to remain neuter. They promised to do either one or the

other; for which purpose Government gave them large presents in

necessary supplies for their families. They were at the same time,

equally solicited by the Americans; and as large or larger presents

made by them; and they continued to live mostly at the expence of the

two parties during that war. In 1779 the Indians again assembled, and

threatened to make war against the English; and went down in as great a

body as they could collect, to near Fort Howe, where they were met by a

messenger from the Commandant, and a Deputy Agent for Indian affairs,

who appeased the Indians, with a promise of presents (commonly so

called), which they accepted and the purchase of a continuance of

peace; and they returned to their head-quarters at Opage. This was the

last threat of an Indian war.

NOTES.--Notwithstanding all the obstacles and discouragements

before noticed, the number of families at the river Saint John,

including a few settlers on the Islands in Passamaquoddy Bay,

amounted to between one hundred and one hundred and fifty families

prior to the year 1783.

MEMO.--The French Priest who had been forty years employed by

France, as a Missionary to the Indians, was ordered to leave the

province in 1763, being suspected of influencing and instructing

the Indians to make extravagant demands on Government as

commissions of their remaining peaceable, at the same time all the

French families, then in scattered settlements on the north side of

the bay were ordered to leave the Province. They all obeyed the

mandate: but in a few years, many returned, one after another, and

became quiet subjects.

REMARKS.

_On the state of that part of ancient Nova-Scotia lying north of the

Bay of Fundy, now in the Province of New-Brunswick, prior to the year

1754._

The French Government in defiance of former treaties continued to erect

forts around the harbour of Saint John, and to send troops for the

defence of this part of the country (considering it theirs) and to

employ the natives to harass and murder the settlers in the district of

Maine, thus for many years preventing the settlement of that part of

the British dominions as far west as that district or province

extended; and the French more recently built a Fort and named it

Beau-Sejour, at the head of the bay: from which place they supplied

with arms, &c. the tribes of Indians who inhabited the coasts on the

Gulph of Saint Lawrence and the rivers that fall into the same. The

Indians were also employed to check and prevent the settlements of the

Country called Minas, Cobequis and other parts of the Province on the

Peninsula of Acadia or Halifax. To prevent the continuance of such

depredations, the British Government sent an expedition in 1754, to

take possession of this fort, which was not obtained till after an

obstinate resistance from the French, who for some years after it was

reduced, continued to fortify their settlements on the banks of the

river St. John, at Passamaquoddy, and to employ the natives in the

service, to prevent the English from extending their settlements

eastward of the river Kennebeck and the inhabitants were continually

harassed, and often murdered by savages frequently sent by the French

for that purpose at Kennebeck and many miles westward for a long course

of time. In the year 1758, an expedition was sent from Halifax or

Boston to reduce the only remaining French forts of any considerable

strength, north of the Bay of Fundy; situated on the west side of the

river, below the falls, within the present limits of the city Saint

John. But the French commander, having received notice of this

expedition some time before its arrival, removed all the light stores

further up the river, sunk all his heavy guns as reported by Frenchmen

who were present and demolished the fort. He first made his retreat

only about four leagues above the falls, where he had previously

erected works, surrounded by a thick wood, in order to be covered by

Indian soldiers, who will never fight on open ground, nor suffer

themselves to be driven within the walls of a garrison by a beseiging

force. The French soon after retired to Saint Anns, and not long

afterwards to Canada. The demolished fort was rebuilt on the ground of

the old one, and garrisoned the winter following, by a body of

provincial troops, and a company of Rangers, sent from Louisburgh.

The same company of Rangers as a scouting party, in March 1759, marched

up the river on the ice as far as Saint Anns. The few inhabitants below

that village had either fled before this party appeared, to St. Anns,

or into the woods, and no prisoner was taken to give information

concerning the situation or strength of the enemy, yet they continued a

forced march as far up as Saint Anns, where they found the village

deserted. They set fire to every building in it, and returned with

great precipitation to the Fort Frederick, expecting to be pursued by

the enemy. This company was early this spring ordered to join the

expedition against Quebeck, the Fort was garrisoned with a company or

more of provincials till the next or second year: when they were

relieved by a company of one of the highland Regiments. The Fort

afterwards continued to be garrisoned by a company of some British

Regiments, under different Commandants until 1770, when the British

troops were embarked from every post in the Province, on account of

some disorders that had recently been committed in Boston: the Barracks

and Stores were by order of Government placed under the care of one of

the inhabitants residing near the several Forts, specially authorized

by Government for that service. In 1774, a corporal and six privates

were sent to reside in the Barracks of Fort Frederick.

In May 1775, a brig was sent from Boston, to procure fresh provisions

for the British army then in that town, from the settlement of the

river Saint John. The same vessel was laden with stock, poultry, and

sundry other articles most brought from Maugerville in small vessels

and gondolas: all which had been put on board within about fifteen days

after the brig had arrived. While she was waiting for a fair wind and

clear weather, an armed sloop of four guns and full of men, from

Machias, came into the harbour, took possession of the brig, and two

days after, carried her off to Machias; but the first night after her

arrival, the enemy made the small party in the Fort prisoners,

plundered them of every thing in it, and set fire to all the Barracks:

but at that time they did not molest any of the inhabitants, on the

opposite side of the river. Early next spring an armed brig from

Machias entered the harbour after having taken a vessel from the

West-Indies, belonging to Portland, which they immediately sent to

Boston. The two armed vessels continued more than a week in the harbour

and sent an officer with a boat full of men to Maugerville: They did no

material injury to the settlers. In 1776 and 1777 large parties of

armed men came into the river Saint John, in whale boats from Machias

and passed through the falls in their boats, and took possession of

several empty buildings on the west shore of the river against the

present settlements called the Indian House, and occupied them for

Barracks, whence they came over every day to Portland shore, and

marched along the tongue of land, between the harbour and the water

above the falls; in order to capture any vessels that might enter the

river and to prevent the landing of marines, or seamen from any British

ship. In 1777, the Vulture sloop of war, was stationed in the Bay,

between Annapolis and Saint John for the protection of these places,

and to prevent the enemy from venturing further up the Bay to plunder

the Towns of Horton, Cornwallis and other settlements at the water side

in different places, but it was soon found that these towns could not

be secured from depredations, as the enemy would pass by all large

ships of war in the night and in fogs.

Early in the summer of 1777 the Vulture came into the harbour of Saint

John while the Machias party were at their Head-Quarters, above the

falls.

SOME NOTES REGARDING

PETER FISHER

THE FIRST HISTORIAN OF NEW-BRUNSWICK.

BY REV. W. O. RAYMOND, LL.D.

Peter Fisher's claim to be the first of our historians rests upon two

little books, both printed by a well known publishing firm in Market

Square, in the City of St. John, in the early years of the last

century. The first of these books appeared in 1825. It comprises 110

pages, written in excellent literary style and, considering Mr.

Fisher's limited sources of information, is remarkably accurate. In the

preface he observes: "This work, however imperfect, must be useful, as

giving the _first_ general outline of the Province, and interesting to

every person who possesses a feeling for his own fireside."

The other book, "Notitia of New-Brunswick," comprises 136 pages, and

was printed in 1838. In the advertisement at the beginning, the author

states that "circumstances have compelled him to relinquish in part his

original plan, and to contract the scope of the publication, since the

times do not warrant any great outlay on works of this description."

The two books are really pamphlets in yellow paper covers, and are now

so rare as to be much sought for by collectors of "Canadiana." Both

books are written under the _nom de plume_ of "An Inhabitant," and the

motto that follows is the same in each, namely:--

"Whatever concerns my country, interests me; I follow nature, with

truth my guide."

Before proceeding to consider the personality of our first historian

and to speak further of his writings, it will be of interest to speak

of his antecedents. His father, Lewis Fisher, served in the war of the

American Revolution, on the side of the crown, in the New Jersey

Volunteers, a brigade commanded by Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner,

the last Royal Attorney-General of New Jersey. The corps was sometimes

known as "Skinner's Greens." It was numerically the largest

organization of British Americans in Howe's army. Officers and men were

mostly natives of New Jersey, New-York and Pennsylvania. One of the

original six battalions was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham Van

Buskirk and it contained a large Dutch element. Among the officers were

Major Van Cortlandt, Captains William Van Allen, Peter Ruttan, Samuel

Ryerson, Jacob Van Buskirk and Waldron Blaan; Lieutenants Martin

Ryerson, John Van Norden, John Heslop, John Simonson and Joost (or

Justus) Earle; Ensigns Colin McVean, Xenophon Jouett, Malcolm Wilmot,

William Sorrell and Frederick Handroff.

Among the men in the ranks--many of whom came to New Brunswick and

settled near Fredericton--we find such names as VanHorne, Vanderbeck,

Ackerman, Fisher, Burkstaff, Swim, Ridner, VanWoert, Woolley, etc. By

the settlement of so many men of this corps in New-Brunswick, the same

thrifty "Knickerbocker" element that figured in the development of

New-York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania was planted in this province.

Lewis Fisher joined the New Jersey Volunteers on December 7, 1776. He

was taken prisoner a few weeks later, together with his brother Peter

and fifteen others. After an absence of a year and nine months he

effected his escape and returned to his duty on October 2, 1778. He was

thenceforth stationed chiefly at Staten Island, where his three oldest

children--Eliza, Henry and Peter--were born. When the war closed the

New Jersey Volunteers were quartered at Newtown, three miles east of

Brooklyn, on Long Island, N.Y.

In the earlier muster rolls we find Fisher's name entered as Lodewick

Fischer, but later he adopted the English form Lewis Fisher. His wife,

Mary, was probably of English parentage. She was the mother of a very

large family and a woman of resolute spirit, which she transmitted to

her descendants.

The New Jersey Volunteers never numbered more than 1,500, of all ranks.

They, however, rendered essential service in New Jersey and in the

defence of Staten Island. One of the battalions under Lieut.-Col. Isaac

Allen, was conspicuous for its gallantry in the campaigns in Georgia

and South Carolina. At the close of the war the original six battalions

had been consolidated into three, under command of Lieut.-Col. Stephen

deLancey, Lieut.-Col. Isaac Allen and Lieut.-Col. Abraham VanBuskirk.

The war may be said to have ended with the surrender of the army under

Lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, and little attempt

at recruiting was made subsequently; consequently the regiments

continued to dwindle until, at the evacuation of New-York, two years

later, they were not more than one-third of their original strength.

The New Jersey Volunteers, a year after their arrival in New-Brunswick,

were mustered by Thomas Knox, under the supervision of Col. Edward

Winslow. The return is dated at Fort Howe, September 25, 1784, and the

number of those then on their lands, and for whom the Royal bounty of

provisions was furnished, was as follows:--

Men Women Children Servants Total

Over 10 Under 10

1st New Jersey Vols. 158 57 57 39 9 320

2nd " " 132 45 44 38 14 273

3rd " " 173 64 47 42 6 332

--- --- --- --- --- ---

Total 463 166 148 119 29 925

The commander of the 3rd Battalion, Lieut.-Col. VanBuskirk, did not

come with his men to the River St. John but settled in Shelburne, where

he was the first mayor of the town. The troops for St. John sailed in

charge of Lieut.-Col. Richard Hewlett as senior officer, with

Lieut.-Col. Gabriel DeVeber second in command. They left New-York on

September 15, 1783, and arrived safely in St. John harbour on the 26th,

with the exception of the transports "Martha" and "Esther." The former

was wrecked near Yarmouth and more than half of her passengers were

lost. The "Esther," in which VanBuskirk's battalion had embarked, got

off her course in the fog and narrowly escaped destruction, arriving a

day or two behind her sister ships.

As Peter Fisher was born on Staten Island, on June 9, 1782, he was a

very young Loyalist indeed at the time of his arrival in Blue-nose

Land, being, in point of fact, less than sixteen months old.

Sir Guy Carleton's orders were that the several corps should proceed at

once to the places allotted for their settlement, directions having

been given to Captain John Colville, assistant agent of all small craft

at the St. John River, to afford every assistance in his power to the

corps in getting to their destinations. Three days after their arrival

the troops disembarked and encamped above the Falls, near the Indian

House. Hewlett wrote Sir Guy Carleton that he feared the want of small

craft would greatly delay their progress. He writes again on the 13th

October, 1783, that the troops had been disbanded and were getting up

the river as fast as the scarcity of small craft for conveying them

would admit.

I shall pause here to relate an incident, which will indicate the

source from which Peter Fisher derived the information he gives us

concerning the arrival of the Loyalists at St. Ann's and their

subsequent hardships.

About twenty-five years ago William, the youngest son of Peter Fisher,

read to me in his apartments in the old Park Hotel, in St. John, a

manuscript which contained the recollections of one of his sisters of

her various conversations with her old grandmother, Mary Fisher,

concerning the coming to New-Brunswick and the subsequent experience of

her family at St. Ann's. Mr. Fisher did not entrust the manuscript to

my hands but allowed me to make full notes, and afterwards at my

request re-read the whole, in order that I might make sure of my facts.

The story which now follows is, of course, not quoted from the lips of

the first narrator, but is based upon the notes made by her

granddaughter in which are embodied the recollections of the

conversations she had with her grandmother.

THE GRANDMOTHER'S STORY.

We sailed from New-York in the ship "Esther" with the fleet for

Nova-Scotia. Some of our ships were bound for Halifax, some for

Shelburne and Rome for St. John's river. Our ship going the wrong

track was nearly lost. When we got to St. John we found the place

all in confusion; some were living in log houses, some building

huts, and many of the soldiers living in their tents at the Lower

Cove. Soon after we landed we joined a party bound up the river in

a schooner to St. Ann's. It was eight days before we got to

Oromocto. There the Captain put us ashore being unwilling on

account of the lateness of the season, or for some other reason, to

go further. He charged us each four dollars for the passage. We

spent the night on shore and the next day the women and children

proceeded in Indian canoes to St. Ann's with some of the party; the

rest came on foot.

We reached our destination on the 8th day of October, tired out

with our long journey, and pitched our tents at the place now

called Salamanca, near the shore. The next day we explored for a

place to encamp, for the winter was near and we had no time to lose.

The season was wet and cold, and we were much discouraged at the

gloomy prospect before us. Those who had arrived a little earlier

had made better preparations for the winter; some had built small

log huts. This we could not do because of the lateness of our

arrival. Snow fell on the 2nd day of November to the depth of six

inches. We pitched our tents in the shelter of the woods and tried

to cover them with spruce boughs. We used stones for fireplaces.

Our tent had no floor but the ground. The winter was very cold,

with deep snow, which we tried to keep from drifting in by putting

a large rug at the door. The snow, which lay six feet around us,

helped greatly in keeping out the cold. How we lived through that

awful winter I hardly know. There were mothers, that had been

reared in a pleasant country enjoying all the comforts of life,

with helpless children in their arms. They clasped their infants to

their bosoms and tried by the warmth of their own bodies to protect

them from the bitter cold. Sometimes a part of the family had to

remain up during the night to keep the fires burning, so as to keep

the rest from freezing. Some destitute people made use of boards,

which the older ones kept heating before the fire and applied by

turns to the smaller children to keep them warm.

Many women and children, and some of the men, died from cold and

exposure. Graves were dug with axes and shovels near the spot where

our party had landed, and there in stormy winter weather our loved

ones were buried. We had no minister, so we had to bury them

without any religious service, besides our own prayers. The first

burial ground continued to be used for some years until it was

nearly filled. We called it "The Loyalist Provincials Burial

Ground."

The site of this old grave-yard, is on the Ketchum place at Salamanca,

just below Fredericton, near the shore. Some rude headstones may

perhaps yet be found there. The late Adolphus G. Beckwith told me that

he remembered when a boy to have seen a number of pine "head-boards,"

much decayed, but still standing in this old cemetery. The painted

epitaphs, or inscriptions, were in some cases fairly well preserved. He

remembered, he said, that many of the names seemed to be German (or

Dutch), a statement which I hardly credited at the time, but which is

entirely in harmony with the old grandmother's story. Continuing her

narrative, she says:

Among those who came with us to St. Ann's, or who were there when

we arrived were Messrs. Swim, Burkstaff, McComesky, three named

Ridner, Wooley, Bass, Paine, Ryerse, Acker, Lownsberry, Ingraham,

Buchanan, Ackerman, Donley, Vanderbeck, Smith, Essington and some

few others.

Here again the grandmother's story is confirmed by the Muster Rolls of

the New Jersey Volunteers, lately placed by our Historical Society in

the Dominion Archives at Ottawa for safe-keeping. Nearly all the names

she mentions are to be found there. In Captain Waldron Blaan's Company,

we find John Swim, Vincent Swim, Moses McComesky, David Burkstaff,

Frederick Burkstaff. In Col. VanBuskirk's Company we find Abraham

Vanderbeck, Conrad Ridner, Abraham Ackerman, Morris Ackerman and

Marmaduke Ackerman. In Captain Edward Earle's Company, Lodewick Fisher,

Peter Ridnor and Peter Smith. In Captain Samuel Ryerson's Company,

Samuel Buchanan. In Captain Jacob Buskirk's Company, James Ackerman.

Benjamin Ingraham, mentioned above, was a sergeant in the King's

American Regiment; he served in the Carolinas, where he nearly died of

yellow fever, and was severely wounded in the battle of Camden. He

arrived at St. Ann's in a row-boat in October, 1783, and built a small

log house in the woods into which he moved on the 6th of November, at

which time there was six inches of snow on the ground.

The story now continues:

When the Loyalists arrived there were only three houses standing on

the old St. Ann's plain. Two of them were old frame houses, the

other a log house (which stood near the old Fisher place). There

were said to have been two bodies of people murdered here. It could

not have been long before the arrival of the Loyalists that this

happened.

Many of the Loyalists who came in the spring had gone further up

the river, but they were little better off for provisions than we

were at St. Ann's. Supplies expected before the close of navigation

did not come, and at one time starvation stared us in the face. It

was a dreary contrast to our former conditions. Some of our men had

to go down the river with hand-sleds or toboggans to get food for

their famishing families. A full supply of provisions was looked

for in the Spring, but the people were betrayed by those they

depended upon to supply them. All the settlers were reduced to

great straits and had to live after the Indian fashion. A party of

Loyalists who came before us late in the spring, had gone up the

river further, but they were no better off than those at St. Ann's.

The men caught fish and hunted moose when they could. In the spring

we made maple sugar. We ate fiddle heads, grapes and even the

leaves of trees to allay the pangs of hunger. On one occasion some

poisonous weeds were eaten along with the fiddle heads; one or two

died, and Dr. Earle had all he could do to save my life.

As soon as the snow was off the ground we began to build log

houses, but were obliged to desist for want of food. Your

grandfather went up the river to Captain McKay's for provisions,

and found no one at home but an old colored slave woman, who said

her master and his man had gone out to see if they could obtain

some potatoes or meal, having in the house only half a box of

biscuits. Some of the people at St. Ann's, who had planted a few

potatoes, were obliged to dig them up and eat them.

Again a few comments will show the reliability of the old lady's

narrative. The three houses she mentions on the site of Fredericton

were those of Benjamin Atherton, built about 1767 at the upper end of

the town, near the site of the old Government House; Philip Weade's,

which stood on the river bank in front of the Cathedral, and Olivier

Thibodeau's, an Acadian, whose log house was at the lower end of town.

The tradition regarding the massacre of some of the first settlers at

St. Ann's refers doubtless to the destruction of the French settlement

there by McCurdy's New England Rangers in February, 1759, as is

described at page 242 in Dr. Raymond's "St. John River History." The

party of Loyalists, who had gone further up the river in the late

Spring of 1783, were the King's American Dragoons, who settled in

Prince William. Resuming once more the narrative, the grandmother says:

In our distress we were gladdened by the discovery of some large

patches of pure white beans, marked with a black cross. They had

probably been originally planted by the French, but were, now

growing wild. In our joy at the discovery we called them at first

the "Royal Provincials' bread," but afterwards "The staff of life

and hope of the starving." I planted some of these beans with my

own hands, and the seed was preserved in our family for many years.

There was great rejoicing when the first schooner arrived with

corn-meal and rye. In those days the best passages up and down the

river took from three to five days. Sometimes the schooners were a

week or ten days on the way. It was not during the first year alone

that we suffered from want of food, other years were nearly as bad.

The first summer after our arrival all hands united in building

their log houses. Dr. Earle's was the first that was finished. Our

people had but few tools and those of the rudest sort. They had

neither bricks or lime, and chimneys and fireplaces were built of

stone laid in yellow clay. They covered the roofs of the houses

with bark bound over with small poles. The windows had only four

small panes of glass.

The first store was kept by a man named Cairns, who lived in an old

house on the bank of the river near the gate of the first Church

built in Fredericton [in front of the present Cathedral]. He used

to sell fish at one penny each and butternuts at two for a penny.

He also sold tea at $2.00 per lb. which was to us a great boon. We

greatly missed our tea. Sometimes we used an article called

Labrador, and sometimes steeped spruce or hemlock bark for

drinking, but I despised it.

There were no domestic animals in our settlement at first except

one black and white cat, which was a great pet. Some wicked

fellows, who came from the States, killed, roasted and ate the cat,

to our great indignation. A man named Conley owned the first cow.

Poor Conley afterwards hanged himself, the reason for which was

never known.

For years there were no teams, and our people had to work hard to

get their provisions. Potatoes were planted among the black stumps

and turned out well. Pigeons used to come in great numbers and were

shot or caught by the score in nets. We found in their crops some

small round beans, which we planted; they grew very well and made

excellent green beans, which we ate during the summer. In the

winter time our people had sometimes to haul their provisions by

hand fifty or a hundred miles over the ice or through the woods. In

summer they came in slow sailing vessels. On one occasion Dr. Earle

and others went up the river to Canada on snowshoes with hand

sleds, returning with bags of flour and biscuits. It was a hard and

dangerous journey, and they were gone a long time.

For several years we lived in dread of the Indians, who were

sometimes very bold. I have heard that the Indians from Canada once

tried to murder the people on the St. John River. Coming down the

river they captured an Indian woman of the St. John tribe, and the

chief said they would spare her if she would be their guide. They

had eleven canoes in all, and they were tied together and the canoe

of the guide attached to the hindermost. As they drew near the

Grand Falls, most of the party were asleep; and the rest were

deceived by the woman, who told them that the roaring they heard

was caused by a fall at the mouth of the stream which here joined

the main river. At the critical moment the Indian woman cut the

cord which fastened her canoe to the others and escaped to the

shore, while the Canada Indians went over the fall and were lost.[1]

[1] It is of interest to know that this legend was told by

the Indians to the English settlers shortly after their

arrival. The name of the Indian heroine is given as

Malobianah, or Malabeam.

In the early days of the settlement at St. Ann's, some fellows that

had come from the States used to disturb the other settlers. They

procured liquor at Vanhorne's tavern and drank heavily. They lived

in a log cabin which soon became a resort for bad characters. They

formed a plot to go up the river and plunder the

settlers--provisions being their chief object. They agreed that if

any of their party were killed in the expedition they should

prevent discovery of their identity by putting him into a hole cut

in the ice. While they were endeavoring to effect an entrance into

a settler's house, a shot, fired out of a window, wounded a young

man in the leg. The others then desisted from their attempt, but

cut a hole in the ice and thrust the poor fellow in, who had been

shot, although he begged to be allowed to die in the woods, and

promised, if found alive not to betray them, but they would not

trust him.

Here the story of the old grandmother comes abruptly to an end. Enough,

however, is preserved in these extracts to indicate the source of a

good deal of the very valuable information concerning the early

experience of the Loyalists in the New Brunswick wilderness, which

appears in Mr. Fisher's "Sketches of New-Brunswick." Doubtless what he

has related on this topic in his little book is based upon what he

learned from the lips of his mother. To her care and devotion, in all

human probability, he owed his preservation during the first eventful

winter spent under canvas on the old St. Ann's plain.

Peter Fisher acquired a pretty good education, for those days. A _fac

simile_ of his signature is here given, which shows that his penmanship

was excellent, and compared more than favorably with that of his son

and name-sake, Lewis Peter Fisher, who was for some thirty odd years

mayor of Woodstock, and the leading barrister of that place, and whose

signature is also here given for comparison.

[Illustration: Signature of Peter Fisher

Signature of Lewis Peter Fisher]

The advantages of education were not great in the elder Peter Fisher's

day, but he had a pretty competent instructor in an English school

master, Bealing Stephens Williams, who was born in Cornwall in 1754,

and came to Nova-Scotia, a clerk in the navy in 1779. He settled in

Cumberland, N.S., where he taught school and was married, removing to

Fredericton in 1790, where he again taught school for nearly forty

years. He was an accomplished penman and an expert in arithmetic and

the elementary mathematics. There can be no doubt, I think, that Fisher

was indebted to this gentleman for an education that was very fair

indeed, in the then circumstances of the country. Fisher unquestionably

possessed a good deal of natural ability, and was something of a

philosopher, as will appear when we come to consider his writings. He

carried on quite an extensive business in lumbering at one time. He was

noted as a tireless pedestrian and there were few, even among his

juniors, who could keep pace with him in a walk of fifty miles, which

he thought nothing of. He married on August 15, 1807, Susanna Stephens

Williams, the Rev. George Pidgeon, rector of Fredericton, officiating

at the wedding. Their family was a large one, seven sons and four

daughters.[2] The late Judge Charles Fisher, who was born September 16,

1808, was the oldest. Another son, Henry Fisher, was Chief

Superintendent of Education of New-Brunswick. Lewis Peter Fisher, a

younger son, was for years Woodstock's most prominent citizen and a

very eminent lawyer. Another son, William Fisher, was for some years

Indian Commissioner. One of the daughters was the wife of Hon. Charles

Connell, Postmaster General, at one time in the local government, and a

member of the first Dominion Parliament for the County of Carleton. At

least three of the sons of Peter Fisher were actively interested in

education. Of these Charles Fisher received the degree of B.A. at

King's College, now the University of New Brunswick, in 1830. His was

the first class to graduate after the incorporation of the college by

Royal Charter, under the name of King's College with the style and

privileges of a University. He read law with Judge Street, then

Advocate General, was admitted attorney in 1831 and barrister in 1833.

He spent a year at one of the Inns of Court in England. His Alma Mater

conferred on him the degree of D.C.L. in 1866. Judge Fisher during his

public life was a warm friend of the College at Fredericton. At the

session of the provincial legislature, in 1859, he moved the bill under

which the old King's College was transformed into the University of

New-Brunswick. He was later a member of the Senate of the University.

[2] I am pretty certain that Susanna Stephens Williams was a

daughter of Bealing Stephens Williams, the school master.--W. O.

R.

Henry Fisher has already been mentioned as one of the early Chief

Superintendents of Education. His portrait may be seen in the office of

Dr. W. S. Carter, Chief Superintendent of Education, in Fredericton.

Lewis Peter Fisher, of Woodstock, was for years an active Trustee of

the Carleton County Grammar School, and a strenuous advocate of Free

School Education. He had no children. By his will he left his large

fortune to establish a number of institutions of an educational and

philanthropic character in the town of Woodstock, the affairs of which

he had long ably administered as mayor. These institutions include:

The Fisher Memorial Hospital, established at a cost of $50,000 00

Fisher Memorial Public School 60,000 00

" Vocational School 48,000 00

" Free Public Library 50,000 00

-----------

Total $208,000 00

This is the largest individual benefaction to any community in

New-Brunswick, if not in the Maritime Provinces. The memorial buildings

are all situated within the limits of the town of Woodstock, and, with

the exception of the hospital, are handsome substantial brick

buildings. In addition to the gift of the buildings and their

equipment, the estate contributes from time to time to their

maintenance, under the capable administration of the trustees, A. B.

Connell, K. C., and Col. F. H. J. Dibblee. It will thus be seen that

although the late Mayor of Woodstock left no child to perpetuate his

name, his memory will be kept green for future generations as a

philanthropist and a man of high ideals.

Space will not admit of any extended reference to the descendants of

our first provincial historian. A short sketch of the life of the Hon.

Charles Fisher will be found in Lawrence's "Judges of New-Brunswick and

their Times," pages 528-532. As a man who in his day rendered essential

service to his native province, Charles Fisher deserves a more

extensive biography than has hitherto been attempted by any writer.

End of Project Gutenberg's First History of New Brunswick, by Peter Fisher