their enemies, the Maigenos, lying dead. Our friends, the Carios, those
who were still alive, were greatly pleased that we were come to help
them.
After that we returned with them to our camp and abode there four days,
for we had plenty to eat and all things needful in this town of the
Maigenos.
We then resolved to undertake our decisive journey, having now knowledge
of the country. So we journeyed for thirteen consecutive days, that is
to say, according to our judgment, about seventy-two miles, and came
to a nation named Karchkockios; and when we were _en route_ the first
nine days we came to a region six miles either way, on which there
was nothing but good salt as thick as if it had snowed, and that salt
remains winter and summer.[239]
[239] This place is the Salinas del Jaurú (salt lakes of Jaurú).
We remained two days in this salt region, not knowing how to come out
of it or how to take the right way to continue our journey. But God
Almighty gave us His grace that we found the right way, and in four days
we came to a people called Karchkockios, and when we were at only four
miles distance from their town, our commander sent in advance fifty
Christians and five hundred Carios that they might provide lodging for
us.
Now when we had entered the town, we found a numerous people together,
the like of which we had not as yet seen in all our journey, and we were
put somewhat in fear by it. Seeing this, we sent one of our men back
to our commander, to tell him how matters were, and that he might come
speedily to our help.
And when our commander heard these tidings, he set forward with all his
people on the very same night, and by the morning, between three and
four o'clock, he was in the midst of us; but the Karchkockios, supposing
that there were not more of us than they had seen the evening before,
promised themselves the victory.
But when they were aware that our commander had come with more people
they were very sad and sorrowful, and showed us all possible kindness
and goodwill, for they could have done nothing more, and feared for
their wives and children and their village. Meanwhile they brought us
venison, geese, sheep, ostriches, ducks, conies, and other game and
fowl, as well as Turkish corn, wheat, rice, and other roots which abound
in their country. The men wear a round blue stone in their lips, as
broad as a draughtsman. Their weapons are darts, bows and arrows, and
targets made of _amida_ hide. Their wives have a small hole in their
lips in which they insert a green or grey crystal. They wear a cotton
waistcloth about the size of a shirt, but without sleeves. They are
beautiful women, and do nothing but sew and keep house; the men till the
fields and provide all kinds of food.
From there we went to the Machkockios[240] and took some of the
Karchkockios with us to show us the way. And after three days'
journeying from this place the said Karchkockios[241] left us secretly,
but we nevertheless continued our journey and came to a river named
Machkasis, one mile and a half broad; and we did not know how to pass
over it safely; but with God's grace we passed it well in the following
way: for every two persons we made a raft of wood and branches, whereon
being carried down the river they came to the other side; and in this
passage four of our people were drowned. God be merciful to them and to
us. Amen.
[240] Irala, in his letter to the King, of July 24, 1555, calls the
territory where he arrived Tamacoxas; and Ruy Diaz de Guzman calls it
Samocosis. This is what Schmidt means.
[241] Tamacoxas.
This river has good fish in it. Many tigers are also found in the
neighbourhood. This river is only four miles distant from the
Machkockios.
When we had approached within one mile of the Machkasis the inhabitants
came forth to meet us, and received us very well, and soon began talking
Spanish with us; whereat we were astonished, and asked them whose
subjects they were and who was their lord; they answered our commander
and us, that they were the subjects of a Spanish nobleman, whose name
was Peter Asuelles.[242]
[242] Pero Anzures de Campo Redondo, one of the officers of Pizarro,
the conqueror of Peru, who was sent to conquer the territory of the
Chunchos, east of the river Arumaya, and between the Beni and the
Guapay.
Upon entering their village we found their children, and some of the
men and women, swarming with very little vermin, like our fleas. These
little vermin, if they lay hold of the toes, or any other part of the
body, gnaw and enter always more and more deeply into the flesh, and at
length become worms, such as are found in our filberts. If it be taken
in time the mischief may be prevented, but if overlooked too long, it
eats the whole toes away. I could write very much about it.[243]
[243] This is the _nigua_, in Guaraní, called _pique_ in Brazil, where
it is very plentiful, and chiefly attacks the negroes. In tropical
Africa it is vulgarly known as the "Jigger".
From our often-mentioned town of Noster Signora Desumsion to this
village of the Machkasis the distance by land is three hundred and
seventy-two miles.[244]
[244] The city of Asuncion del Paraguai is in lat. 25° 17′ S., and the
salt lakes of the Jaurú in lat. 16°. The distance by land between them
is about 700 English miles.
Now, when we had stayed twenty days in this place of the Machkasis, we
received a letter from a city called Lieme[245] in Peru, from H. I. M.
Supreme Stadthalter there named Presende or Licentiat de Cascha,[246]
who had caused Consaillo Pisere[247] to be beheaded, besides other
noblemen whom he caused to be beheaded along with him, or to be sent to
the galleys, because the said Consaillo Pisere would not be obedient to
him the Licentiate de Cascha, but was rebellious along with the country
against H. I. Majesty.
[245] Lima.
[246] El Presidente Licenciado La Gasca.
[247] Gonzalo Pizarro.
So it often happens that someone makes more, or takes more power than
has been delegated to him from his master; and so it is in this world. I
certainly think that H. I. Majesty would have granted the said Pisere
his life, if H. I. Majesty had himself arrested him. He was vexed that
another lord had been placed in authority over his own land, for this
country of Peru, before God and man was legitimately Consaillo Pisere's,
because he, along with his brethren Margossen and Ernando Piseron,[248]
had discovered and conquered it first of all. This land is rightly
called the Rich Country, for all riches appertaining to H. I. Majesty
come from Peru, Nova Hispania, and Terra firma.
[248] El Marqués Don Francisco and Hernando Pizarro.
But envy and hatred are so great in the world that one man wishes
nothing good to another. And so it happened to poor Consaillo Pisero,
who formerly had been a King, and afterwards had his head taken off. God
be merciful to him. Much could be written about this, but I have no time
for it.
Now, the above-mentioned letter was to the effect that, in name of H. I.
Majesty, our Commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[249] should not, by
any means whatever, depart from there, but should remain among the
Machkasis, and wait for further orders.
[249] Domingo Martinez de Irala.
But it was really intended to this effect, that the governor, fearing
that we might excite a rebellion against him in the country, and
associate ourselves with those who had escaped and taken to flight into
the forest and mountain (and that would doubtless have happened if we
had met together again and we would have chased the governor out of the
country), entered into an agreement with our commander, and made him a
great present, in order to satisfy him and to get off alive. We soldiers
knew nothing about this compact; had we known of it we would have tied
our commander hand and foot together, and so transported him to Peru.
After this our commander sent four companions to Peru, whose names were
Nueste de Schaieses, Ungnade, Michael de Ruete, Abaije de Korchua.[250]
These four persons came to Peru in one month and a half.
[250] The real names of those officers were: Nuflo de Chaves, Agustin
de Ocampo, Miguel de Rutia, and Ruy Garcia.
Firstly they came to a people called Poduesis,[251] then to another
called Ruessken,[252] thirdly to Riodellaplata, and to the principal
town called Lieme.[253] These four are the principal and the richest
cities in Peru.
[251] Potosi.
[252] Cuzco.
[253] Lima.
When those four companions came to the first town, Poduesis in Peru, the
two named Michael de Ruete and Abaije remained there, because of their
weakness, as they had fallen ill on the journey; the two others, Nueste
and Ungnade, rode post to Lieme to the governor. He received them well
and heard from them a report as to how matters were going on in the
country of Riodellaplata; then he ordered that they should be treated in
the best possible way, and gave them each two thousand ducats.
Then the governor ordered Nueste de Schaieses[254] to write to his
commander that he should remain until further advice with his people
among the Machkasis,[255] but he should not take from them anything nor
do them any harm, excepting with regard to food, although we knew very
well that they had silver, but being the subjects of a Spaniard, we
should not do them any injury.
[254] Nuflo de Chaves.
[255] Tamacoxas: cf. _supra_, p. 73, _note_.
But this post of the governor was waylaid by a Spaniard named Parnawuie,
by order of our commander, who feared that another commander might come
from Peru to rule over his people; and indeed another one had already
been appointed. Therefore our commander sent out on the roads the said
Parnawuie and ordered him, if there were any letters, to bring them with
him to where he was staying with the Carios; and this was accordingly
done.
Our commander had arranged so badly that owing to the scarcity of
victual we could not remain any longer among the Machkasis, for we had
only enough provisions to last for one month. If we had only known that
we were going to have both victual and a governor, we would not have
removed from there, and we would have found food and ways and means to
remain; but there is nothing but knavery in this world. Afterwards we
went back again to the Karchkockios.
I should also have mentioned that the country of the Machkasis is so
fertile that I have never seen the like of it before. For if an Indian
goes forth into the forest, and makes a hole with an hatchet in the
first tree he comes across, five or six measures of honey flow out of
it, as pure as our mead. The bees that make this honey are very small
and do not sting.[256] Their honey may be eaten with bread, or in any
other manner. Good wine is also prepared from it, like the mead here in
Germany, and even better.
[256] This description is greatly exaggerated. The bees make their
hives (called in Guaraní _camoati_) on the branches of the trees, and
it is from the hive, of course, not from the tree, that the honey is
taken.
Now, when we came to the said Karchkockios, these Indians had all fled
away with wives and children, and were afraid of us, but it would
have been better for them to have remained in their villages; for our
commander soon sent other Indians after them, and bade them return,
saying that they ought not to fear, that no harm would be done to them;
they would not, however, take heed of our request, but invited us to
leave their village, threatening in case of our refusal to drive us out
of it by force.
Having heard this, we soon made our preparations and went out against
them. However, some of us were of opinion to send a message to our
commander and advise him not to march against them, because this might
bring about a great want in the land; in case we had to move from
Peru to Riodellaplata, for then we would have no provisions. But our
commander and the whole community would not accept that proposal, but
preferred the above-mentioned advice, and went out against the said
Karchkockios. And when we arrived at the distance of half-a-mile from
them, we found that they had pitched their camp between two hills
covered with forest; so that, if we conquered them, they might the more
easily escape us. But it did not befall them well, for those we reached
had to die at our hands or to become our slaves. We enslaved in this
skirmish over one thousand, without reckoning those men, women, and
children that were killed.
Afterwards we remained two months in this village, which was as great
as five or six others joined together. We then went on further, to the
place where we left the two aforesaid mentioned ships, and we were one
year and a half on the journey, always engaged in one war after another,
and took prisoners more than twelve thousand persons, all of whom became
our slaves. I had for my share about fifty men, women, and children.
And when we came to the ships, the people that had been left on these
bergentines informed us how, during our absence, a commander, Diego
Abriego of Sievilla,[257] in Spain, on the one side, and a commander, J.
Francisco Manchossa,[258] who had been left in charge of the two ships
by our chief commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[259] during his absence
on the other side, had begun a great quarrel. They told us that Diego de
Abriego claimed to rule over them, while Johann Franciscus Manchossa,
in his capacity as appointed commander and substitute of Martin Domingo
Eijolla, would not consent to let him do this; and so the beggars-dance
began between them, until at last Diego de Abriego[260] won the victory,
and even took off the head of Johann Francisco Manchossa. From that
moment he made much noise in the country, and proposed to march against
us. First, he fortified himself in the town, and when we came along
with our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, before the said town, he
refused to let our commander in, or to surrender the town, or even still
less to recognise him as his master.
[257] Diego de Abrego of Seville.
[258] Don Francisco de Mendoza.
[259] Domingo Martinez de Irala.
[260] This name is written Abreu and Abrego in different chronicles
and documents. I believe the right name is Diego de Abrego.
Our commander having heard this, we beleaguered the town Noster Signora
Desumsion. But the soldiers who were in that town, seeing that we meant
business, came day after day to us in the open field, and prayed our
commander for mercy. Diego de Abriego, having noticed that he could not
trust his people, and fearing that we might enter the town by night
through treason, which would have certainly happened, took counsel with
his best companions and friends, and asked who would go out of the town
along with him. About fifty men went out with him; the others came to
our commander, as soon as Diego de Abriego had left, and surrendered,
and begged for mercy. The commander promised them mercy, and entered
the town. But the said Diego de Abriego fled with the fifty Christians
thirty miles away, so that we could do them no harm. In this way these
two commanders made war one against the other for two full years; so
much so, that one was never sure of the other, for Diego de Abriego
never remained long in the same place, being here to-day, there
to-morrow; and where he was able to do us harm, he did it, for he
resembled very much a highway robber--in short, in order to have peace,
our commander was compelled to come to terms with him, and arranged a
marriage with his two daughters, whom he gave to two cousins of Diego
de Abriego, the one of whom was named Albernunzo Richkell, and the other
Franciscus Fergere,[261] and when this marriage was arranged we had
peace at last.
[261] The names of these two Spaniards, according to Ruy Diaz de
Guzman, author of _La Argentina_ (1612), and grandson of Irala, were
Alonso Riquelme de Guzman (father of Ruy Diaz), and Francisco Ortiz de
Vergara. There were four marriages, and not two, as Schmidt says. The
other two Spaniards were Gonzalo de Mendoza and Pedro Segura. Irala's
daughters were by Indian women, his captives.
At the same time I received a letter from Sievilla in Spain, from the
agent of Fugger, named Christoff Keyser, to say that Sebastian Neidhart
had written to him by order of my late brother, Thomas Schmidt, asking
if there was no possibility of my returning to Spain. That was what the
said Christoff Keyser had constantly solicited, and caused this letter
to be sent to me, in the year 1552, on the second day of July, or St.
Jacob's day.[262]
[262] St. James's Day is on the 25th of July. I refer the reader to my
_Introduction_ for some explanations about the Fuggers, Neidhart, etc.
Having read this letter, I immediately requested our commander, Martin
Domingo Eijolla, to grant me leave of absence. At first he refused
to concede it to me; but at length he was obliged to take into
consideration my long services, how I had faithfully served on land H.
I. Majesty, having oftentimes offered my life for him (Martin Domingo
Eijolla), and had never abandoned him. He considered all this, and
gave me leave, at the same time giving me letters for H. I. Majesty,
informing H. I. Majesty how matters stood in Riodellaplata, and all that
had happened there during that time. These letters were delivered by
me at Sievilla to H. I. Majesty's councillors, to whom I reported also
verbally about the country.
And having now made all my preparations for the journey, I took leave
of my commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, and all my good companions and
friends, and took with me twenty of the Carios Indians, who had to carry
all that I had need of for this long journey (and anyone may judge for
himself how many things one must necessarily have for such a journey).
Eight days before my departure a man came from Presilia[263] and
brought the news that a ship had arrived there from Lisbon, in Portugal,
belonging to the honourable and wise gentleman, Johann von Hulst, a
merchant at Lisbon, and an agent of Erasmus Schetzen of Anttorff.[264]
[263] Brazil.
[264] Antwerp.
Having heard all that he had to say, I set out on my journey, in the
name of God Almighty, in the year 1552, on the twenty-sixth of December,
St. Stephen's Day. And I left Riodellaplata[265] from the town Noster
Signora desumsion with twenty Indians in two canoes. We firstly
came, after twenty-six miles distance, to a place called Jubericha
Sabaija[266]; in that place four other companions joined themselves to
me--two Spaniards and two Portuguese, but they were without grant of
leave from the commander.
[265] Rio de la Plata was the official name of this country, _i.e._,
_Gobernacion del Rio de la Plata_. In the year 1618 it was divided
into three provinces--Paraguai, Guaira, and Buenos Ayres.
[266] Juberich Sabaije has been identified with Yeruquihaba; cf.
_supra_, p. 58.
From there we went off together, and at the end of fifteen miles came to
a place called Gabaretha.[267] After this we went sixteen miles in four
days to a place called Bareia,[267] and from there in nine days or
fifty-four miles we came to a place called Bareda,[267] where we stayed
for two days, in search of victual and canoes, because we had to go up
the river Paranaw[268] for a distance of one thousand miles; and then we
came to a place called Gienugia,[267] where we remained four days. As far
as this place the country belongs to H. I. Majesty, and is peopled by
the Carios.
[267] These names are not known, and it is impossible to find out what
Schmidt meant.
[268] Paraná.
Beyond it begins the territory of the King of Portugal, or the land of
the Tapis.[269] We had now to leave the Paranaw, and our canoes, and
walk to the Tapis; for six weeks we traversed deserts, mountains, and
valleys, and could not sleep for fear of the wild beasts. From the
said place, Gienugia, to these Tapis the distance is one hundred and
twenty-six miles. This nation of Tapis eat their enemies, have no other
occupation but waging war, and when they have conquered their enemies,
they bring them to their place as prisoners, with great solemnity, as
they do here in Germany at the time of a marriage. And when they prepare
to slaughter their captives they make a great ceremony. They give their
prisoner all he wishes for or lusts after: women with whom he may have
intercourse, and meals to his heart's content, up to the hour that he
has to die. Their delight and joy consist in making war. They drink and
eat enormously, are full day and night; they are also fond of dancing,
and lead such an Epicurean life that it is not possible to describe
it. It is a fierce, ambitious, and arrogant people; they make wine of
Turkish corn, becoming as drunk upon it as if they were drinking the
best of wines. They speak the same language as the Carios, with only a
very slight difference.
[269] _Tapis_, writes here Schmidt, and this is the Guaraní name of
the tribes south of Brazil, as was given by Father Anchieta and others
contemporary to the conquest. The true spelling is Tapii. Afterwards
this word was corrupted into Tupi, or Tupin, and Tape.
Next we came to a place called Karieseba, where the inhabitants are also
Tapis; these wage war against the Christians, whereas those we have
spoken of are friends with them.
So we came, on Palm Sunday, at four miles distance from a place, where I
became aware that we had to be on our guard against those of Karieseba,
for we were by this time in great want of victual. We had, however,
intended to go somewhat farther for victual's sake, but we could not
withhold two of our companions, who, despite our warnings, entered the
place. We promised them to wait, and did so; but before they could enter
the place they were killed and afterwards eaten. God have mercy on them.
Amen.
Then these same Indians came as near as thirty paces from us, along
with fifty men. They wore the clothes of the Christians, and they stood
still and began parleying with us. Among these Indians, if anyone stands
still at a few paces distance from his enemy and talks to him, he has
usually nothing very good in his mind.
Seeing this, we put ourselves on our defence as well as we could, and
asked of them what had become of our companions. They told us they were
in their town, and invited us also to enter it. But we would not do so,
for we perfectly well understood their malice.
Then they shot at us with their bows, but they resisted not long, and
soon fled away to their town, whence they came out again with six
hundred men against us. We had no other protection than a great wood,
our four guns, and the sixty[270] Indians of the Carios who had come
with us from Noster Signora desumsion. Nevertheless, we defended
ourselves four days and four nights, always shooting one at another,
and in the fourth night we secretly left the wood and went off, because
we had not much to eat, and our enemies had become too strong for us, as
the saying goes: Many dogs cause the death of the hare.
[270] Schmidt speaks of _twenty_, not _sixty_, men with whom he set
out.
Thence we travelled six days through wild forests, more lonely than any
I had ever seen, and I may say that I have travelled far and wide. We
had nothing to eat, and had to satisfy ourselves with roots and honey
that we found here and there. We could not even afford the necessary
time to hunt for game, so fearful were we that the enemy might overtake
us by night.
At length we came to a nation called Bijessija,[271] where we remained
four days and took victual, but we dared not enter the place because we
were so few.
[271] Mbiaçai, the land opposite the island of Santa Catalina.
In this country there is a river called Urquaie,[272] wherein we have
seen snakes which are called in Spanish Schue Eiiba Thuescha.[273] They
are fourteen paces in length and two fathoms thick in the middle of the
body. They do great harm, to wit, when a man takes a bath or an animal
drinks in a river or would swim across it, such a snake, swimming under
water, comes to the man or animal, puts its tail around them under water
and there eats them. That animal has always its head above water, in
order to watch around for man or beast.
[272] Uruguay.
[273] This extraordinary name is not Spanish. The great snake
described by Schmidt must be the Boa, which lives near the
watering-places waiting for its prey.