Alice Longworth fetched me a little after twelve (a piping hot day).
We drove to the Senate. For about half an hour before lunch we sat in
the gallery of the Senate Chamber. By strange chance a Senator called
LaFollette was holding forth upon Ireland, and demanding that the
government of the U. S. recognize the Irish Republic. It was strange
to come to the Senate to hear home politics. I listened to censorious
remarks on Great Britain and I felt that everyone was agreeing, both
on the floor of the Senate as well as in the galleries. Senator
LaFollette, with his gray hair standing on end, and his face pink with
passion, left his desk, strode up and down, around and about, the
while he shook a formidable finger at the empty seats around him. They
were not entirely empty, however, for Senator Reed was listening with
attention and approval. I had met Senator Reed at Mrs. McCormick’s
party on Sunday night, and the subject of Ireland had arisen between
us then. He told me he was contemplating a journey to Detroit to speak
at a meeting for “Funds for Ireland.” I said to him that night: “If
you are going to ask for funds for Ireland you must needs abuse Great
Britain.” He answered that the one did not absolutely necessitate
the other. But I surmised he only said it out of politeness to an
Englishwoman. I feel I have met the anti-British wave at last. It is
here--and it is in the Senate! But what can one say in self-defense
about Ireland? Senator LaFollette reiterated all the arguments that
were asserted in Moscow, and to which I could not answer a word.
Such as the war having been fought to protect the small nations,
self-determination by the people, freedom of Poland, of Jugo-Slavia,
of Czecho-Slovakia, of God knows what else.
In my own heart I think the small nationalities are the causes of war,
but having insisted and proclaimed their rights we certainly _must_ be
consistent. The only objection I have heard yet to the Irish Republic
is the notion that she would be a base for an enemy fleet in the next
war. To which the reply is obvious. She is further away from us than
France. Besides, she was a base for the enemy fleet in the last war.
Our problems would on the whole have been lessened if Ireland as an
independent nation had openly sided with the enemy. We could have
declared war on her, instead of being hand tied in the face of her
enmity, by pretending that she belonged to our cause. Other theories
are, that Ireland would not be our enemy if we gave her independence.
Of course Ireland should have her Republic. I say it not as an Irish
patriot, or even as an Irish sympathizer, but just as an onlooker, it
seems to me the only logical possibility. I suppose the British Empire
would lose some revenue over it, money is always at the bottom of all
these problems.
When LaFollette had finished, Senator Reed, who had once or twice
interrupted (to ask for information, not to criticize) crossed the
house and shook hands with Senator LaFollette. Senator Reed has a
handsome, regular, rugged face; he is an oldish man, gray haired,
but his individuality is full of fight and aggression. He surely must
be of Irish origin. Senator Borah was pointed out to me. He has a
curious, wide, crumpled-up, forceful face, and long hair. He has been
held out to me as one of the heads that would be interesting to do.
Henry Cabot Lodge was talking in a back row with the Mormon Senator
Smoot. I remember the latter when I was here ten years ago. I met him
one evening at a party, and papa introduced us. On that occasion the
conversation drifted upon forms of government, and I believe I said
(papa has often reminded me of the story) that I believed in feudalism,
my idea being a castle surrounded by small huts, which at sight of the
enemy eject their inhabitants into the castle for protection. Senator
Smoot said in answer to this: “And I gather from this that you, Miss
Frewen, would be living in the castle.” I have progressed since then!
I feel as if it were not I who had advocated feudalism ten years ago,
but some other person within me who is a stranger to me, who is neither
mother nor child to me.
Senator Lodge joined us at lunch in one of the private offices. I sat
next to Senator Curtis, who is one-eighth Indian, so he told me. The
only trace of it was in his fine hawk nose. I told him of my hope about
returning from Mexico through the National Parks and he told me a lot
about it, and much that was interesting about the Indians and promised
to help me in my scheme, if I will write and let him know, where and
when I want to go. We discussed the psychology of mixed races, and I
wondered whether the faint drop of Indian blood in my own veins could
possibly account for my dislike of civilization, and my longing to get
away into the wilds alone. He thought that even such a remote strain
might account for this.
After lunch we went downstairs to Senator Medill McCormick’s office.
I had not yet met him as he has been away. I dined at the McCormick’s
again in the evening. I liked the Senator. They are both wondrously
hospitable. I am overwhelmed by Washington and want to remain here
or come back. Every day I put forth a deeper root. New York has been
hospitable, but whereas in New York I feel I am asked because I am a
curiosity, here there is real warmth in the hospitality. I like all
the people I have met, and the women are intelligent and interested in
politics, not like the society women in New York, who seem to affect
the blasé aloofness about Washington and all concerned. As for Alice
Longworth, she is magnificent--“one of us,” as an Englishman said to
me, meaning it as the highest compliment he could pay! She is not
“someone” merely because she is her father’s daughter. She has her own
very forceful personality. I feel she is the woman who should have
gotten into the precincts of Lenin and Trotzky, not me! And they would
have appreciated her! She is the Madame Kolontai type.