letters, but I did not wish to answer them but by a Messenger. I feel
thankful for your praise of my conduct; all is going on well, but it
would be needless to attempt to deny that I _feel_ the _change_, and
I own I am much happier when I need _not_ see the Ministers; luckily
they do not want to see me often. I feel much the King's kindness
about Ste Aulaire;[101] I shall see him here on Tuesday next.
I return you our excellent friend Melbourne's letter, which I had
already seen, as he sent it me to read, and then seal and send. I miss
him much, but I often hear from him, which is a great pleasure to me.
It is a great satisfaction to us to have Stockmar here; he is a great
resource, and is now in excellent spirits.
Mamma is, I suppose, with you now, and we may expect her here either
next Thursday or Friday. How much she will have to tell us! I am very
grateful for what you say of Claremont, which could so easily be
made perfect; and I must say we enjoy ourselves there always
_particulièrement_.... Albert begs me to make you his excuses for not
writing, but I can bear testimony that he really has not time to-day.
And now _addio!_ dearest Uncle, and pray believe me, always, your
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 101: See _post_, p. 334. (Ch. X, 1st October, 1841)]
[Pageheading: FINE ARTS COMMISSION]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
_26th September 1841._
Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to
be permitted to submit for your Majesty's consideration a suggestion
which has occurred to Sir Robert Peel, and which has reference to
the communication which he recently addressed to your Majesty on
the subject of the promotion of the Fine Arts in connection with the
building of the new Houses of Parliament.
Sir Robert Peel would humbly enquire from your Majesty whether (in
the event of your Majesty's being graciously pleased to approve of the
appointment of a Royal Commission for the further investigation and
consideration of a subject of such deep importance and interest to
the encouragement of art in this country) your Majesty would deem
it desirable that the Prince should be invited in the name of your
Majesty to place himself at the head of this Commission, and to give
to it the authority and influence of his high name, and the advantage
of his taste and knowledge.
Sir Robert Peel will not of course mention this subject to any
one, until he has had the honour of receiving from your Majesty an
intimation of your Majesty's opinions and wishes on this subject.
[Pageheading: DIPLOMATIC APPOINTMENTS]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _28th September 1841._
... The diplomatic appointments are as well as they could be made.
At least Lord Melbourne thinks so--at least as much in consequence
of those whom they exclude, as of those whom they admit. The Duke of
Beaufort will do better for Petersburg than for Vienna. He is hardly
equal to the place, which requires a clever man, it being more
difficult to get information there, and to find out what is going on,
than in any other country in Europe.... But Lord Melbourne does not
much regard this, and the Duke of Beaufort possesses one advantage,
which is of the greatest importance in that country. He is a soldier,
was the Duke of Wellington's Aide-de-Camp, and served during much of
the Peninsular War. He will therefore be able to accompany the Emperor
to reviews, and to talk with him about troops and man[oe]uvres. Sir
Robert Gordon and Sir S. Canning will do very well.[102]
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that your Majesty was pleased and
impressed with Archdeacon Wilberforce's[103] sermon and his manner of
delivering it. Lord Melbourne has never seen nor heard him. His father
had as beautiful and touching a voice as ever was heard. It was very
fine in itself. He spoiled it a little by giving it a methodistical
and precatory intonation.
Hayter has been to Lord Melbourne to-day to press him to sit to him,
which he will do as soon as he has done with Chantrey. Chantrey says
that all Lord Melbourne's face is very easy except the mouth. The
mouth, he says, is always the most difficult feature, and he can
rarely satisfy himself with the delineation of any mouth, but Lord
Melbourne's is so flexible and changeable that it is almost impossible
to catch it.
[Footnote 102: For Vienna and Constantinople.]
[Footnote 103: Samuel, son of William Wilberforce, at this
date Archdeacon of Surrey, and chaplain to Prince Albert;
afterwards, in 1844, appointed Bishop of Oxford, and
eventually translated to the See of Winchester.]
[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _1st October 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received
your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and cannot express to your
Majesty how much obliged he feels by your Majesty's taking the trouble
to give him so much information upon so many points. Ste Aulaire's
hair-powder seems to make a very deep and general impression.[104]
Everybody talks about it. "He appears to be very amiable and
agreeable," everybody says, but then adds, "I never saw a man wear so
much powder." A head so whitened with flour is quite a novelty and a
prodigy in these times. Lord Melbourne has not yet seen him, but means
to call upon him immediately. Lord Melbourne is upon the whole
glad that the Duke of Beaufort has declined St Petersburg. It is an
appointment that might have been acquiesced in, but would not have
been approved. Bulwer[105] will not be a bad choice to accompany Sir
Charles[106] to Canada. Your Majesty knows Bulwer well. He is clever,
keen, active; somewhat bitter and caustic, and rather suspicious. A
man of a more straightforward character would have done better, but
it would be easy to have found many who would have done worse. Lord
Melbourne is very glad that it has been offered to the Prince to be at
the head of this Commission, and that His Royal Highness has accepted
it. It is an easy, unexceptionable manner of seeing and becoming
acquainted with a great many people, and of observing the mode of
transacting business in this country. The Commission itself will be
a scene of very considerable difference of opinion. Lord Melbourne
is for decorating the interior of the Houses of Parliament, if it be
right to do so, but he is not for doing it, whether right or wrong,
for the purpose of spending the public money in the encouragement of
the Fine Arts. Whether it is to be painting or sculpture, or both; if
painting, what sort of painting, what are to be the subjects chosen,
and who are to be the artists employed? All these questions furnish
ample food for discussion, difference, and dispute. Chantrey says
fresco will never do; it stands ill in every climate, will never stand
long in this, even in the interior of a building, and in a public work
such as this is, durability is the first object to be aimed at. He
says that there is in the Vatican a compartment of which the middle
portion has been painted by Giulio Romano[107] in fresco, and at each
of the ends there is a figure painted by Raphael in oil. The fresco
painting has been so often repaired in consequence of decay, that not
a vestige of the original work remains; while the two figures painted
by Raphael in oil still stand out in all their original freshness, and
even improved from what they were when first executed....
Lord Melbourne dined and slept on Wednesday at Wimbledon.[108] He
met there Lord and Lady Cottenham, Lord[109] and Lady Langdale, Lord
Glenelg and his brother, Mr Wm. Grant, who was his private secretary,
and is an amusing man. Lord Melbourne is going there again to-morrow
to stay until Monday. The place is beautiful; it is not like
Claremont, but it is quite of the same character, and always puts Lord
Melbourne in mind of it. The Duchess has many merits, but amongst them
is the not small one of having one of the best cooks in England.
[Footnote 104: Madame de Lieven wrote to Aberdeen, 12th
September 1841: "Ne jugez pas cet Ambassadeur par son
exterieur; il personnifie un peu les Marquis de Molière....
Passez-lui ses cheveux poudrés, son air galant et papillon
auprès des femmes. He cannot help it."]
[Footnote 105: Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling.]
[Footnote 106: Sir Charles Bagot.]
[Footnote 107: He was a pupil of Raphael, celebrated for
(among other works) his "Fall of the Titans."]
[Footnote 108: The word is almost illegible. Wimbledon was at
that time in the occupation of the Duke of Somerset.]
[Footnote 109: Master of the Rolls.]
[Pageheading: PEERS AND AUDIENCES]
_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _2nd October 1841._
Sir James Graham with humble duty begs to lay before your Majesty two
letters, which he has received from the Earl of Radnor,[110] together
with the copy of the answer which Sir James Graham returned to the
first of the two letters.
If the presentation of Petitions were the sole subject of the
Audience, it might be needless to impose on your Majesty the
trouble incident to this mode of receiving them, since they might be
transmitted through the accustomed channel of one of the Secretaries
of State; but Sir James Graham infers from a conversation which,
since the receipt of the letters he has had with Lord Radnor, that
the Audience is asked in exercise of a right claimed by Peers of the
Realm.
The existence of this right is not recognised by Statute; but it
rests in ancient usage, and is noticed by Judge Blackstone in his
Commentaries on the Laws of England in the following terms:--
"It is usually looked upon to be the right of each particular Peer of
the Realm to demand an Audience of the King, and to lay before him,
with decency and respect, such matters as he shall judge of importance
to the public weal."
The general practice on the part of the Sovereign has been not to
refuse these Audiences when Peers have asked them....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and
Servant,
J. R. G. GRAHAM.
[Footnote 110: William, third Earl, formerly M.P. for
Salisbury.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._
The Queen has received Sir James Graham's communication with the
enclosures. She thinks that it would be extremely inconvenient if
Audiences were to be granted to Peers for the purpose of presenting
Petitions or Addresses. The Queen knows that it has always been
considered a sort of right of theirs to ask for and receive an
Audience of the King or Queen. But the Queen knows that upon several
occasions Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell wrote to the Peers who
requested Audiences, stating that it would be very inconvenient for
the Queen, particularly in the country, and that they had better
either put off asking for it, till the Queen came to town, or send
what they had to say; communicate in writing--which was complied with.
If, therefore, Sir James Graham would state this to Lord Radnor, he
may probably give up pressing for an Audience. Should he, however,
urge his wish very strongly, the Queen will see him in the manner
proposed by Sir James. The Queen would wish to hear from Sir James
again before she gives a final answer.
[Pageheading: THE CHINESE CAMPAIGN]
_Lord Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._
INDIA BOARD, _2nd October 1841._
Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly
acquaints your Majesty that your Majesty's Ministers, taking into
consideration the smallness of the force with which the campaign in
China was commenced this year, and the advanced period of the season
at which the reinforcements would arrive (which reinforcements would
not so raise the strength of the Army as to afford any reasonable
expectation that its operations will produce during the present year
any decisive results), have deemed it expedient that instructions
would be at once issued to the Indian Government with a view to the
making of timely preparations for the campaign of 1842.[111]
Your Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the War with China should
be conducted on an enlarged scale, and the Indian Government will
be directed to have all their disposable military and naval force
at Singapore in April, so that the operations may commence at the
earliest period which the season allows.
Lord Ellenborough cannot but entertain a sanguine expectation that
that force so commencing its operations, and directed upon a point
where it will intercept the principal internal communication of the
Chinese Empire, will finally compel the Chinese Government to accede
to terms of Peace honourable to your Majesty, and affording future
security to the trade of your Majesty's subjects.
[Footnote 111: Ningpo was taken by Sir Hugh Gough on 13th
October 1841, and no further operations took place till the
spring of the following year. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_,
p. 254. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._
Sat by the Queen last night at dinner. Her Majesty alluded to Sir
Robert Peel's awkward manner, which she felt she could not get over.
I asked if Her Majesty had yet made any effort, which I was
good-humouredly assured Her Majesty "thought she really had done."
Sir Robert's ignorance of character was most striking and
unaccountable; feeling this, made it difficult for Her Majesty to
place reliance upon his judgment in recommendations.
[Pageheading: ENGLISH AND FOREIGN ARTISTS]
[Pageheading: SIR FRANCIS CHANTREY]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _4th October 1811._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the
honour of receiving your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst. yesterday,
at Wimbledon. If Lord Melbourne should hear of anything of what your
Majesty asks respecting the impression made upon Sir Robert and Lady
Peel, he will take care and inform your Majesty, but, of course,
they will speak very favourably, and if they feel otherwise will not
breathe it except in the most secret and confidential manner.
Lord Melbourne is very much rejoiced to hear that the Duchess of Kent
arrived safe and well and in good spirits.
Lord Melbourne sat to Sir F. Chantrey on Saturday last. He will, Lord
Melbourne believes, require only one more sitting, which he wishes to
be at the distance of a week from the last, in order that he may
take a fresh view of the bust, and not become reconciled to its
imperfections by continually looking at it. It may give the Prince
some idea of the national feeling which prevails here, when he is told
that Lord Melbourne upon asking Sir F. Chantrey what ought to be done
if foreign artists were employed to paint the Houses of Parliament,
received from him the following answer: "Why, their heads ought to be
broke and they driven out of the country, and, old as I am, I should
like to lend a hand for that purpose."
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _5th October 1841._
... Lord Melbourne, by telling your Majesty what Sir Francis Chantrey
said respecting foreign artists, and by requesting your Majesty to
repeat it to the Prince, by no means intended to imply that there was
any disposition on the part of His Royal Highness to recommend the
employment of foreigners. He only meant to convey the idea of the
strength of the prejudice which is felt by enlightened and able men
upon the subject. Lord Melbourne has been sitting this morning to
Hayter for the picture of the marriage, and he (Hayter) held an
entirely contrary language. His tone is: "If foreign artists are more
capable than English, let them be employed. All I require is that the
work should be done as well as it can be." The English are certainly
very jealous of foreigners, and so, Lord Melbourne apprehends, are
the rest of mankind, but not knowing himself any nation except the
English, he cannot venture to make positively that assertion. Lord
Melbourne has been reading the evidence given before the committee of
the House of Commons upon this subject. It is well worth attention,
particularly Mr Eastlake's,[112] which appears to Lord Melbourne to be
very enlightened, dispassionate, and just....
[Footnote 112: Afterwards Sir Charles Eastlake, Keeper of the
National Gallery, 1843-1847, President of the Royal Academy,
1850-1865.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S GRANT]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1841._
Sat by Her Majesty last night at dinner.
The Queen had written to Lord Melbourne about coming to the Castle,
but in his answer he had made no allusion to it; she did not know
whether this was accidental or intentional, for he very often gave no
answer to questions which were put.
I told Her Majesty that I feared he had raised an obstacle to his
visit by making a strong speech against the Government just at the
time he was thinking of coming. That this attack had identified him as
the leader of his Party, at a moment when I had been most anxious
that he should abstain from taking an active part, and by withdrawing
himself from politics he would enable himself to become the more
useful friend to Her Majesty. The Queen had not seen the speech,
was sorry he had felt himself obliged to make it, but it would
be difficult for him to avoid it after having been so long Prime
Minister.
Her Majesty told me that previous to the exit of the late Government,
Lord John had earnestly cautioned Her Majesty not to propose any
new grant of money, as it would in the case of £70,000 for the new
stables, however unfairly, bring great unpopularity upon the Queen. I
said in regard to any increase to the Prince's annuity, I thought
it would be very imprudent in him to think of it, except under very
peculiar circumstances which might arise, but which could not yet be
foreseen. The Queen said that _nothing_ should induce Her Majesty to
accept such a favour from these Ministers. Peel probably now regretted
his opposition to the grant, but it was, and was intended to be, a
personal insult to herself, and it was followed up [by] opposition
to her private wishes in the precedency question, where the Duke of
Wellington took the lead against her wishes, as Peel had done in the
Commons against the Prince's grant. She never could forget it, and no
favour to her should come from such a quarter. I told Her Majesty I
could not rest the Prince's case on Her Majesty's objections if they
were the only ones which could be brought forward. If the case again
rose I feared Her Majesty would find many who before, from Party
views, voted according to Her Majesty's wishes, would now rank on the
opposite side.
Her Majesty asked Dr Hawtrey the evening before who was the cleverest
boy at Eton.
Dr Hawtrey made a profound bow to the Queen and said, "I trust your
Majesty will excuse my answering, for if I did I make 600 enemies at
once."
_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._
_6th October 1841._
The Queen had asked Lord Melbourne whether he would soon visit her at
Windsor. He had not replied on that point, but had written to Prince
Albert in order to learn first the Prince's opinion on the feasibility
of the matter.
The Prince sent for me and consulted with me. I was of opinion that
the Prince had better refrain from giving an answer, and that I should
give my opinion in the written form of a Memorandum, with which Anson
should betake himself to town. He was to read it aloud to Melbourne,
and orally to add what amplifications might be necessary.
And so it was done.
[Pageheading: RELATIONS WITH PEEL]
My Memorandum was as follows:--
Sir Robert Peel has yet to make his position opposite[113] the
Queen, which for him to obtain is important and desirable for
obvious reasons. I have good cause to doubt that Sir Robert
is sure within himself of the good-will and confidence of the
Queen. As long as the secret communication exists between Her
Majesty and Lord Melbourne, this ground, upon which alone Sir
Robert could obtain the position necessary to him as Premier,
must remain cut away from under his feet. I hold, therefore,
this secret interchange an _essential injustice_ to Sir
Robert's present situation. I think it equally wrong to call
upon the Prince to give an opinion on the subject, as he has
not the means to cause his opinion to be either regarded or
complied with. In this particular matter nobody has paramount
power to do right or wrong but the Queen, and more especially
Lord Melbourne himself. To any danger which may come out of
this to Her Majesty's character, the caution and objection
must come from him, and from him alone; and if I was standing
in his shoes I would show the Queen, of my own accord,
and upon constitutional grounds _too_, that a continued
correspondence of that sort must be fraught with imminent
danger to the Queen, especially to Lord Melbourne, and to the
State.
[Footnote 113: _I.e._ with.]
I then gave Anson the further arguments with which he was to accompany
the reading out of this Memo.
[Pageheading: DISCRETION URGED ON MELBOURNE]
[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S INFLUENCE]
On the next day Anson went to Melbourne and told him that his note to
him had raised a great consultation, that the Prince felt much averse
to giving any opinion in a case upon which he could exercise no
control, and in which, if it was known that he had given his sanction,
he would be held responsible for any mischief which might arise. He
had consulted Baron Stockmar, who had written the enclosed opinion,
which the Prince had desired Anson to read to Lord Melbourne.
Melbourne read it attentively twice through, with an occasional change
of countenance and compression of lips. He said on concluding
it: "This is a most decided opinion indeed, quite an '_apple[114]
opinion_.'" Anson told him that the Prince felt that if the Queen's
confidence in Peel was in a way to be established, it would be
extremely shaken by his (Lord Melbourne's) visit at such a moment. He
felt that it would be better that Lord Melbourne's appearance should
be in London, where he would meet the Queen only on the terms of
general society, but at the same time he (the Prince) was extremely
reluctant to give an opinion upon a case which Lord Melbourne's own
sense of right ought to decide. Anson added how he feared his speech
of yesterday in the House of Lords[115] had added another impediment
to his coming at this moment, as it had identified him with and
established as the head of the Opposition party, which he (Anson) had
hoped Melbourne would have been able to avoid. Melbourne, who was then
sitting on the sofa, rushed up upon this, and went up and down the
room in a violent frenzy, exclaiming--"God eternally d--n it!"
etc., etc. "Flesh and blood cannot stand this. I only spoke upon
the defensive, which Ripon's speech at the beginning of the session
rendered quite necessary. I cannot be expected to give up my position
in the country, neither do I think that it is to the Queen's interest
that I should."
Anson continued that the Baron thought that no Ministry could stand
the force of such an undercurrent influence, that all the good that
was to be derived from pacifying the Queen's mind at the change had
been gained, and that the danger which we were liable to, and which
threatened him in particular, could only be averted by his own
straightforward decision with the Queen. Anson asked him if _he_ saw
any danger likely to arise from this correspondence. After a long
pause he said, "_I certainly cannot think it right_," though he
felt sure that some medium of communication of this sort was no new
precedent. He took care never to say anything which could bring his
opinion in opposition _to Sir Robert's, and he should distinctly
advise the Queen to adhere to her Ministers in everything,[116]
unless he saw the time had arrived at which it might be
resisted_.[117] The principal evil, replied Anson, to be dreaded from
the continuance of Lord Melbourne's influence was, according to the
Baron's opinion, that so long as the Queen felt she could resort to
Lord Melbourne for his advice, she never would be disposed (from not
feeling the necessity) to place any real confidence in the advice she
received from Peel.
[Footnote 114: No doubt Lord Melbourne said an "apple-pie"
opinion.]
[Footnote 115: At the opening of the Session Lord Ripon had
reprobated the late Government for resorting to temporary
expedients, and Lord Melbourne, on the second reading of the
Exchequer-bills Funding Bill, caustically but good-humouredly
replied to the attack.]
[Footnote 116: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--If he wishes to
carry this out consistently and quite honestly, what then is
the value of his advice, if it be only the copy of that of Sir
R. Peel?]
[Footnote 117: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--This means, in my
way of reading it: "The Queen, by her correspondence with
me, puts Peel into my hands, and there I mean to let him stay
unhurt, until time and extraneous circumstances--but more
especially the advantage that will accrue to me by my secret
correspondence with the Queen--shall enable me to plunge, in
all security, the dagger into his back."]
_The Earl of Liverpool to Baron Stockmar._[118]
FIFE HOUSE, _7th October 1841._
MY DEAR BARON,--Peel sent for me this morning to speak to me about
the contents of his letter to me. After some general conversation on
matters respecting the Royal Household, he said that he had had
much satisfaction in his intercourse lately with Her Majesty, and
specifically yesterday, and he asked me whether I had seen Her Majesty
or the Prince yesterday, and whether they were satisfied with him. I
told him that except in public I had not seen Her Majesty, and except
for a moment in your room I had not seen the Prince; but that as he
spoke to me on this matter, I must take the opportunity of saying a
word to him about _you_, from whom I had learnt yesterday that both
the Queen and Prince are extremely well pleased with him. That I
had known you very long, but that our great intimacy began when King
Leopold sent you over just previous to the Queen's accession; that we
had acted together on that occasion, and that our mutual esteem and
intimacy had increased; that your position was a very peculiar one,
and that you might be truly said to be a species of second parent to
the Queen and the Prince; that your only object was their welfare, and
your only ambition to be of service to them; that in this sense you
had communicated with Melbourne, and that I wished that in this sense
you should communicate with him (Peel). He said that he saw the matter
exactly as I did, that he wished to communicate with you, and felt the
greatest anxiety to do everything to meet the wishes of the Queen and
Prince in all matters within his power, and as far as consistent
with his known and avowed political principles; that in all matters
respecting the Household and their private feelings that the smallest
hint sufficed to guide him, as he would not give way to any party
feeling or job which should in any way militate against Her Majesty
or His Royal Highness's comfort; that he wished particularly that it
should be known that he never had a thought of riding _roughshod_ over
Her Majesty's wishes; that if you would come to him at any time, and
be candid and explicit with him, you might depend upon his frankness
and discretion; that above all, if you had said anything to him, and
expressed a wish that it might not be communicated even to the Duke of
Wellington, (that was his expression), that he wished me to assure you
that your wishes should be strictly attended to. Pray give me a line
to say that you do not disapprove of what I have done. We had a great
deal more conversation, but with this I will not now load my letter,
being ever sincerely yours,
LIVERPOOL.
Direct your answer to this house.
[Footnote 118: This letter was submitted to the Queen.]
[Pageheading: AUDIENCES OF PEERS]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _8th October 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this
morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. There can be no
doubt that your Majesty is right about the Audiences which have been
requested....
Sir Robert Peel is probably right in supposing that the claim of a
Peer to an Audience of the Sovereign originated in early times, and
before the present course of government by responsible advisers was
fully and decidedly established, which it hardly can be said to have
been until after the accession of the House of Hanover, but the custom
of asking for such Audiences, and of their being in general granted,
was well known, and has for the most part been observed and adhered
to. Lord Melbourne remembers that during the part of the French War,
when considerable alarm began to prevail respecting its duration, and
the serious aspect which it was assuming, George III. gave Audiences
to the Duke of Norfolk and others which he certainly would not have
been inclined to do if he had not thought himself bound by his duty
and by Constitutional precedent. At the time of the passing of the
Roman Catholic Relief Act, George IV. received very many Peers, much
no doubt against his will, who came to remonstrate with him upon the
course which his Ministers were pursuing. William IV. did the same at
the time of the Reform Bill, and certainly spoke upon the subject in
a manner which Lord Melbourne always thought indiscreet and imprudent.
Upon the whole, the practice has been so much acted upon and
established, that Lord Melbourne will certainly not think it wise to
make any alteration now, especially as it has in itself beneficial
effects, especially as in a time of strong political feeling it is a
satisfaction to the people to think that their wishes and opinions are
laid before the Sovereign fairly and impartially. It is not likely to
be a very heavy burthen, inasmuch as such Audiences are only asked at
particular moments, and they are not in themselves very burthensome
nor difficult to deal with. It is only for the Sovereign to say that
he is convinced of the good motives which have actuated the step, and
that consideration will be given to the matter and arguments which
have been stated.
Lord Melbourne has one vague recollection of a correspondence upon
this subject between Lord Holland and some King, but does not remember
the circumstances with any accuracy.
Duncannon[119] persuaded Brougham to give up asking an Audience upon
condition of Lord Melbourne's promising to place his letters in your
Majesty's hands, which he did.[120] Lord Charlemont[121] also was
prevented in some manner or another, which Lord Melbourne forgets.
Upon the whole, Lord Melbourne thinks that it is best to concede this
privilege of the Peerage, whether it actually exists or not, but to
restrain it within due and reasonable bounds, which in ordinary times
it is not difficult to do. Extraordinary times must be dealt with as
they can be....
Lady A---- is, as your Majesty says, good-natured. She talks three or
four times as much as she ought, and like many such women often says
exactly the things she ought not to say. Lady B---- has ten times the
sense of her mother, and a little residue of her folly.
[Footnote 119: Ex-First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]
[Footnote 120: See _ante_, pp. 293 and 335-6.
(Ch. X, 'Lord Brougham'; 'Peers and Audiences')]
[Footnote 121: Francis William, fifth Viscount Charlemont
(1775-1863), created a Peer of the United Kingdom in 1837.]
[Pageheading: GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP OF INDIA]
[Pageheading: LORD ELLENBOROUGH]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
_9th October 1841._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave
to inform your Majesty that in consequence of the opinion which your
Majesty was graciously pleased to express when Sir Robert Peel last
had the honour of waiting upon your Majesty, with respect to the
superior qualifications of Lord Ellenborough for the important
trust of Governor-General of India, Sir Robert Peel saw his Lordship
yesterday, and enquired whether he would permit Sir Robert Peel to
propose his appointment to your Majesty.
Lord Ellenborough was very much gratified by the proposal, admitted at
once that it was very difficult to find an unexceptionable candidate
for an office of such pre-eminent importance, but made some difficulty
on two points.
First--Considerations of health, which though disregarded personally,
might, he feared, interfere with the execution of such unremitting and
laborious duties as would devolve upon the Governor-General of India.
Secondly--The consideration that on his acceptance of the office he
would be required by law to give up during his tenure of it no less
than £7,500 per annum, the amount of compensation now paid to him in
consequence of the abolition of a very valuable office[122] which he
held in the Courts of Law.
During Lord Ellenborough's conversation with Sir Robert Peel, and
while the mind of Lord Ellenborough was very much in doubt as to the
policy of his acceptance of the office, the box which contained your
Majesty's note of yesterday was brought to Sir Robert Peel.
Sir Robert Peel humbly acquaints your Majesty that he ventured to read
to Lord Ellenborough on the instant the concluding paragraph of your
Majesty's note, namely--
"The more the Queen thinks of it, the more she thinks that Lord
Ellenborough would be far the most fit person to send to India."
Sir Robert Peel is perfectly convinced that this opinion of your
Majesty, so graciously expressed, removed every doubt and difficulty
from Lord Ellenborough's mind, and decided him to forgo every personal
consideration rather than appear unmindful of such a favourable
impression of his qualifications for public service on the part of his
Sovereign.
Sir Robert Peel humbly hopes that your Majesty will not disapprove of
the use which he made of a confidential note from your Majesty.
As your Majesty kindly permitted Sir Robert Peel to send occasionally
letters to your Majesty of a private rather than a public character,
he ventures to enclose one from the Duke of Wellington on the subject
of the appointment of Governor-General.
Sir Robert Peel had observed to the Duke of Wellington that he
had great confidence in Lord Ellenborough's integrity, unremitting
industry, and intimate knowledge of Indian affairs; that his only
fear was that Lord Ellenborough might err from _over-activity_ and
eagerness--but that he hoped his tendency to hasty decisions would be
checked by the experience and mature judgment of Indian advisers on
the spot.
The Duke of Wellington's comments have reference to these observations
of Sir Robert Peel. Your Majesty will nevertheless perceive that the
Duke considers, upon the whole, "that Lord Ellenborough is better
qualified than any man in England for the office of Governor-General."
[Footnote 122: He was Joint Chief Clerk of the Pleas in the
Queen's Bench, a sinecure conferred on him by his father, who
was Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 1802-1818.]
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN SPAIN]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th October 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--- ... Respecting the Spanish affairs,[123] I can
give you perfectly satisfactory intelligence concerning the Infants'
return. Espartero sees them return with the greatest regret, but said
he felt he could not prevent them from doing so. If, however, they
should be found to intrigue at all, they will not be allowed to
remain. Respecting a marriage with the eldest son of Dona Carlotta, I
know _positively_ that Espartero _never_ would _hear_ of it; but, on
the other hand, he is equally strongly opposed to poor little Isabel
marrying any French Prince, and I must add that _we_ could _never
allow that_. You will see that I have given you a frank and fair
account....
[Footnote 123: The Queen-mother, who was living in Paris, had
been deprived by a vote of the Cortes of the guardianship of
the young Queen, Isabella II., and risings in her interest now
took place at Pampeluna and Vittoria. On the 7th October, a
bold attempt was made at Madrid to storm the Palace and get
possession of the person of the young Queen. Queen Christina
denied complicity, but the Regent, Espartero, suspended
her pension on the ground that she had encouraged the
conspirators.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _12th October 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns
many thanks for the letter received yesterday informing Lord Melbourne
of the time of your Majesty's coming to London. Lord Melbourne
earnestly hopes that your Majesty continues well.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the appointment of Lord
Ellenborough. The reasons which your Majesty gives are sound and just,
and it is of great importance that a man not only of great ability but
of high station, and perfectly in the confidence of the Government at
home, should be named to this important post. Lord Ellenborough is a
man of great abilities, of much knowledge of India, of great industry
and of very accurate habits of business, and Lord Melbourne knows of
no objection to his appointment, except the loss of him here, where,
whether in or out of office, he has always been of great service.
He has hitherto been an unpopular man and his manners have been
considered contemptuous and overbearing, but he is evidently much
softened and amended in this respect, as most men are by time,
experience, and observation. Lord Fitzgerald[124] is a very able
public man, Lord Melbourne would say one of the most able, if not the
most able they have; but Lord Melbourne is told by others, who know
Lord Fitzgerald better, that Lord Melbourne overrates him. He is a
very good speaker, he has not naturally much industry, and his
health is bad, which will probably disable him from a very close and
assiduous attention to business. It is, however, upon the whole an
adequate appointment, and he is perhaps more likely to go on smoothly
with the Court of Directors, which is a great matter, than Lord
Ellenborough.
[Footnote 124: On Lord Ellenborough becoming Governor-General,
Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, an ex-M.P., and former Chancellor
of the Irish Exchequer, succeeded him at the Board of
Control.]
[Pageheading: FRANCE AND SPAIN]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _16th October 1841._
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty, begs to lay before
your Majesty a private letter from M. Guizot, which has just been
communicated to him by M. de Ste-Aulaire, on the recent attempt
in favour of Queen Christina in Spain. Your Majesty will see that
although M. Guizot denies, with every appearance of sincerity, all
participation of the French Government in this attempt, he does not
conceal that it has their cordial good wishes for its success. These
feelings, on the part of such a Government as that of France, will
probably be connected with practical assistance of some kind, although
M. Guizot's declarations may perhaps be literally true.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
The Queen must say that she fears the French are at the bottom of it,
for their jealousy of our influence in Spain is such, that the Queen
fears they would not be indisposed to see civil war to a certain
degree restored rather than that Spain should go on quietly supported
by us.[125] The Queen, however, hopes that, as far as it is possible,
the English Government will support the present Regent, who is
thoroughly attached to England, and who, from all that the Queen
hears of him, is the fittest man they have in Spain for the post he
occupies; and indeed matters till now had gone on much more quietly
than they had for some time previous, since Espartero is at the head
of the Government. The French intrigues should really be frustrated.
The Queen certainly thinks that M. Guizot's veracity is generally not
to be doubted, but the conduct of France regarding Spain has always
been very equivocal.
[Footnote 125: See _post_, p. 349. (Ch. X, 17th October, 1841)]
[Pageheading: MASTERSHIP OF TRINITY]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
_16th October 1841._
Sir Robert Peel, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs leave to
acquaint your Majesty that the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge,
has formally signified his wish to retire from the duties of that
important trust.
Sir Robert Peel has reason to believe that it would be advantageous
that the selection of a successor to Dr. Wordsworth should be made
from members of Trinity College who are or have been fellows of the
College. Of these, the most eminent in respect to the qualifications
required in the office of Master, and to academical distinction,
are:--
Professor Whewell.[126]
The Rev. Mr Martin,[127] Bursar of the College.
The Rev. Dr Wordsworth,[128] Head Master of Harrow School,
and son of the present Master of Trinity.
The latter is a highly distinguished scholar, but his success as Head
Master of Harrow has not been such as to overcome the objection which
applies on general grounds to the succession of a father by a son in
an office of this description.
Professor Whewell is a member of Trinity College of the highest
scientific attainments. His name is probably familiar to your Majesty
as the author of one of the Bridgewater Treatises,[129] and of other
works which have attracted considerable notice.
He is a general favourite among all who have had intercourse with him
from his good temper and easy and conciliatory manners. Though not
_peculiarly_ eminent as a divine (less so at least than a writer on
scientific and philosophical subjects), his works manifest a deep
sense of the importance of religion and sound religious views. The
Archbishop of Canterbury[130] and the Bishop of London[131] (himself
of Trinity College) incline to think that the most satisfactory
appointment upon the whole would be that of Professor Whewell.
Sir Robert Peel, after making every enquiry into the subject, and with
a deep conviction of the importance of the appointment, has arrived at
the same conclusion, and humbly therefore recommends to your Majesty
that Professor Whewell should succeed Dr Wordsworth as Master of
Trinity College, Cambridge.
[Footnote 126: Then Knightsbridge Professor of Moral
Philosophy.]
[Footnote 127: Francis Martin, afterwards Vice-Master, died
1868.]
[Footnote 128: Christopher Wordsworth, afterwards Bishop of
Lincoln.]
[Footnote 129: By the will (dated 1825) of the eighth Earl
of Bridgewater--who must not be confounded with the third and
last Duke, projector of inland navigation--£8,000 was left
for the best work on the "Goodness of God as manifested in
the Creation." The money was divided amongst eight persons,
including Whewell, who wrote on Astronomy considered in
reference to Natural Theology.]
[Footnote 130: William Howley.]
[Footnote 131: O. J. Blomfield.]
[Pageheading: QUEEN ISABELLA]
[Pageheading: THE SPANISH MARRIAGE]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
_17th October 1841._
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter yesterday evening, and quite
approves of the draft to Mr Aston, and of Lord Aberdeen's having sent
it off at once. Her earnest wish is that the English Government should
be firm, and uphold the Regent as far as it is in our power. The Queen
has perused M. Guizot's letter with great attention, but she cannot
help fearing that assistance and encouragement has been given in
some shape or other to the revolts which have taken place. The Queen
Christina's residence at Paris is very suspicious, and much to be
regretted; every one who saw the Queen and knew her when Regent, knew
her to be clever and _capable_ of governing, had she but attended
to her duties. This she did not, but wasted her time in frivolous
amusements and neglected her children sadly, and finally left them.
It was her _own_ doing, and therefore it is not the kindest conduct
towards her children, but the very _worst_, to try and disturb the
tranquillity of a country which was just beginning to recover from the
baneful effects of one of the most bloody civil wars imaginable.
The Queen is certain that Lord Aberdeen will feel with her of what
importance it is to England that Spain should not become subject to
French interests, as it is evident _France wishes_ to make it. The
marriage of Queen Isabel is a most important question, and the Queen
is likewise certain that Lord Aberdeen sees at once that we could
never let her marry a French Prince. Ere long the Queen must speak to
Lord Aberdeen on this subject. In the meantime the Queen thought
it might be of use to Lord Aberdeen to put him in possession of her
feelings on the state of Spain, in which the Queen has always taken a
very warm interest.
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
PANSHANGER, _21st October 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received
here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th inst., and he
earnestly hopes that your Majesty has arrived quite safe and well in
London. Besides the family, we have had hardly anybody here except
Lady Clanricarde.[132] Yesterday Sir Edward L. Bulwer[133] came,
beating his brother hollow in ridiculousness of attire, ridiculous as
the other is. He has, however, much in him, and is agreeable when you
come to converse with him....
Lord Melbourne is rather in doubt about his own movements. Lord
Leicester[134] presses him much to go to Holkham, where Lord
Fortescue,[135] Mr Ellice[136] and others are to be, and considering
Lord Leicester's age, Lord Melbourne thinks that it will gratify him
to see Lord Melbourne again there. But at Holkham they shoot from
morning until night, and if you do not shoot you are like a fish
upon dry land. Lord Melbourne hardly feels equal to the exertion, and
therefore thinks that he shall establish himself for the present
at Melbourne, where he will be within reach of Trentham, Beau
Desert,[137] Wentworth,[138] and Castle Howard,[139] if he likes to
go to them. The only annoyance is that it is close to Lord and Lady
G----, whom he will be perpetually meeting.
[Footnote 132: A daughter of George Canning, the Prime
Minister.]
[Footnote 133: Afterwards Lord Lytton, the novelist.]
[Footnote 134: The famous country gentleman, "Mr Coke of
Norfolk."]
[Footnote 135: Hugh, second Earl, K.G.]
[Footnote 136: The Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P. ("Bear"
Ellice).]
[Footnote 137: Near Lichfield, a seat of Lord Anglesey.]
[Footnote 138: Lord Fitzwilliam's house, near Rotherham.]
[Footnote 139: Lord Carlisle's house, near York, built by
Vanbrugh.]
[Pageheading: HOLLAND AND BELGIUM]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _22 October 1841._
... In France there is a great outcry that a Bourbon must be the
future husband of the Queen of Spain, etc. I must say that as the
Spaniards and the late King changed themselves the Salic custom which
Philip V. had brought from France,[140] it is natural for the rest of
Europe to wish that no Bourbon should go there. Besides, it must be
confessed that the thing is not even easy, as there is great hatred
amongst the various branches of that family. The King of the French
himself has always been _opposed_ to the idea of one of his sons going
there; in France, however, that opinion still exists, and Thiers had
it, strongly.
I confess that I regret that Queen Christina was encouraged to
settle at Paris, as it gave the thing the appearance of something
preconcerted. I believe that a wish existed that Christina would
retire peaceably and _par la force des circonstances_, but now this
took a turn which I am sure the King does not like; it places him,
besides, into _une position ingrate_; the Radicals hate him, the
Moderates will cry out that he has left them in the lurch, and the
Carlists are kept under key, and of course also not much pleased. I
meant to have remained in my wilds till yesterday, but my Ministers
were so anxious for my return, there being a good many things on the
_tapis_, that I came back on Tuesday, the 19th....
Here one is exactly shut up as if one was in a menagerie, walking
round and round like a tame bear. One breathes here also a mixture
of all sorts of moist compounds, which one is told is fresh air, but
which is not the least like it. I suppose, however, that my neighbour
in Holland, where they have not even got a hill as high as yours in
Buckingham Gardens, would consider Laeken as an Alpine country. The
tender meeting of the old King and the new King,[141] as one can
hardly call him a young King, must be most amusing. I am told that if
the old King had not made that love-match, he would be perfectly
able to dethrone his son; I heard that yesterday from a person rather
attached to the son and hating the father. In the meantime, though
one can hardly say that he is well at home, some strange mixture of
cut-throats and ruined soldiers of fortune had a mind to play us some
tricks here; we have got more and more insight into this. Is it by
instigation from him personally, or does he only know of it without
being a party to it? That _is_ difficult to tell, the more so as he
makes immense demonstration of friendly dispositions towards us,
and me in particular. I would I could make a _chassez croisez_ with
Otho;[142] he would be the gainer in solids, and I should have sun and
an interesting country; I will try to make him understand this, the
more so as you do not any longer want me in the West.
[Footnote 140: The Pragmatic Sanction of Philip V. was
repealed in 1792 by the Cortes, but the repeal was not
promulgated by the King. Under the Salic Law, Don Carlos would
have been on the throne. See _ante_, p. 44. (Ch. V, Footnote 9)]
[Footnote 141: William I., who had abdicated in order to marry
again, and William II., his son, who was nearly fifty.]
[Footnote 142: The King of Greece, elected in 1833.]
[Pageheading: AMBASSADORS' AUDIENCES]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
_25th October 1841._
With respect to the appointment of Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench,
the Queen approves of Mr Pennefather[143] for that office. The Queen
may be mistaken, for she is not very well acquainted with the judicial
officers in Ireland, but it strikes her that Serjeant Jackson belonged
to the very violent Orange party in Ireland, and if this should be the
case she suggests to Sir Robert Peel whether it would not be better
_not_ to appoint him. If, on the other hand, the Queen should be
mistaken as to his political opinions, she would not disapprove of his
succeeding Mr Pennefather.
The Queen saw in the papers that Lord Stuart de Rothesay is already
gone. The Queen can hardly believe this, as no Ambassador or Minister
_ever_ left England without previously asking for an Audience and
receiving one, as the Queen wishes always to see them before they
repair to their posts. Would Sir Robert be so very good as to ask Lord
Aberdeen whether Lord Stuart de Rothesay is gone or not, and if he
should be, to tell Lord Aberdeen that in future she would wish
him always to inform her when they intend to go, and to ask for an
Audience, which, if the Queen is well, she would always grant. It is
possible that as the Queen said the other day that she did not wish
to give many Audiences after the Council, that Lord Aberdeen may have
misunderstood this and thought the Queen would give none, which was
_not_ her intention. The Queen would be thankful to Sir Robert if he
would undertake to clear up this mistake, which she is certain (should
Lord Stuart be gone) arose entirely from misapprehension.
The Queen also wishes Sir Robert to desire Lord Haddington to send her
some details of the intended reductions in the Fleet which she sees by
a draft of Lord Aberdeen's to Mr Bulwer have taken place.[144]
[Footnote 143: Recently appointed Solicitor-General; Sergeant
J. D. Jackson now succeeded him.]
[Footnote 144: The statement of the Royal Navy in Commission
at the beginning of 1841 sets out 160 vessels carrying 4,277
guns.]
[Pageheading: STOCKMAR AND MELBOURNE]
[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]
_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._
_25th October 1841._
... I told [Lord Melbourne] that, as I read the English Constitution,
it meant to assign to _the Sovereign in his functions a deliberative
part_--that I was not sure the Queen had the means within herself to
execute this deliberative part properly, but I was sure that the only
way for her to execute her functions at all was to be strictly honest
to those men who at the time being were her Ministers. That it was
chiefly on this account that I had been so very sorry to have found
now, on my return from the Continent, that on the change of the
Ministry a capital opportunity to read a great Constitutional maxim
to the Queen had not only been lost by Lord Melbourne, but that he had
himself turned an instrument for working great good into an instrument
which must produce mischief and danger. That I was afraid that, from
what Lord Melbourne had been so weak as to have allowed himself to be
driven into, _against his own and better conviction_, the Queen must
have received a most pernicious bias, which on any future occasion
would make her inclined to act in a similar position similarly to that
what she does now, being convinced that what she does _now_ must be
right on all future occasions, or else Lord Melbourne would not have
sanctioned it. Upon this, Lord Melbourne endeavoured to palliate, to
represent the danger, which would arise from his secret correspondence
with the Queen as very little, to adduce precedents from history,
and to screen his present conduct behind what he imagined Lord Bute's
conduct had been under George III.[145] I listened patiently, and
replied in the end: All this might be mighty fine and quite calculated
to lay a flattering unction on his own soul, or it might suffice to
tranquillize the minds of the Prince and Anson, but that I was too old
to find the slightest argument in what I had just now heard, nor could
it in any way allay my apprehension. I began then to dissect all
that he had produced for his excusation, and showed him--as I thought
clearly, and as he admitted convincingly--that it would be impossible
to carry on this secret commerce with the Sovereign for any length
of time without exposing the Queen's character and creating mighty
embarrassments in the quiet and regular working of a Constitutional
machine.
My representations seemed to make a very deep impression, and Lord
Melbourne became visibly nervous, perplexed, and distressed. After
he had recovered a little I said, "I never was inclined to obtrude
advice; but if you don't dislike to hear my opinion, I am prepared to
give it to you." He said, "What is it?" I said, "You allow the Queen's
confinement to pass over quietly, and you wait till her perfect
recovery of it. As soon as this period has arrived, you state of
your own accord to Her Majesty that this secret and confidential
correspondence with her must cease; that you gave in to it, much
against your feelings, and with a decided notion of its impropriety
and danger, and merely out of a sincere solicitude to calm Her
Majesty's mind in a critical time, and to prevent the ill effects
which great and mental agitation might have produced on her health.
That this part of your purpose now being most happily achieved, you
thought yourself in duty bound to advise Her Majesty to _cease all
her communications_ to you on political subjects, as you felt it wrong
within yourself to receive them, and to return your political advice
and opinions on such matters; that painful as such a step must be to
your feelings, which to the last moment of your life will remain those
of the most loyal attachment and devotion to the Queen's person, it
is dictated to you by a deep sense of what you owe to the country, to
your Sovereign, and to yourself."
[Footnote 145: For some time after the accession of George
III., Bute, though neither in the Cabinet nor in Parliament,
was virtually Prime Minister, but he became Secretary of State
on 25th March 1761. George II. had disliked him, but he was
generally believed to have exercised an undue influence over
the consort of Prince Frederic of Wales, mother of George
III.]
_Queen Victoria to Sir Robert Peel._
_26th October 1841._
With respect to Serjeant Jackson, the Queen will not oppose his
appointment, in consequence of the high character Sir Robert Peel
gives him; but she cannot refrain from saying that she very much fears
that the favourable effect which has hitherto been produced by the
formation of so mild and conciliatory a Government in Ireland, may
be endangered by this appointment, which the Queen would sincerely
regret.
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _26th October 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns
your Majesty the letters of the King of the Belgians, with many
thanks. It certainly is a very unfortunate thing that the Queen
Christina was encouraged to fix her residence at Paris, and the
suspicion arising, therefore, cannot but be very injurious both to the
King of the French and to the French nation.
Lord Melbourne returns his warmest thanks for your Majesty's kind
expressions. He felt the greatest pleasure at seeing your Majesty
again and looking so well, and he hopes that his high spirits did
not betray him into talking too much or too heedlessly, which he is
conscious that they sometimes do.
The King Leopold, Lord Melbourne perceives, still hankers after
Greece; but Crowns will not bear to be chopped and changed about in
this manner. These new Kingdoms are not too firmly fixed as it is, and
it will not do to add to the uncertainty by alteration....
[Pageheading: DISPUTE WITH UNITED STATES]
_Sir Robert Peel to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _28th October 1841._
... Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he fully
participates in the surprise which your Majesty so naturally expresses
at the extraordinary intimation conveyed to Mr Fox[146] by the
President of the United States.[147]
Immediately after reading Mr Fox's despatch upon that subject, Sir
Robert Peel sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen. The measure
contemplated by the President is a perfectly novel one, a measure of a
hostile and unjustifiable character adopted with pacific intentions.
Sir Robert Peel does not comprehend the object of the President,
and giving him credit for the desire to prevent the interruption of
amicable relations with this country, Sir Robert Peel fears that
the forcible detention of the British Minister, after the demand of
passports, will produce a different impression on the public mind,
both here and in the United States, from that which the President must
(if he be sincere) have anticipated. It appears to Sir Robert Peel
that the object which the President professes to have in view would be
better answered by the immediate compliance with Mr Fox's demand for
passports, and the simultaneous despatch of a special mission to this
country conveying whatever explanations or offers of reparation the
President may have in contemplation.
Sir Robert Peel humbly assures your Majesty that he has advised
such measures of preparation to be taken in respect to the amount of
disposable naval force, and the position of it, as without bearing
the character of menace or causing needless disquietude and alarm, may
provide for an unfavourable issue of our present differences with the
United States.
Sir Robert Peel fears that when the President ventured to make to Mr
Fox the communication which he did make, he must have laboured under
apprehension that M'Leod might be executed in spite of the efforts of
the general Government of the United States to save his life.
[Footnote 146: British Minister at Washington.]
[Footnote 147: One Alexander M'Leod was tried at Utica on
the charge of being implicated in the destruction of the
_Caroline_ (an American vessel engaged in carrying arms to the
Canadian rebels), in 1837, and in the death of Mr Durfee, an
American. The vessel had been boarded by Canadian loyalists
when lying in American waters, set on fire and sent over
Niagara Falls, and in the affray Durfee was killed. M'Leod
was apprehended on American territory, and hence arose the
friction between the two countries. M'Leod was acquitted 12th
October 1841.]
[Pageheading: PORTUGAL]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _31st October 1841._
The Queen received yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen's letter with the
accompanying despatches and draft. She certainly _is_ surprised at the
strange and improper tone in which Lord Howard's[148] despatches are
written, and can only attribute them to an over-eager and, she fully
believes, mistaken feeling of the danger to which he believes the
throne of the Queen to be exposed.
The Queen has carefully perused Lord Aberdeen's draft, which she
highly approves, but wishes to suggest to Lord Aberdeen whether upon
further consideration it might not perhaps be as well to _soften_ the
words under which she has drawn a pencil line, as she fears they might
irritate Lord Howard very much.
The Queen is induced to copy the following sentences from a letter she
received from her cousin, the King of Portugal, a few days ago, and
which it may be satisfactory to Lord Aberdeen to see:--
"_Je dois encore vous dire que nous avons toutes les raisons de nous
louer de la manière dont le Portugal est traité par votre Ministre des
Affaires Étrangères, et nous ferons de notre côté notre possible pour
prouver notre bonne volonté."_
[Footnote 148: Lord Howard de Walden, Minister Plenipotentiary
at Lisbon.]
[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _1st November 1841._
... Now for His Royal Highness's questions....
How the power of Prime Ministry grew up into its present form it is
difficult to trace precisely, as well as how it became attached, as
it were, to the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury. But
Lord Melbourne apprehends that Sir Robert Walpole was the first man
in whose person this union of powers was decidedly established, and
that its being so arose from the very great confidence which both
George I. and George II. reposed in him, and from the difficulty which
they had in transacting business, particularly George I., from their
imperfect knowledge of the language of the country.
With respect to the Secretary of State, Lord Melbourne is not prepared
from memory to state the dates at which the different arrangements of
that office have taken place. There was originally but one officer,
and at the present the three are but the heads of the different
departments of one office. The first division was into two, and they
were called the Secretary for the Northern and the Secretary for
the Southern department. They drew a line across the world, and each
transacted the business connected with the countries within his
own portion of the globe. Another division then took place, and the
Foreign affairs were confided to one Secretary of State, and the Home
and Colonial affairs to the other; but the present arrangement was
finally settled in the year 1793, when the junction was formed between
Mr Pitt on the one hand, and those friends of Mr Fox who left him
because they differed with him upon the French Revolution. The Home
affairs were placed in the hands of one Secretary of State, the
Foreign of another, and the Colonial and Military affairs of a third,
and this arrangement has continued ever since.[149] The persons then
appointed were the Duke of Portland,[150] Lord Grenville,[151] and Mr
Dundas,[152] Home, Foreign, and Colonial Secretaries.
Writing from recollection, it is very possible that Lord Melbourne may
be wrong in some of the dates which he has ventured to specify.[153]
[Footnote 149: A fourth Secretary of State was added at
the time of the Crimean War, so as to separate Colonial and
Military affairs, and a fifth after the Indian Mutiny to
supersede the President of the Board of Control. _See_ Lord
Melbourne's letter of 31st December 1837, _ante_, p. 100.
(Ch. VI, 'State Departments')]
[Footnote 150: Third Duke (1738-1809).]
[Footnote 151: William Wyndham, Lord Grenville (1759-1834).]
[Footnote 152: Henry Dundas (1742-1811), afterwards Lord
Melville.]
[Footnote 153: See _post_, pp. 358, 359.
(Ch. X, 'The English Constitution', et seq.)]
[Pageheading: THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _4th November 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this
morning had the honour and pleasure of receiving your Majesty's letter
of yesterday....
Lord Melbourne sends a letter which he has received from his sister,
which may not be unentertaining. Lady Palmerston is struck, as
everybody is who goes to Ireland, with the candid warmth and vehement
demonstration of feeling. England always appears cold, heartless, and
sulky in comparison....
With respect to the questions put to me by your Majesty at the desire
of His Royal Highness, Lord Melbourne begs leave to assure your
Majesty that he will be at all times most ready and anxious to give
any information in his power upon points of this sort, which are very
curious, very important, very worthy to be enquired into, and
upon which accurate information is not easily to be found. All the
political part of the English Constitution is fully understood,
and distinctly stated in Blackstone and many other books, but the
Ministerial part, the work of conducting the executive government, has
rested so much on practice, on usage, on understanding, that there is
no publication to which reference can be made for the explanation
and description of it. It is to be sought in debates, in protests, in
letters, in memoirs, and wherever it can be picked up. It seems to
be stupid not to be able to say at once when two Secretaries of State
were established; but Lord Melbourne is not able. He apprehends that
there was but one until the end of Queen Anne's reign, and that two
were instituted by George I., probably because upon his frequent
journeys to Hanover he wanted the Secretary of State with him, and at
the same time it was necessary that there should be an officer of the
same authority left at home to transact the domestic affairs.
_Prime Minister_ is a term belonging to the last century. Lord
Melbourne doubts its being to be found in English Parliamentary
language previously. Sir Robert Walpole was always accused of having
introduced and arrogated to himself an office previously unknown to
the Law and Constitution, that of Prime or Sole Minister, and we learn
from Lady Charlotte Lindsay's[154] accounts of her father, that in his
own family Lord North would never suffer himself to be called _prime_
Minister, because it was an office unknown to the Constitution. This
was a notion derived from the combined Whig and Tory opposition to Sir
Robert Walpole, to which Lord North and his family had belonged.
Lord Melbourne is very sorry to hear that the Princess Royal continues
to suffer from some degree of indisposition. From what your Majesty
had said more than once before, Lord Melbourne had felt anxiety upon
this subject, and he saw the Baron yesterday, who conversed with him
much upon it, and informed him of what had taken place. Lord Melbourne
hopes that your Majesty will attribute it only to Lord Melbourne's
anxious desire for the security and increase of your Majesty's
happiness, if he ventures to say that the Baron appears to him to have
much reason in what he urges, and in the view which he takes. It is
absolutely required that confidence should be reposed in those who
are to have the management and bear the responsibility, and that they
should not be too much interrupted or interfered with.
[Footnote 154: Daughter of Lord North (afterwards Earl of
Guilford) and wife of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. John Lindsay.
She lived till 1849--a link with the past.]
[Pageheading: SECRETARIES OF STATE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _5th November 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Not feeling
satisfied of the correctness of the information which he had given to
your Majesty respecting the office of Secretary of State, he yesterday
evening requested Mr Allen[155] to look into the matter, and he has
just received from him the enclosed short memorandum, which he has the
honour of transmitting to your Majesty. This shows that Lord Melbourne
was quite wrong with respect to the period at which two Secretaries
of State were first employed, and that it was much earlier than he had
imagined.
The year 1782, when the third Secretary of State was abolished, was
the period of the adoption of the great measure of Economical Reform
which had been introduced by Mr. Burke in 1780.
The present arrangement was settled in 1794, which is about the time
which Lord Melbourne stated.
[Footnote 155: Secretary and Librarian at Holland House.]
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S POSITION]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _7th November 1841._
... Your Majesty asks whether Lord Melbourne thinks that Prince
Metternich holds the opinion of Sir Robert Gordon, which he expresses
to Lord Beauvale. It is difficult to say what Prince Metternich's
real sentiments are. Lord Melbourne takes him not to have a very high
opinion of the abilities of others in general, and he is not unlikely
to depreciate Sir Robert Gordon to Lord Beauvale. Sir Robert Gordon is
a man of integrity, but he is tiresome, long and pompous, which cannot
be agreeable to the Prince, who has about him much of the French
vivacity, and also much of their settled and regular style of
argument....
With respect to the latter part of your Majesty's letter, Lord
Melbourne returns for the expressions of your Majesty's kindness his
warm and grateful thanks. Your Majesty may rest assured that he will
always speak to your Majesty without scruple or reserve, and that he
will never ask anything of your Majesty, or ever make a suggestion,
which he does not consider to be for your Majesty's service and
advantage. Lord Melbourne is of opinion that his visits to the Palace
should not only avoid exciting suspicion and uneasiness in your
Majesty's present advisers, a result of which he has very little
apprehension, but they should not be so frequent as to attract public
notice, comment, and observation, of which he would be more fearful.
A public rumour, however unfounded and absurd, has more force in this
country than objections which have in them more of truth and reality.
Upon these grounds, and as your Majesty will probably not see much
company at present, and the parties therefore will be a good deal
confined to the actual Household, Lord Melbourne thinks it would
perhaps be as well if he were not again to dine at the Palace at
present.
The course which it may be prudent to take hereafter will depend very
much upon that which cannot now be foreseen, namely, upon the general
course which will be taken by politics and political parties. In this
Lord Melbourne does not at present discern his way, and he will
not therefore hazard opinions which would not be founded upon any
certainty, and might be liable to immediate change and alteration.
[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S ADVICE]
[Pageheading: STOCKMAR'S EXPOSTULATIONS]
_Memorandum: Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne._
_23 November 1841._
The apprehension which haunts me since my return to England is well
known to you. It was my intention to have written to you upon it some
time hereafter, but the contents of a certain letter, sent by you just
before your departure, accelerates the execution of my design. From
your own expressions used some time back, I was led to expect that you
would be glad to take advantage _of any fair opportunity_ which might
contribute towards that devoutly to be wished for object, viz., to let
a certain correspondence die a natural death. You may easily conceive
how much I felt disappointed when I heard that you had written
again, without a challenge, and that, without apparent cause, you had
volunteered the promise to write from time to time. This happens at
a moment when _your_ harassing apprehension received new life and
strength from two incidents which I think it my duty to make known to
you, and of which the one came to pass _before_, the other after, your
departure from here. Some weeks back I was walking in the streets with
Dr Prætorius,[156] when, finding myself opposite the house of one
of my friends, it came across my mind to give him a call. Prætorius
wanted to leave me, on a conception that, as a stranger, he might
obstruct the freedom of our conversation. I insisted, however, on his
remaining with me, and we were shown into the drawing-room, where
in all there were five of us. For some minutes the conversation had
turned on insignificant things, when the person talking to me said
quite abruptly: "So I find the Queen is in daily correspondence with
Lord Melbourne." I replied, "Who told you this?" The answer was, "Mrs
Norton; she told me the other evening. Don't you believe that Lord
Melbourne has lost his influence over the Queen's mind; he daily
writes to her, and receives as many answers, in which she communicates
everything to him." Without betraying much emotion I said, "I don't
believe a word of it; the Queen may have written once or twice on
private matters, but the daily correspondence on all matters is
certainly the amplification of a thoughtless and imprudent person, who
is not aware of such exaggerated assertions." My speech was followed
by a general silence, after which we talked of other things, and
soon took our leave. When we were fairly in the open air, Prætorius
expressed to me his amazement at what he had heard, and he remained
for some time at a loss to comprehend the character of the person who,
from mere giddiness, let out so momentous a secret.
The other fact took place the day after you had left. From the late
events at Brussels, it had become desirable that I should see Sir
Robert Peel. From Belgium we travelled over to Home politics. I
expressed my delight at seeing the Queen so happy, and added a hope
that more and more she would seek and find her real happiness in her
domestic relations only. He evidently caught at this, and assured me
that he should at all times be too happy to have a share in anything
which might be thought conducive to the welfare of Her Majesty. That
no consideration of personal inconvenience would ever prevent him from
indulging the Queen in all her wishes relating to matters of a private
nature, and that the only return for his sincere endeavours to please
Her Majesty he looked to, was honesty in public affairs. Becoming then
suddenly emphatic, he continued, "But on this I must insist, and I
do assure you, that that moment I was to learn that the Queen takes
advice upon public matters in another place, I shall throw up; for
such a thing I conceive the country could not stand, and I would not
remain an hour, whatever the consequences of my resignation may be."
Fully sensible that he was talking at me, I received the charge with
the calmness of a good conscience, and our time being exhausted I
prepared for retreat. But he did not allow me to do so, before he had
found means to come a second time to the topic uppermost in his own
mind, and he repeated, it appeared to me with increased force of tone,
his determination to throw up, fearless of all consequences, that
moment he found himself and the country dishonestly dealt by.
I think I have now reported to you correctly the two occurrences which
of late have added so much to my antecedent suspicions and fears.
Permit me to join to this a few general considerations which, from
the nature of the recited incidents alone, and without the slightest
intervention of any other cause, must have presented themselves to my
mind. The first is, that I derive from the events related quite ground
enough for concluding that the danger I dread is great and imminent,
and that, if ill luck is to have its will, no human power can prevent
an explosion for a day, or even for an hour. The second is the
contemplation--what state will the Queen be placed in by such a
catastrophe? That in my position, portraying to myself all the
consequences of such a possibility, I look chiefly to the Queen, needs
hardly, I trust, an excuse.... Can you hope that the Queen's character
will ever recover from a shock received by a collision with Peel, upon
such a cause? Pray illustrate to yourself this particular question by
taking a purely political and general survey of the time and period
we live in at this moment. In doing so must you not admit that all
England is agreed that the Tories must have another trial, and that
there is a decided desire in the nation that it should be a fair
one? Would you have it said that Sir Robert Peel failed in his
trial, merely because the Queen alone was not fair to him, and that
principally you had aided her in the game of dishonesty? And can you
hope that this game can be played with security, even for a short
time only, when a person has means of looking into your cards whom
you yourself have described to me some years ago as a most passionate,
giddy, imprudent and dangerous woman? I am sure beforehand that
your loyalty and devotion has nothing to oppose to the force of my
exposition. There are, however, some other and minor reasons which
ought likewise to be considered before you come to the determination
of trusting entirely to possibilities and chance. For the results of
your deliberation you will have to come to will in their working and
effects go beyond yourself, and must affect two other persons. These
will have a right to expect that your decision will not be taken
regardless of that position, which accidental circumstances have
assigned to them, in an affair the fate of which is placed entirely
within your discretion. This is an additional argument why you should
deliberate very conscientiously. A mistake of yours in this respect
might by itself produce fresh difficulties and have a complicating and
perplexing retro effect upon the existing ones; because both, seeing
that they must be sufferers in the end, may begin to look only to
their own safety, and become inclined to refuse that passive obedience
which till now constitutes the vehicle of your hazardous enterprize.
Approaching the conclusion of this letter, I beg to remind you of a
conversation I had with you on the same subject in South Street, the
25th of last month.[157] Though you did not avow it then in direct
words, I could read from your countenance and manner that you assented
in your head and heart to all I had said, and in particular to the
advice I volunteered at the end of my speech. At that time I pointed
out to you a period when I thought a decisive step ought to be
taken on your part. This period seems to me to have arrived. Placing
unreserved confidence into your candour and manliness, I remain, for
ever, very faithfully yours,
STOCKMAR.
[Footnote 156: Librarian and German Secretary to Prince
Albert.]
[Footnote 157: _Ante_, pp. 352-3. (Ch. X, 'Stockmar and Melbourne')]
[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S REPLY]
_Viscount Melbourne to Baron Stockmar._
_24th November 1841._
(_Half-past 10_ P.M.)
MY DEAR BARON,--I have just received your letter; I think it
unnecessary to detain your messenger. I will write to you upon the
subject and send it through Anson. Yours faithfully,
MELBOURNE.
[Pageheading: THE HEIR APPARENT]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _29th November 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for four most kind letters, of
the 4th, 6th, 19th and 26th; the last I received yesterday. I would
have written sooner, had I not been a little bilious, which made
me very low, and not in spirits to write. The weather has been so
exceedingly relaxing, that it made me at the end of the fortnight
quite bilious, and this, you know, affects the spirits. I am much
better, but they think that I shall not get my appetite and spirits
back till I can get out of town; we are therefore going in a week at
latest. I am going for a drive this morning, and am certain it will
do me good. In all _essentials_, I am better, if possible, than last
year. Our little boy[158] is a wonderfully strong and large child,
with very large dark blue eyes, a finely formed but somewhat large
nose, and a pretty little mouth; I _hope_ and _pray_ he may be like
his dearest Papa. He is to be called _Albert_, and Edward is to be his
second name. Pussy, dear child, is still _the_ great pet amongst us
all, and is getting so fat and strong again.
I beg my most affectionate love to dearest Louise and the dear
children. The Queen-Dowager is recovering wonderfully.
I beg you to forgive this letter being so badly written, but my feet
are being rubbed, and as I have got the box on which I am writing on
my knee, it is not easy to write quite straight--but you must _not_
think my hand trembles. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Pussy is _not_ at all pleased with her brother.
[Footnote 158: His Majesty King Edward VII., born 9th
November.]
[Pageheading: THE INFANT PRINCE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
TRENTHAM, _1st December 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had
the honour of receiving here your Majesty's letters of yesterday,
by which he learns with sincere pleasure and satisfaction that your
Majesty is so much recovered as to go to Windsor on so early a day as
your Majesty names. Lord Melbourne hears with great concern that your
Majesty has been suffering under depression and lowness of spirits....
Lord Melbourne well knows how to feel for those who suffer under it,
especially as he has lately had much of it himself.
Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear so good an account of the Heir
Apparent and of the Princess Royal, and feels himself greatly obliged
by the information respecting the intended names and the sponsors.
Lord Melbourne supposes that your Majesty has determined yourself upon
the relative position of the two names, but _Edward_ is a good English
appellation, and has a certain degree of popularity attached to
it from ancient recollections. Albert is also an old Anglo-Saxon
name--the same, Lord Melbourne believes, as Ethelred--but it has not
been so common nor so much in use since the Conquest. However, your
Majesty's feelings, which Lord Melbourne perfectly understands, must
determine this point. The notion of the King of Prussia[159] gives
great satisfaction here, and will do so with all but Puseyites and
Newmanites and those who lean to the Roman Catholic faith. His strong
Protestant feelings, and his acting with us in the matter of the
Syrian Bishop, have made the King of Prussia highly popular in
this country, and particularly with the more religious part of the
community.
Your Majesty cannot offer up for the young Prince a more safe and
judicious prayer than that he may resemble his father. The character,
in Lord Melbourne's opinion, depends much upon the race, and on both
sides he has a good chance. Be not over solicitous about education. It
may be able to do much, but it does not do so much as is expected from
it. It may mould and direct the character, but it rarely alters it.
George IV. and the Duke of York were educated quite like English boys,
by English schoolmasters, and in the manner and upon the system of
English schools. The consequence was that, whatever were their faults,
they were quite Englishmen. The others, who were sent earlier abroad,
and more to foreign universities, were not quite so much so. The late
king was educated as a sailor, and was a complete sailor....
Lord Melbourne will tell your Majesty exactly what he thinks of John
Russell's reply to the Plymouth address. It is very angry and very
bitter, and anger and bitterness are never very dignified. Lord
Melbourne certainly would not have put in those sarcasms upon the Duke
of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, for their change of opinion and
conduct upon the Roman Catholic question. But the tone of the rest
of the answer is, in Lord Melbourne's opinion, just and right. We
certainly delivered the affairs of the country into their hands in a
good state, both at home and abroad, and we should be acting unfairly
by ourselves if we did not maintain and assert this upon every
occasion. Lord Melbourne's notion of the conduct which he has to
pursue is, that it should not be aggressive, but that it must be
defensive. He would oppose no right measures, but he cannot suffer
the course of policy which has been condemned in him to be adopted by
others without observation upon the inconsistency and injustice....
Lord Melbourne concludes with again wishing your Majesty health and
happiness, and much enjoyment of the country.
[Footnote 159: King Frederick William IV., who was to be a
sponsor.]
[Pageheading: PRINCE OF WALES]
_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._
WHITEHALL, _6th December 1841._
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to enclose for the Signature
of your Majesty the Letters Patent creating His Royal Highness,
the Prince of the United Kingdom, Prince of Wales and Earl of
Chester.[160]
Understanding that it is your Majesty's pleasure to have this Creation
inserted in the _Gazette_ of to-morrow night, Sir James Graham has
given directions, which will ensure the publication, though the
Letters Patent themselves may not be completed. The Warrant already
signed by your Majesty is a sufficient authority.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and
Servant,
J. R. G. GRAHAM.
[Footnote 160: His present Majesty had been referred to in
letters of the previous month as the Duke of Cornwall. "Know
ye," ran the present Letters Patent, "that we have made ...
our most dear son, the Prince of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland (Duke of Saxony, Duke of Cornwall ...)
Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester ... and him our said most
dear son, ... as has been accustomed, we do ennoble and invest
with the said Principality and Earldom, by girding him with
a sword, by putting a coronet on his head, and a gold ring on
his finger, and also by delivering a gold rod into his hand,
that he may preside there, and may direct and defend those
parts...."]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th December 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--We arrived here _sains et saufs_ with our awfully
large Nursery Establishment yesterday morning. It was a nasty warm
and very rainy day, but to-day is very bright, clear and dry, and we
walked out early and felt like prisoners freed from some dungeon. Many
thanks for your kind letter of the 2nd, by which I grieve to see
that you are not quite well. But let me repeat again, you _must_ not
despond so; you must not be so out of spirits. I have likewise been
suffering so from _lowness_ that it made me quite miserable, and I
know how difficult it is to fight against it. I am delighted to hear
that all the children are so well. I wonder very much who our little
boy will be like. You will understand _how_ fervent my prayers and
I am [sure] _everybody's_ must be, to see him resemble his angelic
dearest Father in _every, every_ respect, both in body and mind. Oh!
my dearest Uncle, I am sure if you knew _how_ happy, how blessed I
feel, and how _proud_ I feel in possessing _such_ a perfect being as
my husband, as he is, and if you think that you have been instrumental
in bringing about this union, it must gladden your heart! How happy
should I be to see our child grow up _just_ like him! Dear Pussy
travelled with us and behaved like a grown-up person, so quiet and
looking about and coquetting with the Hussars on either side of the
carriage. Now adieu! Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: THE APPROACHING CHRISTENING]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
CASTLE HOWARD, _22nd December 1841._
... Lord Melbourne will consider himself most highly honoured by being
invited to the christening, and will hold himself in readiness to
attend, whenever it may take place. He has written to Mr Anson in
answer to the letter which he received from him this morning. Lord
Melbourne has been obliged to consent to receive an address from
Derby, and has fixed Monday the 27th inst. for that purpose. He could
have wished to have avoided this, but it was impossible, and he must
make the best of it that he can, which he conceives will be effected
by conceiving his reply in very guarded terms, and in a tone defensive
of his own administration, but not offensive to those who have
succeeded him....
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear of the feelings of the King of
Prussia. For religious matters he is at present very popular with many
in this country, and popularity, though transient and uncertain, is
a good thing while it lasts. The King of the Belgians should not be
surprised or mortified at the conduct of the King of Holland. We must
expect that people will act according to their nature and feelings.
The Union of Belgium and Holland has been for a long time the first
wish and the daily dream of the House of Orange. It has been the great
object of their lives, and by the separation, which took place in
1830, they saw their fondest hopes disappointed and destroyed at once.
It must be expected that under such a state of things, they will be
unquiet, and will try to obtain what they so eagerly desire and have
once possessed.
Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear that your Majesty is in the
enjoyment of such good health. Your Majesty's observations upon your
own situation are in the highest degree just and prudent, and it is
a sign of a right mind and of good feelings to prize the blessings we
enjoy, and not to suffer them to be too much altered by circumstances,
which may not turn out exactly according to our wishes.
[Pageheading: THE UNITED STATES]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _24th December 1841._
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He
ventures to request your Majesty's attention for a moment to the
character of your Majesty's present relations with the Government of
the United States. Your Majesty is aware that several questions of
great difficulty and importance have been long pending between the two
Governments.[161] Some of these have become more complicated than
they were ten years ago; and any of them might, at any moment, lead to
consequences of the most disastrous nature.
Instead of continuing negotiations, necessarily tedious and which
promise to be interminable, your Majesty's servants are humbly of
opinion that an effort ought to be made, by a Special Mission at
Washington, to bring all these differences promptly to an adjustment.
The public feeling in the United States at this time does not appear
to be unfavourable for such an attempt. Should it be undertaken by a
person whose rank, character, and abilities would ensure respect, and
whose knowledge of the subjects under discussion, and of the people of
the country, together with his conciliatory manners, would render him
generally acceptable, your Majesty might perhaps indulge the hope of a
successful result.
Lord Aberdeen humbly ventures to think that such a person may be found
in Lord Ashburton,[162] whom he submits for your Majesty's gracious
approbation.
[Footnote 161: The question of the North-West Boundary had
long been one source of dispute; another was the right the
British Government claimed of searching vessels suspected of
being engaged in the slave trade.]
[Footnote 162: Alexander, first Lord Ashburton, who had held
office in Peel's short Ministry, and married Miss Bingham of
Philadelphia. See _post_, p. 461. (Ch. XII, Footnote 10)]
[Pageheading: CHRISTMAS]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _26th December 1841._
Christmas has brought its usual routine of festivity and its agreeable
accompaniment of Christmas presents. The Queen was not at all well
again yesterday, being again troubled with lowness. The Melbourne
correspondence still is carried on, but I think not in its
pristine vigour by any means. He has taken no notice of the Baron's
remonstrance to him, and we are in the dark in what manner, if at all,
he means to deal with it.
I have sat by Her Majesty at dinner several times lately. I should say
that Her Majesty interests herself less and less about politics, and
that her dislike is less than it was to her present Ministers, though
she would not be prepared to acknowledge it. Her Majesty is a good
deal occupied with the little Princess Royal, who begins to assume
companionable qualities. In the evening, instead of her usual
conversation with her old Prime Minister, some round game at cards is
substituted, which always terminates at eleven. The Prince, to
amuse the Queen at this, has nearly left off his chess; his
amusements--shooting or hunting--always commence and terminate between
eleven and two, not to interfere with Her Majesty's arrangements, in
which he is included as her companion.
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
MELBOURNE, _29th December 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received
here yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 25th inst., upon a paper
adorned with many quaint and humorous Christmas devices, and Lord
Melbourne begs to offer to your Majesty, most sincerely and most
fervently, the good wishes of the Season. Lord Melbourne will be in
town on Friday evening next, and after that day will wait upon your
Majesty, whenever your Majesty is pleased to command....
Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that the King of the Belgians is
reassured by his journey to Mons and his reception upon it. He need
not mind the King of Holland, if he can keep all right at Paris.
The railway smash[163] is awful and tremendous, as all railway mishaps
are, and Lord Melbourne fears must always be. These slips and falls
of earth from the banks are the greatest danger that now impends over
them, and if they take place suddenly and in the dark, Lord Melbourne
does not see how the fatal consequences of them are to be effectually
guarded against. They are peculiarly likely to happen now, as the
cuttings have been recently and hastily made, the banks are very
steep, and the season has been peculiarly wet, interrupted by severe
frosts.
Lord Melbourne received the deputation from Derby, a large and
respectable one, here on Monday last. The address was very guarded,
temperate, and judicious, and Lord Melbourne strove to construct his
answer in the same manner.
[Footnote 163: This accident took place on 24th December in
the Sonning Hill cutting, two and a half miles from Reading.
Eight persons were killed on the spot.]
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XI
THE session was mainly occupied by the great Ministerial measure of
finance, direct taxation by means of income tax being imposed, and the
import duties on a large number of articles being removed or relaxed,
Mr Gladstone, now at the Board of Trade, taking charge of the bills.
Two more attempts on the Queen's life were made, the former again on
Constitution Hill by one Francis, whose capital sentence was commuted;
the latter by a hunchback, Bean, who was sentenced to eighteen months'
imprisonment. An Act was promptly passed to deal with such outrages
in future as misdemeanours, without giving them the importance of high
treason. Lord Ashley's Bill was passed, prohibiting woman and child
labour in mines and collieries. But the Anti-Corn Law League of
Manchester was not satisfied with the policy of the Government and
objected to the income tax; while riots broke out in the manufacturing
districts of the North.
In Afghanistan, the disasters of the previous year were retrieved; Sir
Robert Sale, who was gallantly defending Jellalabad, made a _sortie_
and defeated Akbar Khan; General Nott arrived at Ghuznee, but found it
evacuated; he destroyed the citadel and removed the Gates of Somnauth.
General Pollock swept the Khyber Pass and entered Cabul. The captives
taken on the retreat from Cabul were recovered--Lady Macnaghten and
Lady Sale among them. In retribution for the murder of Macnaghten,
the great bazaar of Cabul, where his remains had been dishonoured,
was destroyed by Pollock; the British force was then withdrawn. Dost
Mahommed made himself again ruler of Cabul, and a proclamation of
Lord Ellenborough announced that the British Government accepted any
Sovereign and Constitution approved by the Afghans themselves.
In China, also, operations were successfully terminated, Chapoo being
taken in May, and an attack by Admiral Parker upon Nanking being
only averted by the conclusion of a favourable treaty, involving
an indemnity, the cession by China of Hong Kong, and the opening of
important ports to commerce.
A dispute had arisen between this country and the United States as
to the boundary line between the latter country and the British
Possessions in North America. Lord Ashburton was accordingly sent
out on a special mission to effect the adjustment of this and other
disputes, and a treaty was concluded for the purpose of defining each
country's territorial rights, and imposing mutual obligations for the
suppression of the Slave Trade.