CHAPTER V.

THE WARS OF RELIGION.

1. The Bourbons and Guises.--Henry II. had left four sons, the eldest

of whom, _Francis II._, was only fifteen years old; and the country was

divided by two great factions--one headed by the Guise family, an

offshoot of the house of Lorraine; the other by the Bourbons, who, being

descended in a direct male line from a younger son of St. Louis, were

the next heirs to the throne in case the house of Valois should become

extinct. Antony, the head of the Bourbon family, was called King of

Navarre, because of his marriage with Jeanne d'Albrêt, the queen, in her

own right, of this Pyrenean kingdom, which was in fact entirely in the

hands of the Spaniards, so that her only actual possession consisted of

the little French counties of Foix and Béarn. Antony himself was dull

and indolent, but his wife was a woman of much ability; and his brother,

Louis, Prince of Condé, was full of spirit and fire, and little

inclined to brook the ascendancy which the Duke of Guise and his

brothers enjoyed at court, partly in consequence of his exploit at

Calais, and partly from being uncle to the young Queen Mary of Scotland,

wife of Francis II. The Bourbons likewise headed the party among the

nobles who hoped to profit by the king's youth to recover the privileges

of which they had been gradually deprived, while the house of Guise were

ready to maintain the power of the crown, as long as that meant their

own power.

2. The Reformation.--The enmity of these two parties was much

increased by the reaction against the prevalent doctrines and the

corruptions of the clergy. This reaction had begun in the reign of

Francis I., when the Bible had been translated into French by two

students at the University of Paris, and the king's sister, Margaret,

Queen of Navarre, had encouraged the Reformers. Francis had leagued with

the German Protestants because they were foes to the Emperor, while he

persecuted the like opinions at home to satisfy the Pope. John Calvin, a

native of Picardy, the foremost French reformer, was invited to the free

city of Geneva, and there was made chief pastor, while the scheme of

theology called his "Institutes" became the text-book of the Reformed in

France, Scotland, and Holland. His doctrine was harsh and stern, aiming

at the utmost simplicity of worship, and denouncing the existing

practices so fiercely, that the people, who held themselves to have been

wilfully led astray by their clergy, committed such violence in the

churches that the Catholics loudly called for punishment on them. The

shameful lives of many of the clergy and the wickedness of the Court had

caused a strong reaction against them, and great numbers of both nobles

and burghers became Calvinists. They termed themselves Sacramentarians

or Reformers, but their nickname was Huguenots; probably from the Swiss,

"_Eidgenossen_" or oath comrades. Henry II., like his father, protected

German Lutherans and persecuted French Calvinists; but the lawyers of

the Parliament of Paris interposed, declaring that men ought not to be

burnt for heresy until a council of the Church should have condemned

their opinions, and it was in the midst of this dispute that Henry was

slain.

3. The Conspiracy of Amboise.--The Guise family were strong Catholics;

the Bourbons were the heads of the Huguenot party, chiefly from policy;

but Admiral Coligny and his brother, the Sieur D'Andelot, were sincere

and earnest Reformers. A third party, headed by the old Constable De

Montmorençy, was Catholic in faith, but not unwilling to join with the

Huguenots in pulling down the Guises, and asserting the power of the

nobility. A conspiracy for seizing the person of the king and

destroying the Guises at the castle of Amboise was detected in time to

make it fruitless. The two Bourbon princes kept in the background,

though Condé was universally known to have been the true head and mover

in it, and he was actually brought to trial. The discovery only

strengthened the hands of Guise.

4. Regency of Catherine de' Medici.--Even then, however, Francis II.

was dying, and his brother, _Charles IX._, who succeeded him in 1560,

was but ten years old. The regency passed to his mother, the Florentine

Catherine, a wily, cat-like woman, who had always hitherto been kept in

the background, and whose chief desire was to keep things quiet by

playing off one party against the other. She at once released Condé, and

favoured the Bourbons and the Huguenots to keep down the Guises, even

permitting conferences to see whether the French Church could be

reformed so as to satisfy the Calvinists. Proposals were sent by Guise's

brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine, to the council then sitting at Trent,

for vernacular services, the marriage of the clergy, and other

alterations which might win back the Reformers. But an attack by the

followers of Guise on a meeting of Calvinists at Vassy, of whose ringing

of bells his mother had complained, led to the first bloodshed and the

outbreak of a civil war.

5. The Religious War.--To trace each stage of the war would be

impossible within these limits. It was a war often lulled for a short

time, and often breaking out again, and in which the actors grew more

and more cruel. The Reformed influence was in the south, the Catholic in

the east. Most of the provincial cities at first held with the Bourbons,

for the sake of civil and religious freedom; though the Guise family

succeeded to the popularity of the Burgundian dukes in Paris. Still

Catherine persuaded Antony of Bourbon to return to court just as his

wife, Queen Jeanne of Navarre, had become a staunch Calvinist, and while

dreaming of exchanging his claim on Navarre for the kingdom of Sardinia,

he was killed on the Catholic side while besieging Rouen. At the first

outbreak the Huguenots seemed to have by far the greatest influence. An

endeavour was made to seize the king's person, and this led to a battle

at Dreux. While it was doubtful Catherine actually declared, "We shall

have to say our prayers in French." Guise, however, retrieved the day,

and though Montmorençy was made prisoner on the one side, Condé was

taken on the other. Orleans was the Huguenot rallying-place, and while

besieging it Guise himself was assassinated. His death was believed by

his family to be due to the Admiral de Coligny. The city of Rochelle,

fortified by Jeanne of Navarre, became the stronghold of the Huguenots.

Leader after leader fell--Montmorençy, on the one hand, was killed at

Montcontour; Condé, on the other, was shot in cold blood after the fight

of Jarnac. A truce followed, but was soon broken again, and in 1571

Coligny was the only man of age and standing at the head of the Huguenot

party; while the Catholics had as leaders Henry, Duke of Anjou, the

king's brother, and Henry, Duke of Guise, both young men of little more

than twenty. The Huguenots had been beaten at all points, but were still

strong enough to have wrung from their enemies permission to hold

meetings for public worship within unwalled towns and on the estates of

such nobles as held with them.

6. Catherine's Policy.--Catherine made use of the suspension of arms

to try to detach the Huguenot leaders, by entangling them in the

pleasures of the court and lowering their sense of duty. The court was

studiously brilliant. Catherine surrounded herself with a bevy of

ladies, called the Queen-Mother's Squadron, whose amusements were found

for the whole day. The ladies sat at their tapestry frames, while

Italian poetry and romance was read or love-songs sung by the gentlemen;

they had garden games and hunting-parties, with every opening for the

ladies to act as sirens to any whom the queen wished to detach from the

principles of honour and virtue, and bind to her service. Balls,

pageants, and theatricals followed in the evening, and there was hardly

a prince or noble in France who was not carried away by these seductions

into darker habits of profligacy. Jeanne of Navarre dreaded them for her

son Henry, whom she kept as long as possible under training in religion,

learning, and hardy habits, in the mountains of Béarn; and when

Catherine tried to draw him to court by proposing a marriage between him

and her youngest daughter Margaret, Jeanne left him at home, and went

herself to court. Catherine tried in vain to bend her will or discover

her secrets, and her death, early in 1572, while still at court, was

attributed to the queen-mother.

7. Massacre of St. Bartholomew (1572).--Jeanne's son Henry was

immediately summoned to conclude the marriage, and came attended by all

the most distinguished Huguenots, though the more wary of them remained

at home, and the Baron of Rosny said, "If that wedding takes place the

favours will be crimson." The Duke of Guise seems to have resolved on

taking this opportunity of revenging himself for his father's murder,

but the queen-mother was undecided until she found that her son Charles,

who had been bidden to cajole and talk over the Huguenot chiefs, had

been attracted by their honesty and uprightness, and was ready to throw

himself into their hands, and escape from hers. An abortive attempt on

Guise's part to murder the Admiral Coligny led to all the Huguenots

going about armed, and making demonstrations which alarmed both the

queen and the people of Paris. Guise and the Duke of Anjou were,

therefore, allowed to work their will, and to rouse the bloodthirstiness

of the Paris mob. At midnight of the 24th of August, 1572, St.

Bartholomew's night, the bell of the church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois

began to ring, and the slaughter was begun by men distinguished by a

white sleeve. The king sheltered his Huguenot surgeon and nurse in his

room. The young King of Navarre and Prince of Condé were threatened into

conforming to the Church, but every other Huguenot who could be found

was massacred, from Coligny, who was slain kneeling in his bedroom by

the followers of Guise, down to the poorest and youngest, and the

streets resounded with the cry, "Kill! kill!" In every city where royal

troops and Guisard partisans had been living among Huguenots, the same

hideous work took place for three days, sparing neither age nor sex. How

many thousands died, it is impossible to reckon, but the work was so

wholesale that none were left except those in the southern cities, where

the Huguenots had been too strong to be attacked, and in those castles

where the seigneur was of "the religion." The Catholic party thought the

destruction complete, the court went in state to return thanks for

deliverance from a supposed plot, while Coligny's body was hung on a

gibbet. The Pope ordered public thanksgivings, while Queen Elizabeth put

on mourning, and the Emperor Maximilian II., alone among Catholic

princes, showed any horror or indignation. But the heart of the unhappy

young king was broken by the guilt he had incurred. Charles IX. sank

into a decline, and died in 1574, finding no comfort save in the surgeon

and nurse he had saved.

8. The League.--His brother, _Henry III._, who had been elected King

of Poland, threw up that crown in favour of that of France. He was of a

vain, false, weak character, superstitiously devout, and at the same

time ferocious, so as to alienate every one. All were ashamed of a man

who dressed in the extreme of foppery, with a rosary of death's heads at

his girdle, and passed from wild dissipation to abject penance. He was

called "the Paris Church-warden and the Queen's Hairdresser," for he

passed from her toilette to the decoration of the walls of churches with

illuminations cut out of old service-books. Sometimes he went about

surrounded with little dogs, sometimes flogged himself walking barefoot

in a procession, and his _mignons_, or favourites, were the scandal of

the country by their pride, license, and savage deeds. The war broke out

again, and his only remaining brother, Francis, Duke of Alençon, an

equally hateful and contemptible being, fled from court to the Huguenot

army, hoping to force his brother into buying his submission; but when

the King of Navarre had followed him and begun the struggle in earnest,

he accepted the duchy of Anjou, and returned to his allegiance. Francis

was invited by the insurgent Dutch to become their chief, and spent some

time in Holland, but returned, unsuccessful and dying. As the king was

childless, the next male heir was Henry of Bourbon, King of Navarre, who

had fled from court soon after Alençon returned to the Huguenot faith,

and was reigning in his two counties of Béarn and Foix, the head of the

Huguenots. In the resolve never to permit a heretic to wear the French

crown, Guise and his party formed a Catholic league, to force Henry III.

to choose another successor. Paris was devoted to Guise, and the king,

finding himself almost a prisoner there, left the city, but was again

mastered by the duke at Blois, and could so ill brook his arrogance, as

to have recourse to assassination. He caused him to be slain at the

palace at Blois in 1588. The fury of the League was so great that Henry

III. was driven to take refuge with the King of Navarre, and they were

together besieging Paris, when Henry III. was in his turn murdered by a

monk, named Clement, in 1589.

9. Henry IV.--The Leaguers proclaimed as king an old uncle of the

King of Navarre, the Cardinal of Bourbon, but all the more moderate

Catholics rallied round Henry of Navarre, who took the title of _Henry

IV._ At Ivry, in Normandy, Henry met the force of Leaguers, and defeated

them by his brilliant courage. "Follow my white plume," his last order

to his troops, became one of the sayings the French love to remember.

But his cause was still not won--Paris held out against him, animated by

almost fanatical fury, and while he was besieging it France was invaded

from the Netherlands. The old Cardinal of Bourbon was now dead, and

Philip II. considered his daughter Isabel, whose mother was the eldest

daughter of Henry II., to be rightful Queen of France. He sent therefore

his ablest general, the Duke of Parma, to co-operate with the Leaguers

and place her on the throne. A war of strategy was carried on, during

which Henry kept the enemy at bay, but could do no more, since the

larger number of his people, though intending to have no king but

himself, did not wish him to gain too easy a victory, lest in that case

he should remain a Calvinist. However, he was only waiting to recant

till he could do so with a good grace. He really preferred Catholicism,

and had only been a political Huguenot; and his best and most faithful

adviser, the Baron of Rosny, better known as Duke of Sully, though a

staunch Calvinist himself, recommended the change as the only means of

restoring peace to the kingdom. There was little more resistance to

Henry after he had again been received by the Church in 1592. Paris,

weary of the long war, opened its gates in 1593, and the inhabitants

crowded round him with ecstasy, so that he said, "Poor people, they are

hungry for the sight of a king!" The Leaguers made their peace, and when

Philip of Spain again attacked Henry, the young Duke of Guise was one of

the first to hasten to the defence. Philip saw that there were no

further hopes for his daughter, and peace was made in 1596.

10. The Edict of Nantes.--Two years later, in 1598, Henry put forth

what was called the Edict of Nantes, because first registered in that

parliament. It secured to the Huguenots equal civil rights with those of

the Catholics, accepted their marriages, gave them, under restrictions,

permission to meet for worship and for consultations, and granted them

cities for the security of their rights, of which La Rochelle was the

chief. The Calvinists had been nearly exterminated in the north, but

there were still a large number in the south of France, and the burghers

of the chief southern cities were mostly Huguenot. The war had been from

the first a very horrible one; there had been savage slaughter, and

still more savage reprisals on each side. The young nobles had been

trained into making a fashion of ferocity, and practising graceful ways

of striking death-blows. Whole districts had been laid waste, churches

and abbeys destroyed, tombs rifled, and the whole population accustomed

to every sort of horror and suffering; while nobody but Henry IV.

himself, and the Duke of Sully, had any notion either of statesmanship

or of religious toleration.

11. Henry's Plans.--Just as the reign of Louis XI. had been a period

of rest and recovery from the English wars, so that of Henry IV. was one

of restoration from the ravages of thirty years of intermittent civil

war. The king himself not only had bright and engaging manners, but was

a man of large heart and mind; and Sully did much for the welfare of the

country. Roads, canals, bridges, postal communications, manufactures,

extended commerce, all owed their promotion to him, and brought

prosperity to the burgher class; and the king was especially endeared to

the peasantry by his saying that he hoped for the time when no cottage

would be without a good fowl in its pot. The great silk manufactories of

southern France chiefly arose under his encouragement, and there was

prosperity of every kind. The Church itself was in a far better state

than before. Some of the best men of any time were then living--in

especial Vincent de Paul, who did much to improve the training of the

parochial clergy, and who founded the order of Sisters of Charity, who

prevented the misery of the streets of Paris from ever being so

frightful as in those days when deserted children became the prey of

wolves, dogs, and pigs. The nobles, who had grown into insolence during

the wars, either as favourites of Henry III. or as zealous supporters of

the Huguenot cause, were subdued and tamed. The most noted of these were

the Duke of Bouillon, the owner of the small principality of Sedan, who

was reduced to obedience by the sight of Sully's formidable train of

artillery; and the Marshal Duke of Biron, who, thinking that Henry had

not sufficiently rewarded his services, intrigued with Spain and Savoy,

and was beheaded for his treason. Hatred to the house of Austria in

Spain and Germany was as keen as ever in France; and in 1610 Henry IV.

was prepared for another war on the plea of a disputed succession to the

duchy of Cleves. The old fanaticism still lingered in Paris, and Henry

had been advised to beware of pageants there; but it was necessary that

his second wife, Mary de' Medici, should be crowned before he went to

the war, as she was to be left regent. Two days after the coronation, as

Henry was going to the arsenal to visit his old friend Sully, he was

stabbed to the heart in his coach, in the streets of Paris, by a fanatic

named Ravaillac. The French call him Le Grand Monarque; and he was one

of the most attractive and benevolent of men, winning the hearts of all

who approached him, but the immorality of his life did much to confirm

the already low standard that prevailed among princes and nobles in

France.

12. The States-General of 1614.--Henry's second wife, Mary de' Medici,

became regent, for her son, _Louis XIII._, was only ten years old, and

indeed his character was so weak that his whole reign was only one long

minority. Mary de' Medici was entirely under the dominion of an Italian

favourite named Concini, and his wife, and their whole endeavour was to

amass riches for themselves and keep the young king in helpless

ignorance, while they undid all that Sully had effected, and took bribes

shamelessly. The Prince of Condé tried to overthrow them, and, in hopes

of strengthening herself, in 1614 Mary summoned together the

States-General. There came 464 members, 132 for the nobles, 140 for the

clergy, and 192 for the third estate, _i.e._ the burghers, and these,

being mostly lawyers and magistrates from the provinces, were resolved

to make their voices heard. Taxation was growing worse and worse. Not

only was it confined to the burgher and peasant class, exempting the

clergy and the nobles, among which last were included their families to

the remotest generation, but it had become the court custom to multiply

offices, in order to pension the nobles, and keep them quiet; and this,

together with the expenses of the army, made the weight of taxation

ruinous. Moreover, the presentation to the civil offices held by

lawyers was made hereditary in their families, on payment of a sum down,

and of fees at the death of each holder. All these abuses were

complained of; and one of the deputies even told the nobility that if

they did not learn to treat the despised classes below them as younger

brothers, they would lay up a terrible store of retribution for

themselves. A petition to the king was drawn up, and was received, but

never answered. The doors of the house of assembly were closed--the

members were told it was by order of the king--and the States-General

never met again for 177 years, when the storm was just ready to fall.

13. The Siege of Rochelle.--The rottenness of the State was chiefly

owing to the nobility, who, as long as they were allowed to grind down

their peasants and shine at court, had no sense of duty or public

spirit, and hated the burghers and lawyers far too much to make common

cause with them against the constantly increasing power of the throne.

They only intrigued and struggled for personal advantages and rivalries,

and never thought of the good of the State. They bitterly hated Concini,

the Marshal d'Ancre, as he had been created, but he remained in power

till 1614, when one of the king's gentlemen, Albert de Luynes, plotted

with the king himself and a few of his guards for his deliverance.

Nothing could be easier than the execution. The king ordered the

captain of the guards to arrest Concini, and kill him if he resisted;

and this was done. Concini was cut down on the steps of the Louvre, and

Louis exclaimed, "At last I am a king." But it was not in him to be a

king, and he never was one all his life. He only passed under the

dominion of De Luynes, who was a high-spirited young noble. The

Huguenots had been holding assemblies, which were considered more

political than religious, and their towns of security were a grievance

to royalty. War broke out again, and Louis himself went with De Luynes

to besiege Montauban. The place was taken, but disease broke out in the

army, and De Luynes died. There was a fresh struggle for power between

the queen-mother and the Prince of Condé, ending in both being set aside

by the queen's almoner, Armand de Richelieu, Bishop of Luçon, and

afterwards a cardinal, the ablest statesman then in Europe, who gained

complete dominion over the king and country, and ruled them both with a

rod of iron. The Huguenots were gradually driven out of all their

strongholds, till only Rochelle remained to them. This city was bravely

and patiently defended by the magistrates and the Duke of Rohan, with

hopes of succour from England, until these being disconcerted by the

murder of the Duke of Buckingham, they were forced to surrender, after

having held out for more than a year. Louis XIII. entered in triumph,

deprived the city of all its privileges, and thus in 1628 concluded the

war that had begun by the attack of the Guisards on the congregation at

Vassy, in 1561. The lives and properties of the Huguenots were still

secure, but all favour was closed against them, and every encouragement

held out to them to join the Church. Many of the worst scandals had been

removed, and the clergy were much improved; and, from whatever motive it

might be, many of the more influential Huguenots began to conform to the

State religion.

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