breast, in order that it may grow no more. The reason for this is, that
they may be more fit to handle their weapons and bows, for they are
war-like women, making continual war against their enemies.
These women inhabit an island surrounded by water, and a large island it
is too; and there is no access to it but by canoes. But in this island
the Amazons have neither gold nor silver, though they are reported to
have great riches in the _terra firma_ where the men live. It is a very
great nation, and is said to have a King whose name appears to be
Iegnis, and they told us where he lived.
Now, our commander, Ernando Rieffere,[170] desired the said King of the
Scherues[171] to place at our disposal some of his subjects to carry
our plunder and to show us the way, because he intended to enter the
interior of the country, and to seek out those above-mentioned Amazons.
The King was willing to do so, but he said that at this time of the year
the land would be under water, and therefore travelling there would not
do at this season. We would not, however, believe his words, but were
urgent to have his Indians. He therefore gave our commander for his
person twenty men to carry his plunder and victual, and to each of us he
gave five Indians to serve us and carry our necessaries, for we would
have to go eight days' journey without finding an Indian.
[170] Hernando de Ribera.
[171] Xarayos. All that precedes about the Amazons is a ridiculous
tale which Schmidt could not have heard from any of those poor
Indians, who had not the slightest idea about the Scythian mythology
or the ancient fables from which this passage of his book is taken,
after the fashion for the wonderful, prevalent at this period. The
source of this story in the New World is the voyage made in 1540-41 by
the Spanish officer, Orellana, who was the first to navigate the great
river called _of the Amazons_, on account of his having related that
he met on its banks a tribe of women warriors.
Afterwards we came to a certain nation called Siberis, who resemble the
Scherues in their language and in other respects. We advanced for eight
whole days and nights in water up to the knees, and sometimes as high
as the waist; nor could we by any means come out of it. When we wished
to make a fire, we heaped big fagot-sticks one on another, and made a
fire thereon; and it happened several times that as we were about to
cook our meat, both the pot in which we had our food and the fire fell
into the water, and then we had to remain without eating. We also could
not find any rest either by day or night, because of the small flies,
against which we could do nothing.
We therefore asked these Siberis if there were any more water, and they
said we would have to wade four more days in the water, and afterwards
would have to travel five other days by land; and at length we should
come to a people named Orthuses,[172] and they gave us to understand
that we were too few in number, and therefore we had better return. But
this we would not do for the Scherues sake, for we thought rather of
sending them back to their town who were accompanying us. But the said
Scherues refused to go, because the King had ordered them not to leave
us, but to serve us until we came again out of that country.
[172] Urtuesses; cf. Hernando de Ribera's narrative, _infra_.
The aforesaid Siberis then gave us ten men, who, together with the
Scherues, should show us the way to the aforesaid Orthuses; so we went
along for another seven days through water up to the waist or the knee;
this water was quite as hot as if it had been heated on the fire, and
we were compelled to drink it, for want of any other water. Some might
suppose that it was a flowing water, but this was not so, for at that
time rain had fallen so heavily that the whole land was inundated, for
it is a flat land; how we suffered from the effects of this water shall
be told hereafter.
Thus on the ninth day, between ten and eleven before noon, we came to
the place of the Orthuses, and by midday we arrived in the centre of the
village, where the chief's house stands.
But at that very time there was a great mortality among the Orthuses,
caused by famine, for they had nothing to eat, the locusts or
grasshoppers having twice eaten and destroyed all the corn and the
fruits of their trees. When we Christians saw this, and heard how things
were going there, we became frightened, and could not remain long in the
land, because we also had not much to eat. So our commander asked their
chief how many days' journey we yet had to the Amazons, and he said we
must yet travel one full month to reach them, and besides, all the land
was full of water, as it indeed appeared.
Now the chief of the Orthuses presented our commander with four
Pleynisch[173] of gold, and four silver rings which they wear on the
arm; but the Indians wear the plates on their foreheads for ornaments,
as our nobles do their gold chains on their necks. For all this, our
commander gave the chief of the Indians a hatchet, knives, paternosters,
scissors, and other things which are made at Nuremberg. We would have
wished more from them, but we durst not ask it, for we Christians were
not numerous enough, and therefore had to beware of them. The Indians,
on the contrary, were very numerous, and their town so large, that I had
hitherto never seen in the whole of India so many people together, nor
such a big place, although I have been far and wide. The mortality
among the Indians, dying from hunger, certainly was our good luck, for
otherwise we Christians might not perhaps have escaped with our lives.
[173] Plates.
When we again returned to the aforesaid Siberis, we were ill-provided
with victual, for they had nothing to eat but a tree called a palm, and
cardes,[174] and other roots which grow underground. And when we came
to the Scherues, our people were half dead for sickness, because of the
water and the poverty that we had to undergo during this journey, for
we never came out of the water for thirty days and nights together, and
we were always constrained to drink of that impure water.
[174] Thistles.
So we remained among the Scherues, where the King lives, for four days,
and they treated us very well, and waited on us diligently, and the King
ordered his subjects to give us all things necessary.
On this journey each of us plundered nearly two hundred ducats' worth
of Indian cotton mantles and silver, having secretly bartered these for
knives, paternosters,[175] scissors, and looking-glasses.
[175] Rosaries.
After all this we again went down the river to our chief commander,
Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha,[176] and when we arrived, he ordered us on
our lives not to come out of the ships, and he came also in person to
us and ordered our commander, Ernando Rieffere,[177] to be cast into
prison, and took from us soldiers all that we had brought with us from
the country; and finally, he would have hanged our commander, Ernando
Rieffere, on a tree. But when we heard of this, we being still in the
Bergentin,[178] raised a great tumult along with other good friends who
were on shore, against our chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha,
demanding that he should set our commander, Ernando Rieffere, free, and
restore to us all of that which he had taken away, otherwise we should
take measures accordingly. Seeing such an uproar and our wrathful
indignation, he was very glad indeed to let our commander go free, and
to restore to us all he had taken away, giving us fair words that we
might be pacified; how it fared with him afterwards shall presently be
told.
[176] Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.
[177] Hernando de Ribera.
[178] Brigantine.
All this having occurred, and peace being established, he desired our
commander, Ernando Rieffere, and us to give him a report on the country
we had been to; and explain how it happened that we had remained so
long absent; and we gave him an answer wherewith he was well satisfied.
That he had received us so badly and taken our things away, was the
result of our not having obeyed his mandate; for he had only ordered us
to go as far as the Scherues,[179] and four days' journey inland, and
then to return and report to him; we on the contrary had gone for
eighteen days beyond the country of the Scherues.
[179] Xarayos.
Now our chief commander, after the report we had made of it, would have
marched with all his people to that country to which we had just been;
but we soldiers would not agree thereto, especially at this very time
when the country was quite under water.
Moreover, most of the people were very feeble and ill, besides which our
chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, commanded no great respect
or favour among the soldiers, for he was a man who had never held a
command nor any important post whatsoever.
So we remained for two months among the aforesaid Siberis (Surukusis?),
during which time our chief commander got a fever, which made him very
ill--it would have been no great loss had he died at this time, for he
really commanded no great respect among us.
In this country of the Surukusis I did not find a single Indian who was
forty or fifty years of age, nor have I ever in my life experienced a
more unhealthy country; for it lies under the tropic, _i.e._, there
where the sun is at the highest; it is as unhealthy as Sancte
Thome.[180]
[180] The island of San Thomé, off the west coast of Africa.
Being among the Surukusis, I saw the constellation of Ursa Major, of
which we had lost sight when we passed the island of S. Augo.[181]
[181] St. Iago, one of the Cape Verd islands, cf. _supra_, p. 4.
Hulsius observes that in the tropic of Capricorn, in which Surukusis
is situated, the elevation of the pole is 22½°, and the constellation
of Ursa Major would be visible here at its highest elevation in the
sky for several hours. The author's remark that he lost sight of this
constellation at the island of St. Iago is, according to the same
commentator, wholly erroneous. This island is in N. lat. 15°;
the declination of the star α Ursæ Majoris, the northernmost of
the group, is 62° 20′ 2″. It would therefore appear on the horizon
in S. lat. 27° 40′, or 2,560 miles south of St. Iago.
Now our commander-in-chief ordered, in spite of his illness, one hundred
and fifty Christians and two thousand Indian Carios to go with four
Bergentin ships,[182] four miles distance to the island of the
Surukusis, and commanded them to slay all these Surukusis or to take
them prisoners, and that they should principally destroy all persons
from forty to fifty years of age. The way these Surukusis had previously
entertained us has already been declared,[183] and how we rewarded and
thanked them will now appear. God knows that we did them wrong.
[182] Brigantines.
[183] Cf. _supra_, p. 42.
When, therefore, we arrived at their town unawares, they came out of
their houses with bows and arrows to meet us peaceably. But a tumult
arising between the Carios and the Surukusis, we Christians fired at
them and killed very many, and having made more than two thousand
prisoners, men, women, boys, and girls, we afterwards burnt down their
town, and took all they possessed that could be carried away, as in such
violent assaults is usual; then we turned back again to our commander,
Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, who was very well pleased with our deeds.
But our people being for the most part feeble and ill-affected towards
our chief commander, the latter could not do anything with them, so
he ordered a ship to be prepared, and we all went down the river
Paraboe,[184] and came to Noster Signora desumsion,[185] where we had
left the other Christians. There our chief commander fell sick again of
a fever, and kept indoors fourteen days together. It was, however, more
out of pride than out of weakness, for he did not please the people;
but showed himself unseemly towards them more than it behoved a lord or
commander who would govern a country; for such a man should always give
good counsel to everyone alike whatever their rank or station, and
always be good-hearted to all. Also it seems well that such an one
should so behave himself as he would like to appear to others, and
should be wiser and cleverer than those whom he commands. For it is very
bad and shameful that anyone should try to advance more in honours
than in wisdom. And nobody should boast himself of his high position,
despising others, like the vain and arrogant Thrasus[186] in Terentius,
who thinks that every commander is appointed for the sake of the men,
and not the soldiers nominated for the commander's sake.
[184] Paraguai.
[185] The town of La Asuncion.
[186] Thraso, the soldier in Terence's play of _The Eunuch_. A German
translation of this comedy, with a commentary by Hans Nythart, was
printed at Ulm in 1486.
But here there has been no regard as to persons, but our commander has
in all things only followed his arrogant and vain inspiration.
Thereupon it was resolved by all, noble man and commoner, to meet in
council, with a view to take prisoner this chief commander, Albernunzo
Cabessa de Bacha, and to send him to H. I. Majesty, and to report to His
Majesty about his nice virtue, and how he had behaved towards us, and
how, according to his reason, he had governed; and other things besides.
According to the resolution come to, these three gentlemen, namely,
the treasurer or judge, the clerk or master of the toll or custom, and
the secretary ordained by H. I. Majesty, whose names were Albernunzo
Gabrero, Don Francisco Manchossa, Garze Hannego, Philippo de
Gastra,[187] etc., taking with them two hundred soldiers, went to his
lodging, and arrested our commander-in-chief, Albernunzo Cabessa de
Bacha, when he least expected it. And this happened on St. Mark's Day,
Anno 1543.[188] They held prisoner the said Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha
for a whole year, until a ship called a Carrabella,[189] provided with
victual and a crew, had been prepared. And on board this ship the
often-mentioned Cabessa de Bacha, with two other officers on behalf of
H. I. Majesty, were conveyed to Spain.
[187] Alonzo Cabrera, Francisco de Mendoza, Garcia Vanegas, and Felipe
Caceres.
[188] This conspiracy against Alvar Nuñez was the work of Domingo
Martinez de Irala to get possession of the Government, in which he
succeeded. Schmidt avows himself an accomplice, and this explains his
unjust charges against the Adelantado, Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, who
was the most honest and capable governor that this unfortunate colony
had in early times. The imprisonment took place on the 25th of April
1544, and lasted one year, during which Alvar Nuñez suffered the most
horrible treatment from his wicked enemies.
[189] Caravel.
After that we had to elect another who should rule and govern the
country until H. I. Majesty had time to designate one himself. And we
held it for good, as it was the meaning and the will of the community,
to nominate as chief Domingo Eijollas,[190] not only because he had
formerly governed the country, but especially because most of the
soldiers were satisfied with him.
[190] Domingo Martinez de Irala.
However, there were some who had been the special friends of our
aforesaid chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, who were not
pleased. But we did not care for that.
About this time I was very weak and ill with dropsy, which I, along with
my fellow-comrades, had caught in our journey to the Orthuses, when
we waded so long in the water, besides suffering want and intolerable
hunger, as I have related; for nearly eighty of our people fell ill, and
not more than thirty men escaped death.
And when Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha was sent to Spain there was discord
among us Christians, and soon we fought day and night, so that any one
would have thought that the devil governed among us; and no man was safe
from the other.
We thus made war among ourselves for two whole years, the sending away
Cabessa de Bacha being the occasion of it. And when the Carios, who had
formerly been our friends, perceived that we Christians were disunited,
and had such false and treacherous hearts one towards another, they were
not at all pleased, for they thought that every realm that is divided
in itself and cannot agree must be destroyed. They therefore held a
council, and agreed that they would kill us and drive us out of their
country. But God Almighty--praise to Him, always and everlastingly--did
not grant these Carios that their designs should prosper; although the
whole country of the Carios and other nations, such as the Aygais,[191]
were against us Christians.
[191] Agazes.
But when we perceived this state of things we were obliged to make
peace among ourselves. And we also entered into a treaty with two other
tribes, one named the Jeperis, and the other the Bachacheis,[192] who
numbered five thousand men in all. They eat only fish and flesh, are
courageous in battle on land and water, but prefer fighting on land.
Their weapons are tardes,[193] half a spear in length but not so thick,
and the points are tipped with flint. They have also truncheons under
their girdles four spans long with a knob at the end.
[192] Yapirús and Mbaiás.
[193] Darts.
Every one of these Indians has also ten or twelve small sticks of wood,
or as many in fact as he chooses to carry, a good span long, and on
the point of every stick is fixed a broad and long fish's tooth (named
Palmede[194] in Spanish) that resembles a sea-tench. This tooth cuts
like a razor; but you should know what they do with these teeth, or what
use they put them to.
[194] Palometa.
Firstly, they fight with the aforesaid tardes, and in case they are
victorious over their enemies, and that these take to flight, they
abandon their tardes and run after the enemies and throw their
truncheons under their feet, in order to cause them to fall to the
ground; then, without looking to see if they are yet half-alive or dead,
they cut their heads off with the aforesaid fish-tooth. This is done so
quickly that one has scarcely time enough to turn round; afterwards they
put this tooth back again under their girdle or their other clothing.
Mark you, now, what he does further with the man's head, and to what use
he puts it, namely, if he has any opportunity for so doing, after such a
skirmish. He takes off the skin with all the hair over the ears, then he
fills the head out and leaves it to become hard; afterwards he puts this
hard and dry skin on a little hoop as a souvenir, in the same way as
here in Germany a knight or commander puts a scutcheon in the churches.
But to return to our narrative, and to make it short. It so happened
that the Jeperis and Bachacheis[195] came to us with about one thousand
men, which pleased us very much; we then went out of the town Noster
Signora Desumsion with our chief commander, besides three hundred and
fifty Christians and these one thousand Indians, so that every Christian
had three men to look after him, whom our commander had ordered for
them. And we came afterwards to a distance of three miles from the
place where our enemies the Carios, who numbered fifteen thousand, were
encamped in the open, in good order. Now when we were only half a mile
from them we would do nothing that day for we were tired and it was
raining; so we remained in the wood, where we passed the night. The
following morning we marched against them at six o'clock, and coming
upon them by seven, we fought together till ten. Then they were obliged
to fly, and ran in haste to a place four miles distant, which they had
fortified, and its name was called Froemiliere.[196] The Indian chief
was Machkaria. In this skirmish the dead on the enemy's side who were
killed by us numbered two thousand, whose heads the Jeperis[197] carried
on their spears. And on our side there fell ten Christians besides the
wounded, whom we sent back to Noster Signora Desumsion; but we pursued
the enemy with all our army to their place Froemiliere, whither
Machkaria their chief had fled. But these Carios had fortified their
place with three wooden stockades, like a wall. The wooden posts were as
thick as a man in the middle part of his body, or even thicker, three
fathoms high, and sunk into the earth the height of a man.
[195] Yapirús and Mbaiás.
[196] It is impossible to interpret this name, which certainly is not
Guaraní.
[197] Yapirús.
They had also dug pits or deep holes, and planted in each of them five
or six pointed stakes as sharp as needles. So this town of theirs was
very strong, and contained many valiant warriors; there can be no doubt
about that. And we lay three days before that place without being able
to do anything or to win anything from them.
However, at length, by God's help, we became stronger than they were.
We soon made great _Bodelle_ or _Pabesse_[198] out of the skins of deer
and of the _amida_.[199] This is a big beast, like a good-sized mule; it
has feet like a cow, but on the whole resembles an ass; and its flesh
is suitable to be eaten. There are plenty of them in this country; and
their skin is half a finger thick. Such a pabesse we gave to every
Indian of the Jeperis, and to others a good hatchet, and between two
such Indians we placed an arquebuss shooter. There were over four
hundred of these targets.
[198] Spanish words, _rodela_ or _pavés_, _i.e._, shields and targets.
[199] Anta or tapir.
Then we again attacked the enemy's town from three sides between two and
three o'clock in the morning; and, in less than three hours, the three
stockades were destroyed and won; we then came with all our people
into the town and slew many men, women, and children. But most of them
escaped and fled to another place of theirs called Carieba, twenty miles
distant from this place Froemiliere. This town they also fortified, and
there was a great mass of these Carios there together. This town stood
very close to a big forest, in order that if we Christians again
conquered it, they might retain the forest as a protection, as will
be seen hereafter. Now, when we Christians, along with our Commander
Martino Domingo Eijolla,[200] together with the aforesaid Jeperis
and Bachacheis, had followed our enemies the Carios up to this place
Carieba, at about five o'clock in the evening, we established our army
on three sides of the place, on a concealed eminence in the forest.
There came also reinforcements to us from Noster Signora Desumsion,[201]
two hundred Christians and five hundred Jeperis and Bachacheis,[202]
because many of our people, Christians and Indians, had been wounded
before the aforesaid place, so that we were compelled to send them back
and to have these fresh soldiers instead of them. Now, therefore, we
numbered four hundred and fifty Christians and one thousand three
hundred Jeperis and Bachacheis. But our enemies the Carios had now
fortified their place more strongly than ever, namely with palissadoes
(stockades) and very many trenches.
[200] Domingo Martinez de Irala.
[201] Asuncion.
[202] Yapirús and Mbaiás.
They had also prepared iron plates,[203] which were made like rat
traps, of which a single one, if it had gone according to their wish,
would have each time slain twenty or thirty men. There were plenty of
these traps in the place, but God Almighty willed otherwise, so praise
be to Him everlastingly. We lay, therefore, before this place, Carieba,
four days without being able to do them any harm; but at length, by
treachery (such as is to be found everywhere), there came an Indian
from our enemies, the Carios, at night to our commander, Martin Domingo
Eijolla.[204] That Indian was one of the chiefs of the Carios, and to
him belonged the town. This man bade us not to burn down his town, nor
to destroy it; and if we consented, he was willing to show us the manner
in which we could take the place. Our commander promised this to him,
and that no harm should be done him. Accordingly this Cario showed us
two paths in the forest by which we could penetrate into the place, and
said that he would light a fire in his town, and during that time we
should break into it. All this having been done, we Christians entered
the town and slew a great number of people. Those who took to flight ran
right into the hands of their enemies, the Jeperis, by whom the greater
part were killed. But this time they had not their wives and children
with them, having concealed them in a great wood four leagues distant
from that place.