Cyprus; but we are not informed by any one author at what time they
were established. The statement, that Teucer founded Salamis, refutes
itself, and all the traditions about colonies referring to the Trojan
times are worthless; they either mean generally that the colonies belong
to a very early time, or they are inventions. We cannot now determine
in what manner Salamis in Cyprus arose, and we are not in a condition
to say as to whether the island of Salamis off the coast of Attica ever
was sufficiently flourishing to send out colonies. The Greek settlements
in Cyprus were connected with very great difficulties. We see this
from the prophets, for their Chittim is no doubt Cyprus; subsequently
the name became more extended, for in the books of Maccabees it also
comprises Greece, including even Macedonia. Hence the name of _Citium_,
the Phoenician capital of the island, is nothing else but Chittim. In
the time of the prophets, the island was under the dominion of the
Phoenician cities; and we may ask, how could Greeks establish themselves
there? This question may be answered from the Old Testament and from
the fragments of Berosus in Eusebius. It can have been no other period
than that during which Nebuchadnezzar carried on his protracted wars in
Phoenicia and Syria, and destroyed ancient Tyre, in consequence of which
the Phoenicians were very much reduced. It is also possible that the
somewhat earlier expeditions of Sanherib and Assarhaddon may have been
the occasion. We know, from Berosus, that, in Olymp. 20, a Greek army
landed in Cilicia, which is a sign of a commotion among the Greeks at
that time, about which history furnishes no information. I connect these
movements with the extensive emigration of the Greeks and Carians who
entered the service of Psammetichus in Egypt. Accordingly, we may assume
that the Greek settlements in Cyprus were founded between Olymp. 20 and
40; and we cannot wonder that, one hundred and twenty years later, during
the war of Darius Hystaspis, the Greek towns of Cyprus had already become
great.
The principal places, _Salamis_ and _Amathus_, were as purely Greek as
the cities in Asia Minor; _Lapathos_ and others were smaller. In the time
of Evagoras, after the Peloponnesian war, Salamis was the ruling city of
the island, and in reality sovereign. _Soli_ is absurdly connected with
Solon.
In later times, Greeks and Phoenicians lived peaceably together in the
island. _Citium_ was the capital of the Phoenicians, and the native
place of the philosopher Zeno. We have no information about the race of
the native Cyprians; but, under the predominating influence of the two
ruling nations, they became partly Hellenised and partly Punicised.
Cyprus is justly called by the ancients one of the most blessed countries
in the world; there are but few parts of it which are unhealthy. Its rich
copper mines and its timber were of particular importance to the ancients.
PHOENICIA.
The Phoenicians extended from the frontiers of the Philistines to those
of Cilicia near Myriandros. It is an ancient tradition, that they had
immigrated into that country from a distance, and this tradition is
confirmed by its situation; it is quite clear that they cannot have
been the original natives. Of the northern towns, it is quite certain,
that they were colonies of those in the south. Would that we had their
history, which was quite authentic up to a very remote period! They were
a nation which had been pressed onward from the south towards the north.
According to a tradition in Herodotus, they had come from the Red Sea,
and according to another, from the Persian gulf. The latter of these,
which has much engaged the attention of modern historians, is of no value
at all. It would seem most probable, that they were one of those nations
that were pressed onward by the emigration of the Hycsos.
FOOTNOTES
[1] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 130.
[2] “Not _Junia Norbana_. Laws with two qualifying adjectives always had
two authors, but our law originated with L. Junius Norbanus.” According
to a more recent view, the Norbani belonged to the Vibii, and the name
_Junia_ in our law is derived from M. Junius Silanus, who was consul in
A.D. 19.—ED.
[3] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 81, foll.
[4] Sismondi, _Hist. des Republ. Italiennes_, i. p. 249; but he explains
the name to mean _la grande côte_; it moreover belongs to the ninth
century as a surname of Grimoald II.—ED.
[5] _Hist. of Rome_, i. p. 194, note 560.
[6] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 389, foll.
[7] “I am of opinion that this hill did not belong to the Aventine:
I have heard this at Rome from a man, in whom I do not place much
confidence; he may perhaps have read it somewhere: there is so much
that is indifferent in books, that we often pass over that which is of
importance because we imagine it to be indifferent.”
[8] _Lect. on Rom. Hist._, vol. i. p. 60, 3d edit.
[9] Respecting this flight of steps, however, see Urlichs in the
_Beschreibung der Stadt Rom._ vol. iii. 2, p. 373, and the same author in
his _Beschreib. Roms_, p. 256.
[10] v. § 153, ed. Müller, who, however, gives his own conjecture _ad
muri speciem_ instead of the common reading _a muri parte_. The MSS. have
_a muris partem_.—ED.
[11] In one set of notes, the following passage occurs on p. 53, after
the word “necropolis,” line 17 from foot, and may perhaps be introduced
here: “There was no road between the Aventine and the river; outside the
Porta Collina, Esquilina, Caelimontana, and Carmentalis no enlargement of
the city could take place.”—ED.
[12] Compare Bunsen in the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, i. p. 646, foll.
[13] Some MSS. here have a name, which seems to suggest the _Porta Pia_.
Bunsen says, “at the juncture of the street of the Porta Pia with the
street of Porta Salara” (_Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, i. p. 625).—ED.
[14] See the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, iii. 1. p. 490.
[15] Compare above, p. 58.
[16] I have supplied this name, the MSS. containing something which is
evidently quite misunderstood.—ED.
[17] Comp. _Hist. of Rome_, vol. iii. p. 304, note 518.
[18] “I will mention only one example, to show how rich the Roman
gildings were. In the Forum of Trajan the letters of an inscription
were cut into the rock, and the letters themselves consisting of gilt
metal were sunk into the openings. This is the method according to
which the letters of inscriptions were generally put. In others the
bronze letters were nailed to the wall, traces of which are still
visible on the triumphal arch at Nismes, and French scholars have very
ingeniously attempted from these holes of the nails to make out the whole
inscription. In the Forum of Trajan a bronze letter has been found, the
gilding of which was valued at a ducat; all the rest had of course been
carried off as plunder.”
[19] See, however, the _Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, iii. 1. p. 22, foll.
[20] In one MS. the words “the Curia” are here added; is perhaps the
Curia Julia meant?—ED.
[21] _Fast._ i. 707; some MSS. have Dionysius.—ED.
[22] _Calig._ 22. I owe this reference to the kindness of Professor
Urlichs, who further observes: “Niebuhr was thinking of this passage, and
combines two facts contained in it, for Suetonius does not expressly say,
that the arch built by Caligula passed over the temple of Castor.”—ED.
[23] Bunsen in the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, Pref. xl., iii. 2. p.
33.—ED.
[24] Compare Bunsen, _l. c._ Pref. p. xxiix.—ED.
[25] More accurately in 1257; comp. _Beschreib. d. Stadt. Rom_, i. p.
247.—ED.
[26] The so-called _Basis Capitolina_, Gruter, _Inscript._ CCL.,
reprinted in Becker’s _Handbuch d. Röm. Alterthümer_, vol. i. p. 717;
compare Bunsen in the _Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, vol. i. p. 174.—ED.
[27] Livy, i. 35.
[28] “We still want a political history of Rome, which would show that a
very great deal that is praiseworthy is to be said of many a pope.”
[29] Epist. xiii. 1.
[30] Muratori, _Antiq. Ital. med. aevi_, i., p. 101; the passage here
quoted occurs in p. 108; Pertz, _Monum. Germ. Legum_, ii., p. 187, who
assigns this _Ordo Coronationis_ to the year 1191; the book of Cencius,
_Liber censuum Romanae Ecclesiae_, was written in 1192.—ED.
[31] See _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i., p. 204.
[32] Vol. ii. p. 507, foll.; comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. i. p. 248,
3d edit.—ED.
[33] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._, vol. i. p. 149, 3d edit, which
passage belongs to the Lectures delivered in 1828-29. In the _Hist. of
Rome_, vol. i. p. 101, and ii. p. 82, however, the Sabine origin of the
Hernicans is considered more probable. The number forty also is connected
with this view, because the number four is Sabine. I will therefore
not suppress the fact, that most of my MSS. have _fourteen_ instead of
_forty_, which may possibly contain a different combination, though I
have been unable to divine what it can be.—ED.
[34] In the third vol. of the new edition; as for the special passages,
see the Index to it.—ED.
[35] _Aen._ vii. 744.
[36] _Aen._ x. 708.
[37] Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 206.
[38] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 93, notes 194 and 195.—ED.
[39] Our authorities state 20,000; but Niebuhr seems to mean families,
as only fathers of three children were admitted. Cicero, however, thinks
that the _ager Campanus_ was not sufficient for more than 5000 persons.
The most important passages relating to this subject are collected in
Orelli, _Index Leg._ s.v., _Lex Julia Agraria_ p. 188.—ED.
[40] This is a mistake, or else an error in the MSS., for Nesis is
mentioned by Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 1, 1; 3, 6; 4, 1; and by Seneca _Ep._
53.—ED.
[41] “It is a great mistake to believe that a period must be better
known the nearer it is to us. This is not the case in antiquity. There
can be no doubt that, e.g., we know the internal condition of Rome in
the time of Cicero much better than during the second century after
Christ, when we know nothing but what can be gathered from Pliny’s
letters. A merely mechanical mind imagines that a period about which
nothing is written, had nothing worth knowing; but whoever has an eye
for the remains of antiquity, sees distinctly what has existed. Thus,
for example, the _monte testaccio_, _mons testaceus_ or _testarius_ at
Rome is not mentioned anywhere until we come to the documents of the
seventh and eighth centuries, and the most ridiculous pains have been
taken to discover it at an earlier period. It is not mentioned in the
Regionaria, hence, it is said, it must have arisen afterwards, about the
period of the eighth century, when Rome was a desert. The matter can be
explained very simply. Every one who has practised eyes, knows what is to
be recognised in those thousands of shells; but there are antiquaries who
can see nothing at all except what they read in books. The ancients made
very little use of wooden vessels, they nearly always used pottery ware.
This produced an enormous quantity of shells. It was thought inexpedient
to throw them into the river, and there must have been some police
regulation, that all shells should be thrown on one heap. I was on the
spot when a wall was dug out, and it was found that the heaps of shells
extended up to the very walls of the city. I caused the digging to be
continued farther, and found shells everywhere. It must have been a marsh
which was filled with shells to a depth of five feet. Under Honorius a
wall was built to defend Rome against the barbarians; it has a double
inscription, in one of which we read _egestis immensis ruderibus_. Under
Augustus a regular police was instituted, and all shells were regularly
thrown there. Now, imagine Rome with nearly a million of inhabitants;
assuredly many carts were employed every day in carrying away the broken
vessels, which were all thrown on one spot, and may have already filled
the whole place. When Aurelian built his wall, a portion was perhaps
thrown back, and this may have been the beginning of the hill. According
to Andr. Fulvius, the wall of the city under pope Clement VII., at the
commencement of the sixteenth century, was so much covered on both sides,
that it was impossible to walk there: a road was then made, and part of
the rubbish was carried to the Forum, which was filled with it. Such you
must imagine the _rudera immensa egesta_ to have been. About the time
of Honorius the wall had been cleared, not to have a hill outside, on
which the Goths might have planted their engines to harass the city. He
removed the rubbish on both sides, and thus raised an immense mound of
shells. This explanation is as certain as if it were described in ancient
authors, though not a single author speaks of it. Such also is the case
with other phenomena which present themselves at Rome, and about which
not one passage can be referred to.”
[42] Niebuhr was probably thinking of _Dial._ iv. 55, though Puteoli is
not mentioned there, but Taurania, a place assumed to have existed in
Campania.—ED.
[43] Comp. Seneca, _Epist._ 57.—ED.
[44] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. i. p. 348, foll., 3d edit.—ED.
[45] “I know that Greek inscriptions have also been discovered at
Ravenna.”
[46] “I have adopted the ancient practice of calling the whole nation
Sabellians, and the original tribe Sabines, because there is no instance
of the Samnites, Marsians, etc., having been called Sabines, but only
Sabellians.”
[47] Compare _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 64, foll.
[48] This is the date in the MSS., but it ought probably to be 1720.—ED.
[49] This alludes to the war between the Greeks and Turks in 1828.—ED.
[50] Il buon Braccio; _Hist. of Rome_, vol. iii. p. 415, note 713.
[51] “I mean the ancient one, whose scholia have now been discovered;
for there also is another scholiast belonging to the middle ages, who is
imperfect and bad, and belongs to the period of decay. The ancient one
lived at the best period of Latin grammarians.”
[52] vii. 29 ed. Müller.
[53] “Pronounce _Arpīnum_, but _Arimĭnum_; I say this, because I have
heard many otherwise good scholars say _Arimīnum_.”
[54] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 138.
[55] “Do not allow yourselves to be misguided by my occasionally
departing from the regular division, for I follow the historical
connection subsisting between the towns.”
[56] There is probably some mistake here; for what was said on that
occasion is, that Greece ought not to be deprived of one of its eyes.
It was Gelon, who, using a similar metaphor, spoke of “the spring being
taken out of Greece,” when he was invited to take part in the war against
the Persians (Herod. vii. 162).—ED.
[57] ix. 37.
[58] Comp. _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 34, note 89.
[59] The words in inverted commas have been supplied by me; comp. Ascon.
_Comm. in Pison._, p. 3, ed. Orelli.—ED.
[60] These two dates occur in some MSS., but can scarcely be correct; the
earlier eruption mentioned by Thucydides belongs to Olymp. 75, 2; and
it seems impossible to ascertain the date of the first. Comp. Ullrich,
_Beiträge zur Erklär. des Thukydides_, p. 92, foll.—ED.
[61] “The _Siculi_ were the natives, and the _Siceliots_ the Greeks who
had settled in the island. Similarly the Romans sometimes distinguished
between _Siculi_ and _Sicilienses_, but not by far as consistently as the
Greeks, for no Greek ever confounded the two.”
[62] According to Berghaus, _Länder- und Völkerkunde_, iii. p. 404, it is
found also in Corsica, Greece, and the Greek Archipelago.—ED.
[63] The more correct view is given by Berghaus, _l. c._ p. 460.—ED.
[64] ii. 85: _si ob gravitatem coeli interissent_.
[65] This name is only a conjecture of mine; one MS. has _Colero_.—ED.
[66] More correctly in 634, M. Porcio Catone, Q. Marcio Rege Coss. See
_Vell. Pat._ i. 15.—ED.
[67] “Geography is a pleasant and easy study: the vivid representations
it furnishes us of localities, often enable us clearly to understand an
historical event; we often see, e.g., why a victory was not followed up,
or how it might have been followed up. I do not like to set myself up
as a pattern, but when I was a young man of your age, or even younger
(I was scarcely seventeen years old), I read Strabo with the greatest
attention. Whenever I had read a book, I endeavoured to reproduce it by
writing down an abstract of it. It is not advisable to rely on books; and
I therefore endeavoured to produce the substance in another form. Those
who go through Strabo in this manner, even in their leisure hours, cannot
fail to acquire a thorough knowledge of geography. Let those who have
any taste for chorography read books of travel and similar works, as for
example, Bory de St. Vincent, _Tableau de la peninsule de l’Ibérie_, or
Alex. Laborde, _Tableau de l’Espagne_, which are especially valuable in
assisting us to understand Livy’s account of the Spanish war. Strabo’s
description of Spain is particularly excellent, but he is too often
carried away by his learning and his desire to explain the Homeric poems;
by reading his description you acquire an indelible and correct picture
of Spain. A scholar must read the ancient authors systematically and
repeatedly, sometimes with one particular object in view, and sometimes
with another.”
[68] In Aristotle, _Probl._ xvii. 3: τοὺς ἀνθρώπους φησὶν Ἀλκμαίων διὰ
τοῦτο ἀπόλλυσθαι, ὅτι οὐ δύνανται ἀρχὴν τῷ τέλει προσάψαι.
[69] See above, p. 33.
[70] Comp. _Kleine Schrift._ vol. i. p. 384.
[71] See, however, _Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 527.
[72] p. 2031, ed. Putsch.
[73] The restoration of the text here is uncertain, for towards the end
of these Lectures the number of MSS. becomes smaller and smaller, and
some of the best do not contain the last Lectures at all.—ED.
[74] “The _Cimmerians_ on the Euxine cannot be connected with these
occurrences, for they belong to a period about two centuries earlier than
that at which the Cymri can possibly have arrived in those parts.”
[75] _Kleine Schrift._, vol. i. p. 352, foll.
[76] According to some of the Fathers, he threw himself into the Euripus,
because he had been unable to discover the law by which the currents of
the sea were regulated.—ED.
[77] One MS. here has the addition “As Constantinople is by the wall S.
Floriano.” Should it not be S. Romano?—ED.
[78] Should be thirty-eight; see _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 271.
[79] _Kleine Schrift._, vol. i. p. 209, note.
[80] Justin, xx. 5.
[81] Comp. _Lect. on Anc. Hist._ vol. i. p. 46, foll.
[82] Comp. _Lect. on Anc. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 298, note 3.
[83] Herod. i. 98.
[84] Lucian, _Quom. Hist. Conscrib. sit. 62_. “Lucian’s story about
Herodotus is equally devoid of historical foundation.”
[85] It is certain that in the time of the Roman emperors, the
Alexandrians pronounced Alexándreia, and they probably did so even under
the Ptolemies; the Alexandrian dialect is in fact the root of the modern
Greek.
[86] Comp. _Lect. on Ancient Hist._, vol. ii. p. 9.
INDEX.
Abantes, 176
Abdera, 212, 233
Abella, ii. 127
Aborigines, ii. 35, 147
Abruzzi, ii. 11
Abydos, 218, 235
Academia, 99
Acanthus, 231
Acarnanes, 125, 252
Acarnania, 142, 147 foll., 265
Acciajuoli, 107
Acerrae, ii. 127, 132
Achaei, 26, 150, 154
Achaean towns in Magna Graecia, ii. 189
Achaia, 28, 30, 33, 34, 37, 79 foll., 151
Achaia Phthiotis, 162, 164
Acharnae, 92, 110
Achelous, 144, 256
Acheron, 257
Acheruntia, ii. 159
Acherusian Lake, 256
Achradina, ii. 258
Achrida, 309
Acqua di Trevi, ii. 88
Acra, ii. 264
Acragas, ii. 261
Acridophagi, ii. 340
Acroceraunia, 255
Acrocorinthus, 45, 46
Actaea tellus, 42
Acte, 35, 42, 85
Actium, 152
Acusilaus, 11
Adjectives in _ius_ and _ianus_, ii. 84
Ad Martis, ii. 55
Aeas, see Aous.
Aedui, ii. 312, 317
Aegae, 80 _n._
Aegeae (in Macedonia), 278 foll., 290
Aegean sea, 182
Aegialea, Aegialos, 34, 36, 82
Aegina, 33, 45, 54, 64, 180, 183, 196;
temple of Zeus Hellenios and its sculptures, 55
Aegion, 80, 82
Aegira, 80
Aegirussa, 87
Aegyptus, 21; ii. 3
Aegyptus (the Nile), ii. 3
Aelian, 158
Aemilia, ii. 28
Aemonia or Haemonia, 132, 159, 160
Aenaria, ii. 135
Aenea, 252, 289
Aenianes, 142, 155, 172, 252
Aenos, 233
Aeolis, 145, 160, 206, 215 foll.
Aepy, 69
Aepys, 58
Aequani, ii. 123, 254
Aequi, ii. 4, 23, 119, 120
Aequi Falisci, ii. 229
Aequiculi, ii. 123, 254
Aequicus, ii. 254
Aequuli, ii. 123, 254
Aeschines, 19
Aeschylus, 119; ii. 8
Aesernia, ii. 164
Aethalia, ii. 220
Aethiopia, ii. 340
Aetna, ii. 256
Aetoli, 42, 77, 125, 137, 252, 254
Aetolia, 126, 136 foll., 252
Aetolian mountains, 157
Afri, ii. 334
Africa, ii. 327
Africanus, Julius, 51
Agamemnon’s kingdom, 33
Agatha, ii. 313
Agatharchides, ii. 340
Agathocles, 88; ii. 261, 266
Agger, the, of Servius Tullius, ii. 43, 48
Agiadae, 56
Agis, 58 _n._, 4
S. Agnolo, in Pescivendolo, 238 _n._ 2
Agora at Athens, 98;
in Piraeeus, 102
Agraei, 147, 270
Agrianes, 296
Agrigentum, ii. 255, 262
Agrimensores, ii. 229
Agrippa, ii. 57, 95
Agrippina, ii. 103
Agylla, 160; ii. 223
Agyrion, ii. 270, 272
Aix, ii. 315
Alabaster, ii. 220
Alalia, ii. 278
Alaric, 50
Alemanni, 306; ii. 57, 251
Alba, 115, 126
Alba Longa, ii. 107
Alba in Picenum, ii. 28
Alban hills, ii. 12
Albanese, 301; ii. 178
Albanus Lacus, ii. 12, 51
Albanus mons, ii. 38
Alberti, Battista, 7
Alcaeus, 56, 219
Alcmaeon, 148
Alcmaeon, the Pythagorean, ii. 296
Aleria, ii. 278
Aleuadae, 164
Alexander, son of Craterus, 49
Alexander, son of Philip, 198, 264
Alexander Aetolus, 144
Alexander Severus, ii. 57
Alexandria, 223, 233, 264; ii. 344
Alexandrian School, 160, 223
Alfaterna, ii. 143
Algarvia, ii. 255
Algidus, ii. 38, 121
Alis, 77, 252; comp. Elis.
Allifae, ii. 164
Allobroges, ii. 315
Alopeconnesus, 234, 235
Alpes, 284
Alpes Maritimae, ii. 11, 17
Alpes Cottiae, Graiae, Juliae Nepontiae, ii. 18;
Noricae Penninae, Raeticae, ii. 18
Alpes Apenninae, ii. 28
Alpes, a region of Italy, ii. 29
Alpis Cottia, Alpes Cottiae, region of Italy, ii. 29
Alpes Penninae, region of Italy, ii. 28
Alphabets, 302
Alpheus, 30
Alsium, ii. 223
Aluntium, ii. 270
Alyzia, 151, 152
Amalfi, ii. 167
Amantia, 306
Amasea, 20
Amastris, 250, 251
Amathus, ii. 349
Amazirgh, ii. 334
Ambracia, see Ampracia.
Amisus, 248, 249
Amiternum, ii. 149, 150
Ammianus Marcellinus, ii. 281
Amorgos, 190
Amphictyones, 129 foll., 252
Amphilochii, 147, 259, 263, 265, 269, 280
Amphipolis, 232, 286, 294
Amphipolis in Syria, 291
Amphissa, 124
Amphitheatrum, ii. 91
Amphitheatrum Castrense, ii. 93
Amphitheatrum Flavium, ii. 91
Amphitheatrum Statilii Tauri, ii. 91, 100
Amphitheatrum vivarium, ii. 93
Ampracia, 47, 138, 149, 263, 265, 270, 280, 307
Ampracian Gulf, 151
Ampurias, ii. 294
Amurath, 50
Amyclae, 58, 61
Anagnia, ii. 116
Anacreon, 211
Anactorion, 149, 152, 252
Anaphe, 190
Anas, ii. 283
Anauros, 160, 169
Anaxagoras, 212
Anaximander, 208
Anaximenes, 208
Ancon, 152; comp. Ancona.
Ancona, ii. 152
Andalusia, ii. 255
Andania, 69
Andros, 184, 187
S. Angelo, 63; comp. Malea.
S. Angelo in Pescaria, 238 _n._ 2
S. Angelo, castle of, ii. 101
Angli, 135
Anio, ii. 21
Anthedon, 117, 122
Anthemus, 289
Antibes, ii. 314
Anticyra, 133
Antigonea, 268
Antigonea, 73; comp. Mantinea.
Antigonids, 283
Antigonus Gonatas, 49
Antigonus Carystius, 307
Antioch, 234
Antiochus of Syracuse, ii. 188, 255
Antiparos, 186
Antipater, 292
Antipater’s poem on Corinth, 50
Antipolis, ii. 314
Antium, ii. 122
Antoninus, emperor, ii. 57
d’Anville, 9, 10, 18, 45 _n._, 168, 227, 257, 289; ii. 58, 127,
158, 340
Anxur, see Terracina.
Aones, 113
Aous, 307
Ἀπειρῶται, 252
Apelles, 210
Apennini montes, ii. 11, 18
Apia, 27
Apidanos, 160
Ἀπόκλητοι, 140
Apollo, temple of, at Gryneon, 216
Apollonia in Africa, ii. 330
Apollonia on the Aous, 273, 307; ii. 189
Apollonia in Thrace, 226
Apollonius Rhodius, 168, 175, 201, 271 _n._, ii. 328
Apollonius, tyrant of Cassandrea, 88
Appian, 304; ii. 30, 292, 336
Apricots, 252
Apuleius, 172; ii. 338
Apuli Daunii, ii. 170
Apuli Lucani, ii. 170
Apuli Teani, ii. 170
Apulia et Calabria, ii. 28
Apulia, 252; ii. 4, 5, 7, 12, 26, 154, 159, 168
Apulus, ii. 168
Aqua Appia, ii. 87
Aqua Claudia, ii. 88
Aqua crabra, ii. 50
Aqua damnata, ii. 50
Aqua Marcia, ii. 88
Aqua Virgo, ii. 88
Aquae Sextiae, ii. 315
Aquileia, ii. 248
Aquinum, ii. 127
Aquitani, ii. 313, 317
Aquitania, ii. 313
Arabic language, ii. 205, 206
Arachthos, 256, 307
Arae Philaenorum, ii. 330
Aragonese language, ii. 299
Araethyrea, 53; comp. Phlius.
Arar, ii. 316
Aratores, ii. 272
Aratus, 49, 53
Arausio, ii. 315
Arcades, 71, 75
Arcadia, 29, 30, 31, 33, 69, 70 foll.
Archaeanactidae, 246
Archelaus, 293
Archilochus, 183, 186
Archytas, ii. 186
Arctinus, 208
Ardea, ii. 109
Ardyaei, 300, 306, 311
Arelas, Arelate, ii. 315
Aremorica, ii. 318
Arena, ii. 46, 92
Areopagus, 96
Aretinus, 261 _n._ 2
Areus, Areas, 262 _n._
Arevaci, ii. 299
Ἀργεῖοι, 26
Argentum Oscense, ii. 295
Argolis, 29, 34, 37
Argos, 25, 30, 34, 36, 37 foll., 39, 161
Argos Amphilochicum, 166, 263, 266, 270, 307
Ἄργος Ἵππιον, see Arpi.
Argos in Orestis, 166, 269
Argos in Thessaly, 278
Argyripa, see Arpi.
Argyrocastro, 268
Aricia, ii. 115
Arimaspae, 208
Ariminum, ii. 26, 164 _n._, 241
Arion, 220
Arisba, 218
Aristides, Aelius, 20, 293 _n._
Aristodemus, 56
Aristodemus, tyrant of Elis, 88
Aristophanes, ii. 8
Aristoteles, 16, 23, 54, 78, 223, 255, 307; ii. 200, 296 _n._, 331
Aristoxenus, ii. 205
Arles, ii. 315
Armorica, ii. 25
Arnauts, 301
Arndt, E. M., ii. 10
Arne, 113, 160
Arno, ii. 21, 215
Arpi, ii. 170, 172
Arpinum, ii. 119, 124, 159
Arretium, ii. 163, 213, 227
Arretium, vases of, ii. 134
Arretium, vetus, fidens, Julium, ii. 227
Arrian, 118
Arsinoe, ii. 329
Artemidorus, ii. 283
Artyni, 43
Aruaci, ii. 299
Arverni, ii. 312, 316
Arx, ii. 48, 67
Asbestus, ii. 44
Asclepiadae, 204
Asculum, ii. 151
Asia, 22
Asine, 67, 69
Asinia gens, ii. 157
Asopus, 116
Aspetus, 261
Asphalt, springs of, 305
Aspropotamo, 145; comp. Achelous.
Assisium, ii. 233
Assos, 218
Astacos, 241
Asteria, 184
Astorga, ii. 302
Astures, ii. 301
Asturica, ii. 302
Ἄστυ, 93
Astypalaea, 195
Asylum, ii. 66
Atarneus, 223
Atella, ii. 127, 132
Athamania, 280 _n._ 2
Athenae, 55, 89, 93 foll.;
the city of Hadrian, 96, 99;
acropolis of, 97;
buildings, 100, 106;
population, 107;
allied with Aetolia, 143
Ἀθηνᾶ Πολιάς, temple of, 97
Athenaeus, 20, 54, 108; ii. 85, 205