1841
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_5th January 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I have to thank you for two very kind letters, of
the 26th December and 1st January, and for all your very kind and good
wishes. I am sorry to hear you have all been plagued with colds; we
have as yet escaped them, and I trust will continue to do so. I think,
dearest Uncle, you cannot _really_ wish me to be the "Mamma d'une
_nombreuse_ famille," for I think you will see with me the great
inconvenience a _large_ family would be to us all, and particularly to
the country, independent of the hardship and inconvenience to myself;
men never think, at least seldom think, what a hard task it is for us
women to go through this _very often_. God's will be done, and if He
decrees that we are to have a great number of children, why we must
try to bring them up as useful and exemplary members of society. Our
young lady flourishes exceedingly, and I hope the Van de Weyers (who
have been here for three days), who have seen her twice, will give you
a favourable description of her. I think you would be amused to see
Albert dancing her in his arms; he makes a capital nurse (which I do
not, and she is much too heavy for me to carry), and she already seems
so happy to go to him.
The christening will be at Buckingham Palace on the 10th of February,
our dear marriage-day.
Affairs are certainly still precarious, but I feel confident all will
come right....
Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _8th January 1841._
... I trust also that affairs will come right; what is to be feared
is the _chapter of accidents_. Your name bears glorious fruits in all
climes; this globe will soon be too small for you, and something must
be done to get at the other planets....
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S EDUCATION]
_Memorandum--Mr Anson._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _15th January 1841._
Lord Melbourne said, "The Prince is bored with the sameness of his
chess every evening. He would like to bring literary and scientific
people about the Court, vary the society, and infuse a more useful
tendency into it. The Queen however has no fancy to encourage such
people. This arises from a feeling on her part that her education has
not fitted her to take part in such conversation; she would not like
conversation to be going on in which she could not take her fair
share, and she is far too open and candid in her nature to pretend to
one atom more knowledge than she really possesses on such subjects;
and yet, as the world goes, she would, as any girl, have been
considered accomplished, for she speaks German well and writes it;
understands Italian, speaks French fluently, and writes it with great
elegance. In addition to this old Davys instilled some Latin into her
during his tutorship. The rest of her education she owes to her own
natural shrewdness and quickness, and this perhaps has not been the
proper education for one who was to wear the Crown of England.
"The Queen is very proud of the Prince's utter indifference to the
attractions of all ladies. I told Her Majesty that these were early
days to boast, which made her rather indignant. I think she is a
little jealous of his talking much even to men."
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S SPEECH]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_19th January 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just
received your Majesty's letter. Lord Melbourne is very sorry not
to come down to Windsor, but he really thinks that his absence from
London at this moment might be prejudicial.
Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to have the Speech worded in the
most calm manner, and so as in no respect to offend or irritate any
feelings. Some mention of the good conduct and gallantry of the Navy
there must be--to omit it would be injurious and disheartening--but as
to any expressions complimentary to France or expressive of regret
at our separation from it, it will be hardly possible to introduce
anything of that nature.[1] It is quite unusual in our Speeches from
the Throne to express either approbation or disapprobation of the
conduct of foreign nations and foreign Governments. It is surprising
how very seldom it has been done, and the wisdom and prudence of
abstaining from it is very manifest. It would be giving an opinion
upon that which does not belong to us. Anything which would have the
effect of producing satisfaction in France must be of an apologetic
character, which there is no ground for, and for which neither the
Government nor the country is prepared.
The best course will be a total reserve upon this head, certainly
abstaining from anything that can be in the slightest degree
offensive.
[Footnote 1: France was not mentioned, though the Convention
with the other Powers, and the naval operations in conjunction
with Austria, were referred to.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_22nd January 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
Lord Melbourne will be most happy to wait upon your Majesty on
Saturday and Sunday.
Lord Melbourne is very sorry that your Majesty is compelled to come to
London contrary to your inclinations; but Lord Melbourne much rejoices
that your Majesty expresses that reluctance, as there is no surer
sign of complete happiness and contentment in the married life than a
desire to remain quietly in the country, and there is nothing on the
earth Lord Melbourne desires more anxiously than the assurance of your
Majesty's happiness.
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INFANCY]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
BRUSSELS, _22nd January 1841._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I thank you very sincerely for your kind letter
of the 19th, which I hasten to answer. I should not have bored you by
my presence, but the act of the christening is, in my eyes, a sort of
closing of the first cyclus of your dear life. I was shooting at the
late Lord Craven's in Berkshire, when I received the messenger who
brought me the horrifying news of your poor father's deadly illness. I
hastened in bitter cold weather to Sidmouth, about two days before his
death. His affairs were so much deranged that your Mother would have
had no means even of leaving Sidmouth if I had not taken all this
under my care and management. That dreary journey, undertaken, I
think, on the 26th of January, in bitter cold and damp weather, I
shall not easily forget. I looked very sharp after the poor little
baby, then about eight months old. Arrived in London we were very
unkindly treated by George IV., _whose great wish was to get you and
your Mamma out of the country_, and I must say without my assistance
you could _not_ have remained.... I state these facts, because it is
useful to remember through what _difficulties_ and _hardships_ one
had to struggle. You will also remember that though there existed
the _possibility_ of your eventually succeeding to the Crown, that
possibility was very doubtful, the then Duchess of Clarence having
been confined after your Mother, and there being every reason to think
that, though poor little Princess Elizabeth did not live more than
some months, other children might appear.[2]
It was a long time from 1820 to 1837! We got over it, however, and, as
far as you are concerned, God be praised! safely and happily. You are
married, with every prospect of many happy years to come, and your
happiness is _crowned_, and _consolidated_, as it were, by the birth
of the dear little lady. Having from motives of discretion, perhaps
_carried even too far_, not assisted at your coming to the throne,
nor at your Coronation, nor afterwards at your marriage, I wished to
assist at the christening of the little Princess, an event which is of
great importance....
[Footnote 2: Two children were born to the Duke and Duchess of
Clarence--Charlotte Augusta Louisa, born and died 29th March
1819, and Elizabeth Georgina Adelaide, born 10th December
1820, and died 4th March 1821.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON TERRACE, _1st February 1841._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
submitting this letter from Earl Granville, which coupled with the
despatches from Sir Robert Stopford virtually show that the Turkish
Question is brought to a close, begs most humbly to congratulate your
Majesty upon this rapid and peaceful settlement of a matter which at
different periods has assumed appearances so threatening to the peace
of Europe.[3]
[Footnote 3: See _ante_, pp. 252, 254.
(Ch. IX, Footnote 58; Intro. Note to Ch. X)]
[Pageheading: ILLNESS OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_2nd February 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord
Melbourne will be happy to wait upon your Majesty on Thursday,
Saturday and Sunday, but he finds that there is to be a Cabinet dinner
to-morrow.
Lord Melbourne will speak to Lord Palmerston about Lord John Russell.
Lord Melbourne does not see the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury
as a subscriber to this "Parker" Society, and if your Majesty will
give him leave, he will ask him about it before he gives your Majesty
an answer. It is in some degree a party measure, and levelled against
these new Oxford doctrines. The proposal is to republish the works of
the older divines up to the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth. Up
to that period the doctrines of the Church of England were decidedly
Calvinistic. During the reign of James II.,[4] and particularly after
the Synod of Dort (1618-1619), the English clergy very generally
adopted _Arminian_ opinions.
It is proposed to republish the works of the divines who wrote during
the first period, and to stop short when they come to the second.
There is meaning in this. But, after all, the object is not a bad one,
and it may not be worth while to consider it so closely.
[Footnote 4: Lord Melbourne must have meant James I.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_5th February 1841 (6 o'clock)._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is very
sorry to have to acquaint your Majesty that the Duke of Wellington was
taken ill in the House of Lords this evening with a seizure, probably
paralytic, and of the same nature with those which he has had before.
Lord Brougham, who was standing opposite to the Duke and addressing
the House, observed the Duke's face to be drawn and distorted, and
soon afterwards the Duke rose from his seat and walked staggeringly
towards the door. He walked down the gallery, supported on each side,
but never spoke. A medical man was procured to attend him; he was
placed in his carriage and driven home....
[Pageheading: THE UNITED STATES]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
_6th March 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the remainder of the Navy Estimates, and
nearly the whole of the Army Estimates, were voted last night without
any serious opposition. Indeed the chief fault found with the Army
Estimates was that they are not large enough.
Sir Robert Peel made a remarkable speech. Adverting to the present
state of our affairs with the United States,[5] he said that much
as he disliked war, yet if the honour or interests of the country
required it, he should sink all internal differences, and give his
best support to the Government of his country.
This declaration was received with loud cheers. It must be considered
as very creditable to Sir Robert Peel.
[Footnote 5: _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_, p. 254.
(Intro Note to Ch. X)]
[Pageheading: CHINA]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _10th April 1841._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
has the honour to submit the accompanying letters, which he received
yesterday, about the operations in China, and which have just
been returned to him by Viscount Melbourne, whose letter he also
transmits.[6]
Viscount Palmerston has felt greatly mortified and disappointed at
this result of the expedition to China, and he much fears that the
sequel of the negotiation, which was to follow the conclusion of these
preliminary conditions, will not tend to render the arrangement less
objectionable. Captain Elliot seems to have wholly disregarded the
instructions which had been sent to him, and even when, by the entire
success of the operations of the Fleet, he was in a condition to
dictate his own terms, he seems to have agreed to very inadequate
conditions.[7] The amount of compensation for the opium surrendered
falls short of the value of that opium, and nothing has been obtained
for the expenses of the expedition, nor for the debts of the bankrupt
Hong[8] merchants. The securities which the plenipotentiaries were
expressly ordered to obtain for British residents in China have been
abandoned; and the Island of Chusan which they were specifically
informed was to be retained till the whole of the pecuniary
compensation should have been paid, has been hastily and discreditably
evacuated. Even the cession of Hong Kong has been coupled with a
condition about the payment of duties, which would render that island
not a possession of the British Crown, but, like Macao, a settlement
held by sufferance in the territory of the Crown of China.
Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty in laying these papers before
your Majesty, to state some few of the objections which he feels to
the arrangement, but the Cabinet will have to consider, as soon as
they meet after the Recess, what advice they may wish humbly to tender
to your Majesty upon these important matters. There is no doubt,
however, that much has been accomplished, but it is very mortifying
to find that other things which the plenipotentiaries were ordered
to obtain, and which the force placed at their command was amply
sufficient to enable them to accomplish, have not been attained.
Viscount Palmerston has sent a small map of the Canton River, which
your Majesty may like to keep for future reference.
[Footnote 6: Captain Elliot, after capturing the Chinese
position at the mouth of Canton River, concluded a preliminary
treaty with the Chinese Government, which did not satisfy the
Chinese, and which was strongly disapproved of by the English
Ministry, as containing no mention of the opium traffic,
which had been the cause of all the difficulties; Elliot was
accordingly recalled, and succeeded by Sir Henry Pottinger.]
[Footnote 7: They were the cession of Hong-Kong, and payment
of an indemnity of 6,000,000 dollars to Great Britain,
with provision for commercial facilities and collection of
customs.]
[Footnote 8: The native Canton merchants,--Hong here probably
meaning a "row of houses," a "street." Hong Kong (Hiang Kiang)
means the "fragrant lagoon."]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_13th April 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 9th,
received yesterday. I have just heard from Stockmar (who, I hope,
reported favourably of us all) that your Ministry is at _last_
settled, of which I wish you joy. I think, dear Uncle, that you would
find the East not only as "absurd" as the West, but very barbarous,
cruel, and dangerous into the bargain.
The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified
at it. _All_ we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for
the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot (_not Admiral_
Elliot,[9] for _he_ was obliged to come away from ill-health), who
completely disobeyed his instructions and _tried_ to get the _lowest_
terms he could.... The attack and storming of the Chorempee Forts on
the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense
destruction of the Chinese took place.[10] The accounts of the cruelty
of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused
at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought
to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.
She drives out every day in a close carriage with the window open,
since she has been here, which does her worlds of good, and she is to
have a _walk_ to-day.
Stockmar writes me word that Charlotte[11] is quite beautiful. _I_ am
very jealous.
I think Vecto quite right not to travel without Nemours; for it would
look just as if she was unhappy, and ran to her parents for help. I
am sure _if_ Albert ever should be away (which, however, _will_ and
_shall never_ happen, for I would go with him even if he was to go
to the _North Pole_), I should never think of travelling; but I can't
make mamma understand this. Now farewell. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 9: They were both cousins of Lord Minto, the First
Lord of the Admiralty.]
[Footnote 10: Commodore Bremer very speedily reduced some of
the forts, but his further operations were stopped.]
[Footnote 11: Daughter of King Leopold, who married in
1857 the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (afterwards Emperor
Maximilian of Mexico).]
[Pageheading: LORD CARDIGAN]
[Pageheading: ARMY DISCIPLINE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_24th April 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Mr
Labouchere[12] has desired that the five-pound piece which is about
to be issued from the Mint should be submitted for your Majesty's
inspection and approbation.
We have had under our consideration at the Cabinet the unfortunate
subject of the conduct of Lord Cardigan.[13] The public feeling upon
it is very strong, and it is almost certain that a Motion will be made
in the House of Commons for an Address praying your Majesty to remove
him from the command of his regiment. Such a Motion, if made, there is
very little chance of resisting with success, and nothing is more to
be apprehended and deprecated than such an interference of the House
of Commons with the interior discipline and government of the Army.
It was also felt that the general order issued by the Horse Guards
was not sufficient to meet the case, and in these circumstances it was
thought proper that Lord Melbourne should see Lord Hill, and should
express to him the opinion of the Cabinet, that it was necessary that
he should advise your Majesty to take such measures as should have the
effect of removing Lord Cardigan from the command of the 11th Hussars.
The repeated acts of imprudence of which Lord Cardigan has been
guilty, and the repeated censures which he has drawn down upon
himself, form a ground amply sufficient for such a proceeding, and
indeed seem imperiously to demand it.[14]
Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill and made to him this communication,
and has left it for his consideration. Lord Hill is deeply chagrined
and annoyed, but will consider the matter and confer again with Lord
Melbourne upon it to-morrow.
[Footnote 12: President of the Board of Trade, afterwards
created Lord Taunton.]
[Footnote 13: "Within the space of a single twelvemonth, one
of his [Lord Cardigan's] captains was cashiered for writing
him a challenge; he sent a coarse and insulting verbal message
to another, and then punished him with prolonged arrest,
because he respectfully refused to shake hands with the
officer who had been employed to convey the affront; he fought
a duel with a lieutenant who had left the corps, and shot him
through the body; and he flogged a soldier on Sunday, between
the Services, on the very spot where, half an hour before, the
man's comrades had been mustered for public worship."--SIR G.
TREVELYAN, _Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay_, chap. viii.]
[Footnote 14: In February he had been acquitted on technical
grounds by the House of Lords of shooting a Captain Harvey
Garnett Phipps Tuckett. He had accused Tuckett of being the
author of letters which had appeared in the papers reflecting
on his character; a duel on Wimbledon Common followed, and
Tuckett was wounded. The evidence, consisting in part of a
visiting card, showed that a Captain Harvey Tuckett had
been wounded, which was held to be insufficient evidence of
identity.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_25th April 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is most
anxious upon all subjects to be put in possession of Your Majesty's
full and entire opinions. It is true that this question may materially
affect the discipline of the Army, by subjecting the interior
management of regiments to be brought continually under the inspection
and control of the House of Commons upon complaints of officers
against their superiors, or even of private men against the officers.
The danger of the whole of Lord Cardigan's proceedings has been lest
a precedent of this nature should arise out of them. The question is
whether it is not more prudent to prevent a question being brought
forward in the House of Commons, than to wait for it with the
certainty of being obliged to yield to it or of being overpowered by
it. But of course this cannot be done unless it is consistent with
justice and with the usage and prestige of the Service.
Lord Melbourne has desired the Cabinet Ministers to assemble here
to-day at four o'clock, in order to consider the subject. Lord
Melbourne has seen Lord Hill again this morning, and Lord Hill has
seen and consulted the Duke of Wellington, who has stated his opinion
very fully.
The opinion of the Duke is that the Punishment on Sunday was a great
impropriety and indiscretion upon the part of Lord Cardigan, but not a
Military offence, nor a breach of the Mutiny Act or of the Articles of
War; that it called for the censure of the Commander-in-Chief, which
censure was pronounced by the General Order upon which the Duke was
consulted before it was issued, and that according to the usage of the
Service no further step can be taken by the Military Authorities. This
opinion Lord Melbourne will submit to-day to the Cabinet Ministers.
Lord Melbourne perceives that he has unintentionally written upon
two sheets of paper, which he hopes will cause your Majesty no
inconvenience.
[Pageheading: THE NOTTINGHAM ELECTION]
_Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _28th April 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
himself seen the result of the election at Nottingham[15] without the
least surprise, from his knowledge of the place and his observation of
the circumstances of the contest. What John Russell reported to your
Majesty was the opinion of those who act for us in that place, but as
soon as Lord Melbourne saw that there was a disposition upon the part
of the violent party, Radicals, Chartists, and what not, to support
the Tory candidate, he knew that the contest was formidable and
dubious. The Tory party is very strong, naturally, at Nottingham,
and if it received any accession of strength, was almost certain to
prevail. This combination, or rather this accession of one party to
the Tories, which has taken place at Nottingham, is very likely, and
in Lord Melbourne's opinion almost certain, to take place in many
other parts of the country in the case of a general election, and
forms very serious matter for consideration as to the prudence of
taking such a step as a dissolution of the Parliament.
Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty after the Levée. It
signifies not how late, as there is no House of Lords.
[Footnote 15: Where Mr Walter, a Tory, was elected with a
majority of 238.]
[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WILTON CRESCENT, _1st May 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Mr Baring yesterday brought forward the
Budget in a remarkably clear and forcible speech.
The changes in the duties on Sugar and Timber,[16] and the
announcement made by Lord John Russell of a proposal for a fixed duty
on Corn, seemed to surprise and irritate the Opposition.
Sir Robert Peel refused to give any opinion on these propositions, and
satisfied himself with attacking the Government on the state of the
finances.
The supporters of the Government were greatly pleased with Mr Baring's
plan, and loud in their cheers.
It is the general opinion that Lord Stanley will not proceed with his
Bill,[17] and there seems little doubt of this fact.
But the two parties are now evenly balanced, and the absence or
defection of some two or three of the Ministerial party may at any
time leave the Government in a minority.
[Footnote 16: The proposals were to increase the duty on
colonial timber from 10_s._ to 20_s._ a load, reducing it on
foreign timber from 55_s._ to 50_s._, to leave the duty on
colonial sugar unloaded at 24_s._ a cwt., reducing that on
foreign sugar from 63_s._ to 36_s._ a cwt.]
[Footnote 17: On Irish Registration.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_3rd May 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We decided at
the Cabinet on Friday that we could not sanction the agreement which
Captain Elliot has probably by this time concluded with the Government
of China, but that it would be necessary to demand a larger amount of
indemnity for the past injury, and also a more complete security for
our trade in future. For this purpose it was determined to send out
instructions, in case the armament should not have left the Chinese
coasts and have been dispersed, to reoccupy the Island of Chusan,[18]
a measure which appears to have had a great effect upon the minds
of the Chinese Government. It was also determined to recall Captain
Elliot, and to send out as soon as possible another officer with
full instructions from hence as to the views and intentions of your
Majesty's Government. Sir Henry Pottinger,[19] an officer in the East
India Company's Service, much distinguished in the recent operations
in Afghanistan, is designated with your Majesty's approbation for this
service, which he has signified his willingness to undertake. It was
also thought that it would be proper to entrust Lord Auckland[20]
with general discretionary powers as to the further conduct of the
expedition. These determinations Lord Melbourne hopes that your
Majesty will approve.
Lord John Russell informed Lord Melbourne yesterday that he knew that
it was not the intention of the Opposition to press Lord Stanley's
Bill; but it is not to be expected in the present position of affairs
that they will not determine upon taking some decisive and united
measure in advance.
In the present state of public measures and of public feeling, when
debate may arise at any moment, it would not be fitting for Lord
Melbourne to absent himself on any sitting day from the House of
Lords. But unless there should be anything so urgent as to prevent
him, he will come down after the House on Tuesday evening and stay
until Thursday morning.
Fanny is highly delighted and immeasurably grateful for your Majesty's
offer of the Lodge in Richmond Park, and most desirous to avail
herself of your Majesty's kindness, and so is Jocelyn. Lord Melbourne
has little doubt that they will thankfully accept it.[21]
[Footnote 18: The Island of Chusan, off the coast of China,
had been occupied in July 1840 as a base of operations, but
evacuated by Elliot in 1841. It was retaken in September 1841,
after Elliot's recall, by Sir Henry Pottinger.]
[Footnote 19: He had served in the Mahratta War, and been
political agent in Scinde.]
[Footnote 20: Governor-General of India.]
[Footnote 21: Lady Fanny Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, was
married to Lord Jocelyn on 27th April.]
[Pageheading: CHRISTENING OF COMTE DE PARIS]
_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
PARIS, _3rd May 1841._
MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--As you know surely already, the day of yesterday
went off very well. The christening[22] was very splendid, the weather
beautiful, and everything extremely well managed.... The arrival
at Notre-Dame, and the _coup d'[oe]il_ of the old church, all hung
interiorly with crimson velvet draperies and trophies of flags, was
very splendid. There was in the church three rows _de tribunes_ all
full of well-dressed people. _Les grands corps de l'État étaient
rangés de chaque côté et dans le ch[oe]ur; l'Autel était placé au
centre de l'église. Les cardinaux et tout le clergé étaient alentour._
When my father arrived, the Archbishop of Paris received him at the
door of the church, and we all walked in state. My father _ouvrait la
marche_ with the Queen. _Prie-dieu_ and chairs were disposed for us
_en demi-cercle_ before the altar, or rather before the baptismal
font, which was placed in front of it, in the very middle of the
Church. My father and mother stood in the centre of the row near each
other. Your uncle, Chartres, and all the Princes followed on the
side of my father, and the princesses on the side of my mother. Paris
remained with Hélène till the moment of the christening. When the
ceremony began he advanced near the font with my father and mother
(sponsors), and was taken up in the arms of his nurse. After the
christening a Mass and _Te Deum_ were read, and when we came back to
the Tuileries the _corps municipal_ brought the sword which the City
of Paris has given to the Comte de Paris....
[Footnote 22: Of the Comte de Paris, at this time nearly three
years old, son of the Duc d'Orléans.]
[Pageheading: THE SUGAR DUTIES]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WILTON CRESCENT, _4th May 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Lord Stanley yesterday postponed his Bill
for a fortnight, which at this period of the year is equivalent to its
abandonment.
On the other hand, Lord Sandon gave a notice for Friday for a
Resolution on Sugar Duties.
If, as is probable, this Motion is made as a party movement, it is
probable that, with the addition of those on the Ministerial side who
have an interest in the West Indies, the Motion will be successful.
The whole scheme of finance for the year will thus be overturned.
The Tory party seem to expect a dissolution of Parliament, but your
Majesty's advisers will hardly be able to recommend to your Majesty
such a step.
The cry against the Poor Law is sure to be taken up by the worst
politicians of the Tory party, and, as at Nottingham, may be
successful against that most useful law.
The friends of Government who represent counties will be taunted with
the proposal to alter the Corn Law.
Bribery is sure to be resorted to beyond anything yet seen.
A defeat of the Ministry on a dissolution would be final and
irreparable.
On the other hand, their successors in the Government would have to
provide for the excess in the expenditure pledged against the best
measures that could be resorted to for the purpose. It would be a
difficulty of their own seeking, and their want of candour and justice
to their opponents would be the cause of their own embarrassments.
The moment is a very important one, and the consequences of the vote
of Friday, or probably Monday, cannot fail to be serious.
[Pageheading: A MINISTERIAL CRISIS]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
_"The Ministry in jeopardy." (Heading in the Prince Albert's hand.)_
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th May 1841._
Lord Melbourne came down from town after the House of Lords. I went
with him to his room for an hour after the Queen had retired. He said
the main struggle would take place on the Sugar Duties on Friday. His
impression was that the Government would be beat, and he must then
decide whether to go out or dissolve. He leaned to the former. I said,
"I trusted he would not dissolve unless he thought there was some
prospect of increasing his strength, and begged him to remember what
was done would not be considered the act of the Government but that of
himself and the Queen, and that he individually would be held as the
responsible person."
He said he had not written to the Queen to prepare H.M. for coming
events and the course that it would be incumbent upon her to take, for
he felt it extremely difficult and delicate, especially as to the use
she should make of the Prince, and of her mode of communication when
she required it with Lord Melbourne. He thought she ought never to ask
his advice direct, but if she required his opinion there would be no
objection to her obtaining it through the Prince.
He said H.M. had relied so implicitly upon him upon all affairs, that
he felt that she required in this emergency advice upon almost every
subject. That he would tell H.M. that she must carefully abstain from
playing the same part she did, again, on Sir R. Peel's attempt to form
a Ministry, for that nothing but the forbearance of the Tories had
enabled himself and his colleagues to support H.M. at that time. He
feared Peel's doggedness and pertinacity might make him insist, as a
point of honour, on having all discretion granted to him in regard
to the removal of Ladies. I told him of the Prince's suggestion that
before the Queen saw Sir R. Peel some negotiation might be entered
into with Sir Robert, so that the subject might be avoided by mutual
consent, the terms of which might be that Sir Robert should give up
his demand to extort the principle. The Queen, on the other hand,
should require the resignation of those Ladies objected to by Sir
Robert. Lord Melbourne said, however, that the Prince must not have
personal communication with Sir Robert on this subject, but he thought
that I might through the medium of a common friend.
[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th May 1841._
Saw Lord Melbourne after his interview this morning with the Queen. He
says Her Majesty was perfectly calm and reasonable, and seemed quite
prepared for the resignation of the Government. He said she was
prepared to give way upon the Ladies if required, but much wished
that that point might be previously settled by negotiation with Sir R.
Peel, to avoid any discussion or difference. Lord Melbourne thinks I
might do this. He would also like Peel to be cautioned not to press
Her Majesty to decide hastily, but to give Her Majesty time, and that
he should feel that if he acted fairly he would be met in the same
spirit by the Queen.
With regard to future communication with Lord Melbourne, the Queen
said she did not mean that a change should exclude her from Lord
Melbourne's society, and when Lord Melbourne said that in society Her
Majesty could not procure Lord Melbourne's opinion upon any subject,
and suggested that that should be obtained through the Prince, Her
Majesty said that that could pass in writing under cover to me, but
that she must communicate direct.
The Queen, he says, leans to sending for the Duke of Wellington. Lord
Melbourne advised that Her Majesty should make up her mind at once to
send for Sir Robert. He told me that it would not be without precedent
to send for both at once; this it appears to me would obviate every
objection. The Queen, he thinks, has a perfect right to exercise her
judgment upon the selection of all persons recommended to Her Majesty
for Household appointments, both as to liking, but chiefly as to their
character and as to the character of the husband or wife of the person
selected. He would advise the Queen to adopt the course which King
William did with Lord Melbourne in 1835, viz. desiring Lord Melbourne,
before His Majesty approved of any appointments, to send a list of
those proposed even to the members of every Board, and the King having
them all before him expressed his objections to certain persons, which
Lord Melbourne yielded to.
Told Lord Melbourne that the Prince wished him to impress upon the
Queen's mind not to act upon the approaching crisis without the
Prince, because she would not be able to go through difficulties by
herself, and the Prince would not be able to help her when he was
ignorant of the considerations which had influenced her actions. He
would wish Lord Melbourne when with the Queen to call in the Prince,
in order that they might both be set right upon Lord Melbourne's
opinions, that he might express in the presence of each other his
views, in order that he should not convey different impressions by
speaking to them separately, so that _they_ might act in concert.
The Prince says the Queen always sees what is right at a glance, but
if her feelings run contrary she avoids the Prince's arguments, which
she feels sure agree with her own, and seeks arguments to support her
wishes against her convictions from other people.
[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION OR RESIGNATION]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _7th May 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and laments
much the prospect that lies before us, more especially as it is so
repugnant to your Majesty's feelings. Your Majesty has often observed
that these events must come in the course of affairs at some moment or
another, but Lord Melbourne knows not whether it is much consolation
to reflect that what is very disagreeable is also natural and
unavoidable. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty will
consider the situation calmly and impartially, will do that which
shall appear the best for your own interests and those of the country,
which are identical.
Everything shall be done that can be; the questions which may arise
shall be considered well, and upon as full information as can be
obtained. But Lord Melbourne has little to add to what he wrote to
your Majesty yesterday. So many interests are affected by this Sugar
question, the West Indian, the East Indian, the opponents of Slavery
and others, that no small number of our supporters will be induced
either to stay away or to vote against us, and this must place us in
a minority upon the main points of our Budget. In this we can hardly
acquiesce, nor can we adopt a different policy and propose other
taxes, when in our opinion the necessary revenue can be raised without
imposing them. This state of things imposes upon us the alternative
of dissolution or of resignation, and to try the former without
succeeding in it would be to place both your Majesty and ourselves in
a worse situation than that in which we are at present.
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _8th May 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We have been
considering this question of dissolution at the Cabinet, and we have
had before us a general statement of the public returns for England
and Wales. It is not very favourable, but Lord Melbourne fears that it
is more favourable than the reality would prove. The Chancellor,[23]
Palmerston, and Hobhouse are strongly for dissolution, but the opinion
of the majority is the other way, and in that opinion Lord Melbourne
is strongly inclined to agree.
Lord Melbourne will have the honour of waiting upon your Majesty
to-morrow at three.
[Footnote 23: The Earl of Cottenham.]
[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
NOTES UPON AN INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (NO. 1).[24]
_9th May 1841._
Told Sir Robert that I had wished to have sought him through the
medium of a common friend, which would have given him a greater
confidence than I had now a right to expect at his hands, but I
felt upon so delicate a mission it was safer, and would be more in
accordance with his wishes, to come direct.
That the Prince had sent me to him, with the object of removing
difficulties upon his coming into office.
That Her Majesty was anxious that the question of the removal of the
Ladies of the Bedchamber should not be revived, and would wish that
in any personal communication with Sir Robert this question might be
avoided.
That it might be arranged that if Sir Robert would not insist upon
carrying out his principle, Her Majesty might procure the resignation
of any Ladies whom Sir Robert might object to; that I thought there
might be a disposition to yield to the removal of the Mistress of the
Robes, Lady Normanby, and the Duchess of Bedford, as being connected
with leading political persons in Government.
Endeavoured to impress upon Sir Robert that if he acts fairly and
kindly towards the Queen, he will be met in the same spirit.
Sir Robert said he had considered the probable object of my interview,
and thought, from my former position with Lord Melbourne, that Lord
Melbourne would be aware of my coming. He must be assured of this
before he could speak confidentially to me.
Upon this I admitted that Lord Melbourne had knowledge of my
intention, but that I was not authorised to say that he had.
Sir Robert said, "I shall put aside all form, and treat you frankly
and confidentially. You may depend upon every word you say being held
as sacred. No part, without further permission, shall be mentioned
even to the Duke, much less to any of my other colleagues.
"_I would waive every pretension to office, I declare to God! sooner
than that my acceptance of it should be attended with any personal
humiliation to the Queen._"
He thought that giving in the names of those Ladies whom he considered
obnoxious was an offensive course towards the Queen.
For the sake of office, which he did not covet, he could not concede
any constitutional principle, but it was not necessary that that
principle should be mooted.
"It would be repulsive to my feelings that Her Majesty should part
with any of her Ladies, as the _result of a forced stipulation on my
part_; in a party sense it would doubtless be advantageous to me to
say that I had demanded from the Queen, and the Queen had conceded to
me the appointments of these three Ladies."
The mode he would like, and which he considered as least objectionable
for Her Majesty, was for Her Majesty to say to him, "There is no
occasion to revive this constitutional question, as those ladies
immediately connected with prominent members of the Administration
have sent in their resignation."
The vacancies existing before Sir Robert Peel sees Her Majesty, there
is no necessity for discussion.
On the one hand, by this means, there was less appearance of insult to
the Queen, and on the other, there was no appearance of concession of
principle upon his.
Sir Robert was ready to make any personal sacrifice for Her Majesty's
comfort, except that of his honour. "Can the Queen for an instant
suppose that I would permit my party to urge me on to insist upon
anything incompatible with Her Majesty's dignity, which it would be my
great aim and honour to defend?"
[This was his indignant reply to my remark upon the rumours that his
party would press him to coerce and subdue Her Majesty.]
Sir Robert thinks it better for the Queen to avoid anything in the
shape of a stipulation. He would like what he would have done upon
a former occasion (and upon which, on the honour of a gentleman, his
views had undergone no change) to be taken as a test of what he would
be ready to concede to.
Nothing but misconception, he said, could in his opinion have led
to failure before. "_Had the Queen told me_" (after the question
was mooted, which it never need have been) "_that those three
ladies immediately connected with the Government had tendered their
resignation, I should have been perfectly satisfied_, and should have
consulted the Queen's feelings in replacing them."
Sir Robert said this conversation shall remain sacred, and to all
effect, as if it had never happened, until he saw me again to-morrow
morning.
There is nothing said, he added, which in any way pledges or
compromises the Queen, the Prince, or Lord Melbourne.
[Footnote 24: See Parker's _Sir Robert Peel_, vol. ii. p. 455,
_et seq._, where Peel's memorandum of the interview is set
out.]
[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]
[Pageheading: HOUSEHOLD APPOINTMENTS]
_Memorandum by Mr Anson._
INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL (No. 2).
_10th May 1841._
Peel said: "It is essential to my position with the Queen that Her
Majesty should understand that I have the feelings of a gentleman, and
where my duty does not interfere, I cannot act against her wishes.
Her Majesty doubtless knows how pressed I am as the head of a powerful
party, but the impression I wish to create in Her Majesty's mind is,
that I am bound to defend her against their encroachments."
In regard to Household appointments the holders of which are not in
Parliament, he had not considered the question, but in the meantime he
would in no way commit himself to anyone, or to any understanding
upon the subject, without previous communication. He had no personal
objects to serve, and the Queen's wishes would always be consulted.
He again repeated, that if the Queen's personal feelings would suffer
less by forming an Administration to his exclusion, he should not be
offended. Private life satisfied him, and he had no ambition beyond
it.
Lord Melbourne might rest assured that _he_ fully appreciated his aim,
that his only object was to do that which was most for Her Majesty's
advantage, and no human being should know that he was privy to
this overture. Lord Melbourne might depend upon his honour. If Lord
Melbourne was pressed to a dissolution he should still feel the same
impression of Lord Melbourne's conduct, that it was honourable and
straightforward.
He wished the Prince to send him a list of those Ladies whom it would
be agreeable to Her Majesty to have in her Household. Sir Robert must
propose it to the Ladies, but will be entirely guided by Her Majesty's
wishes. There should be no appearance that Her Majesty has any
understanding, as he was bound to his party to make it appear that the
appointments emanated from himself.[25]
[Footnote 25: There was a further interview on the following
day at which various detailed points were arranged.]
_Memorandum by the Queen._
_11th May 1841._
The Queen considers it her right (and is aware that her predecessors
were peculiarly tenacious of this right) to appoint her Household.
She, however, gives up the great officers of State and those of
her Lords-in-Waiting, Equerries, and Grooms-in-Waiting, who are _in
Parliament_, to the appointment of the Prime Minister, subject to her
approval.
The Queen has _always_ appointed her _Ladies of the Bedchamber
herself_, but has generally mentioned their names to the Prime
Minister before appointing them, in order to leave him room for
objection in case he should deem their appointment injurious to his
Government, when the Queen would probably not appoint the Lady.
The Maids of Honour and Women of the Bedchamber are of course not
included amongst those who are mentioned to the Prime Minister before
their appointment, but are at once appointed by the Queen.
[Pageheading: PRESSURE OF BUSINESS]
_Extract from the Queen's Journal._
_Wednesday, 12th May 1841._
"At seven minutes to five Lord Melbourne came to me and stayed till
half-past five. He gave me the copies of Anson's conversations with
Peel. Lord Melbourne then gave me a letter from the Chancellor to
read, strongly advocating a dissolution, and wishing that there should
be a division also on Lord John Russell's amendment.[26]
"Lord Melbourne left the letter with me. The first part of the letter,
relative to Lord John's amendment, we think good, but the other
part we can't quite agree in. 'There is to be a Cabinet to-morrow
to consider what is to be done,' said Lord Melbourne, 'for the
Chancellor's opinion must be considered. There is a preferment amongst
our people for dissolution,' Lord M. added. The feeling in the country
good. I asked Lord M., 'Must they resign directly, the next day, after
the division (if they intended resigning)?' 'Why,' he said, 'it was
awkward _not_ to do so if Parliament was sitting; if the division were
only to take place on Friday, then they needn't announce it till Monday,'
which we hope will be the case, as we agreed it wouldn't do for me to
have a ball the day Lord M. had resigned, and before I had sent for
anybody else, and therefore I hoped that it could be managed that the
division did not take place till Friday. Lord M. said that in case they
resigned, he wished Vernon Smith[27] to be made a Privy Councillor; the
only addition to the Peers he mentioned the other day he wished to make
is Surrey;[28] we agreed that too many Peers was always a bad thing."
[Footnote 26: To Lord Sandon's resolution on the Sugar Duties.]
[Footnote 27: Robert Vernon Smith (1800-1873), Under-Secretary
for War and the Colonies, afterwards Lord Lyveden.]
[Footnote 28: The Earl of Surrey (1791-1856) was now M.P. for
West Sussex, and Treasurer of the Household, and was afterwards
thirteenth Duke of Norfolk.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_11th May 1841._
... I am sure you will forgive my writing a very short letter to-day,
but I am so harassed and occupied with business that I cannot find
time to write letters. You will, I am sure, _feel_ for me; the
probability of parting from so kind and excellent a being as Lord
Melbourne as a _Minister_ (for a _friend_ he will _always_ remain) is
very, _very_ painful, even if one feels it will not probably be for
long; to take it philosophically is my great wish, and _quietly_
I certainly shall, but one cannot help _feelings_ of affection and
gratitude. Albert is the greatest possible comfort to me in every way,
and my position is much more independent than it was before.
I am glad you see the French feeling in the right light. I rejoice
that the christening, etc., went off so well. Believe me, ever, your
devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION]
_Extract from the Queen's Journal._
_Thursday, 13th May 1841._
"Saw Lord Melbourne at a little past four.
"... 'We have had a Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said, 'and we have been
considering the question of dissolution and what is the best course
to be pursued; if we were to dissolve, John Russell,' he said, 'would
pursue quite a different course; he would then announce the Sugar
Duties at once. I (Lord Melbourne) said, that I had been considering
well the whole question, and the Chancellor's letter, but that
altogether I did not think it advisable to have recourse to a
dissolution--and I think the greater part lean towards that opinion;
but there _are_ a few who are very much for a dissolution--the
Chancellor and Hobhouse very much so, and Palmerston. They have,
however, not quite finally decided the matter. I understand the debate
will certainly go over to-night,' he said, 'and that they would have
time on Saturday and Sunday to consider about Lord John's amendment.'"
_Extract from the Queen's Journal._
_Saturday, 15th May 1841._
"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes past one, and we talked
about this question of dissolution. 'We shall have a long debate upon
it this morning at the Cabinet,' Lord Melbourne said. 'The worst thing
is, that if we carry the Sugar Duties, we must dissolve. If we were to
dissolve,' he continued, 'and were to have the parties equal as they
are now, it would be very bad; if we _were_ to have a _majority_, it
would be a great thing; _but_ if we were to have a minority it would
be still worse.... We know that Charles I. and Charles II., and even
Cromwell, appealed to the country, and had a Parliament returned
into their very teeth' (so strong an Opposition), 'and that produced
deposition, and convulsion, and bloodshed and death; but since then
the Crown has always had a majority returned in favour of it. Even
Queen Anne,' he continued, 'who removed Marlborough in the midst of
his most glorious victories and dissolved Parliament, had an immense
majority, though her measures were miserable; William IV.,' he said,
'even though he had a majority against him which prevented him from
keeping his Ministers, had a much stronger feeling for him in that
Parliament, than he ever had before. But I am afraid,' he added, 'that
for the first time the Crown would have an Opposition returned smack
against it; and that would be an affront to which I am very unwilling
to expose the Crown.' This is very true."
[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S SYMPATHY]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
TUILERIES, _14th May 1841._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am deeply grateful for your kind letter, which
reached me this morning. Letters from hence ought not to be longer
on their way than, at the longest, forty hours; forty-eight is the
maximum. I fear that they are delayed at the Foreign Office; here it
cannot be, as for instance these lines go this evening.
I can easily understand that the present crisis must have something
very painful for you, and you will do well for your health and comfort
to try to take it as philosophically as possible; it is a part of
the Constitutional system which is for the Sovereign very hard to get
over.
_Nous savons tous des paroles sur cet air_, as the French say. I was
convinced that Lord Melbourne's right and good feeling would make him
pause before he proposed to you a dissolution. A general election in
England, when great passions must be roused or created to render
it efficacious for one party or another, is a dangerous experiment,
always calculated to shake the foundations on which have hitherto
reposed the great elements of the political power of the country.
Albert will be a great comfort to you, and to hear it from yourself
has given me the sincerest delight. His judgment is good, and he is
mild and safe in his opinions; they deserve your serious attention;
young as he is, I have really often been quite surprised how quick and
correct his judgment is....
[Pageheading: TORY DISSENSIONS]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WILTON CRESCENT, _16th May 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the general effect of last week's debate[29]
has been greatly in favour of the measures of your Majesty's
Ministers.
The speeches of Mr Labouchere, Sir George Grey, and Lord Howick, with
the powerful argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday
night, have not been met by any corresponding ability on the other
side.
In fact the Opposition seem to have concealed their own views of
policy, and to have imagined that the Anti-Slavery feeling would carry
them through successfully. But this expectation has been entirely
disappointed; debate has unmasked the hollow pretence of humanity,
and the meetings at Exeter Hall and in the country have completely
counteracted the impressions which Dr Lushington's speech[30] had
produced.
Lancashire, Cheshire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire have been
roused to strong excitement by the prospect of a reduction of the
duty on corn. Several of the large towns have expressed their opinions
without distinction of party.
These symptoms are said to have created some dissensions among the
opponents of your Majesty's present Government.
Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, and nearly all the eminent leaders
of the party, profess their adherence to the principles of Mr
Huskisson.[31] On the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham,[32] with
many Lords and Commoners, is opposed to any relaxation of the
present Corn Laws. This difference must ultimately produce serious
consequences, and it is possible they may break out before the present
debate is ended.
One consequence of the propositions of the Ministry is the
weakening of the power of the Chartists, who have relied on the
misrepresentation that neither Whigs nor Tories would ever do anything
for the improvement of the condition of the working classes.
All these circumstances have a bearing on the question of a
dissolution of Parliament, and are to be weighed against the risks and
inconveniences of so bold a measure.
[Footnote 29: On Lord Sandon's resolution.]
[Footnote 30: Against the Budget, on the ground that it tended
to encourage slavery.]
[Footnote 31: Which were opposed to Protection and the
Navigation Laws.]
[Footnote 32: Richard Plantagenet (1797-1861), second Duke of
the 1822 creation, M.P. for Bucks 1818-1839, and author of
the "Chandos clause," became Lord Privy Seal this year, but
resigned shortly after. He dissipated his property, and had to
sell the contents of Stowe.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S JOURNAL]
_Extract from the Queen's Journal._
_Monday, 17th May 1841._
"Lord Melbourne came to me at twenty minutes to three. There were no
_new_ news. He gave me a letter from the Duke of Roxburgh,[33] saying
he could not support Government on the Corn Laws, and writing an
unnecessarily cold letter. Lord Melbourne fears this would lose
Roxburgh in case of an election. A great many of the friends of the
Government, however, are against any alteration in the Corn Laws.
Talked of the excellent accounts from the country with which the
papers are full, and I said I couldn't help thinking the Government
would gain by a dissolution, and the feeling in the country so strong,
and daily increasing. They would lose the counties, Lord Melbourne
thinks, and the question is whether their successes in the
manufacturing towns would be sufficient to counterbalance that. The
debate may last longer, Lord Melbourne says, as J. Russell says he
will continue it as long as their friends wish it. Many of their
friends would be very angry if we did not dissolve, Lord Melbourne
says. 'I say always,' said Lord Melbourne, 'that your Majesty will
be in such a much worse position' (if a majority should be returned
against us), 'but they say not, for that the others would dissolve.'
I said that if that was so we _must dissolve_, for then that it would
come to just the same thing, and that that changed my opinion very
much. 'You would like us then to make the attempt?' Lord Melbourne
asked. I said 'Almost.' I asked if he really thought they would
dissolve. 'I've great reason to believe they would,' he replied.
'Hardinge[34] told Vivian[35] "we shall prevent _your_ dissolving, but
_we shall_ dissolve."' ... I asked did Lord Melbourne think they (the
Conservatives) would remain in long, and Melbourne said: 'One can't
tell beforehand what may happen, but you would find their divisions
and dissensions amongst themselves sufficient to prevent their staying
in long.' ...
"Saw Lord John Russell, who didn't feel certain if the debate would
end to-night. Talked of the very good feeling in the country. He said
he understood Sir Edward Knatchbull[36] was exceedingly displeased at
what Peel had said concerning Free Trade, and said in that case Peel
would be as bad as the present Government. He thinks the Tories, if in
power, might try and collect the Sugar duties without Law, which would
do them a great deal of harm and be exceedingly unpopular. He does
_not_ think the Tories intend _certainly_ to dissolve. He thinks they
would not dissolve now, and that they would hereafter get so entangled
by their own dissensions, as to render it unfavourable to them."
[Footnote 33: James, sixth Duke. The Duchess was afterwards a
Lady of the Bedchamber.]
[Footnote 34: Sir Henry Hardinge (1785-1856) had been
Secretary at War, and Chief Secretary for Ireland, under
former Tory Governments.]
[Footnote 35: Master-General of the Ordnance.]
[Footnote 36: M.P. for East Kent. He became Paymaster-General
in Peel's Cabinet.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_18th May 1841._
... I was sure you would feel for me. Since last Monday, the 10th, we
have lived in the daily expectation of a final event taking place, and
the debate _still_ continues, and it is not certain whether it will
even finish to-night, this being the eighth night, it having begun on
Friday the 7th, two Saturdays and two Sundays having intervened! Our
plans are so unsettled that I can tell you nothing, only that you
may depend upon it nothing will be done without having been duly,
properly, and maturely weighed. Lord Melbourne's conduct is as usual
perfect; fair, calm, and totally disinterested, and I am certain that
in whatever position he is _you_ will treat him _just_ as you have
always done.
My dearest Angel is indeed a great comfort to me. He takes the
greatest interest in what goes on, feeling with and for me, and yet
abstaining as he ought from biassing me either way, though we talk
much on the subject, and his judgment is, as you say, good and
mild....
_P.S._--Pray let me hear soon _when_ you come. You, I know, like me
to tell you what I hear, and for me to be frank with you. I therefore
tell you that it is believed by some people here, and even by some
in the Government, that _you_ wish my Government to be _out_. Now,
I never for an instant can believe such an assertion, as I know your
liberal feelings, and your interest in my welfare and in that of
the country too well to think you could wish for such a thing, and I
immediately said I was sure this was not so; but I think you would
do well to say to Seymour something which might imply interest in my
present Government.
I know you will understand my anxiety on your account, lest such a
mischievous report should be believed. It comes, you see, from the
idea that your feelings are very French.
[Pageheading: THE CORN LAWS]
_Extract from the Queen's Journal._
_Tuesday, 18th May 1841._
"Saw Lord Melbourne.[37] He said Lord John Russell had been to
see him, and, 'He now wishes us not to resign, but to give notice
immediately of a Motion on the Corn Laws. This, he thinks, will make
the others propose a vote of confidence, or make them oppose the Sugar
Duties, which, he thinks, will be better for us to resign upon,
and when it would be clear to our people that we couldn't dissolve.
Everybody says it would be a very bad thing for us to resign now, upon
such a question as this, and we must consider the party a little.' I
said, of course, this would be agreeable to me as it gave us another
chance. I said it would be awkward if they resigned Thursday, on
account of the Birthday. Lord Melbourne said I could wait a day and
only send for Peel on Saturday, that that wouldn't signify to Peel,
as he could come down to Claremont.... I asked, in case they meant to
bring on this Corn Law question, when would they do so. 'Perhaps about
the 30th,' Lord Melbourne said. It would be a more dangerous question,
but it would make them (the Tories) show their colours, which is a
great advantage. He said they prevented Sir Edward Knatchbull from
speaking last night."
[Footnote 37: After eight days' discussions of Lord Sandon's
Motion, the Ministers were defeated by 317 to 281.]
[Pageheading: RESIGNATION POSTPONED]
_Wednesday, 19th May._
"At twenty minutes to one came Lord Melbourne.... I returned him Lord
John Russell's letter, and talked of it, and of John Russell's saying
the division and Peel's speech made it absolutely necessary to decide
_to-day_ whether to _resign_ or _dissolve_. I asked what Peel had
said in his speech about the Corn Laws. 'I'll tell you, Ma'am, what he
said,' Lord Melbourne replied, 'that he was for a sliding duty and
not for a fixed duty; but he did not pledge himself as to what rate of
duty it should be. I must say,' Lord Melbourne continued, 'I am
still against dissolution. I don't think our chances of success are
sufficient.' I replied that I couldn't quite believe that, but that I
might be wrong. Lord John is for dissolving. '_You_ wish it?' I said I
always did. Talked of the feeling in the City and in the country being
so good. Lord Melbourne don't think so much of the feeling in the
country. Talked of the majority of thirty-six having not been more
than they expected.... Lord Melbourne said people thought the debate
was lengthened to please me. I said not at all, but that it was more
convenient for me. Anyhow I need do nothing till Saturday. The House
of Commons was adjourned to the next day, and the House of Lords to
Monday. 'Mr Baring says,' he said, 'if there was only a majority
one way or another, it would be better than this state of complete
equality.'
"At twenty minutes past four Lord Melbourne returned. 'Well, Ma'am,'
he said, 'we've considered this question, and both the sides of
it well, and at last we voted upon it; and there were--the Lord
Chancellor for dissolution, Lord Minto[38] for it, Lord Normanby
against it, but greatly modified; Lord John for, Lord Palmerston for,
Lord Clarendon for, Lord Morpeth for, Lord Lansdowne for, Labouchere
for, Hobhouse for, Duncannon[39] for, Baring for, Macaulay for; and
under those circumstances of course I felt I could not but go with
them.[40] Lord Melbourne was much affected in saying all this. 'So we
shall go on, bring on the Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a
pretty good state, dissolve. I hope you approve?' I said I did highly
... and that I felt so happy to keep him longer. 'You are aware we may
have a majority against us?' he said; he means in our election. The
Sugar Duties would probably take a fortnight or three weeks to pass,
and they would dissolve in June and meet again in October. He thought
they must."
[Footnote 38: Lord Minto was First Lord of the Admiralty.]
[Footnote 39: Then First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]
[Footnote 40: See Sir John Hobhouse's account of this Cabinet
meeting, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. 133, p. 336.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND THE CHURCH]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
_21st May 1841._
Lord Melbourne thinks that what your Majesty proposes to say will do
very well, but it is thought best to say "Church as Reformed" at the
Reformation.
If your Majesty could say this, it would be well:
"I am very grateful for your congratulations on the return of this
day. I am happy to take this opportunity of again expressing to you my
firm determination to maintain the Church of England as settled at
the Reformation, and my firm belief in her Articles and Creeds, as
hitherto understood and interpreted by her soundest divines."
Nothing could go off better than the dinner. Everybody was much
pleased with the Prince.
Lord Melbourne is not conscious of having slept.[41]
[Footnote 41: It seems that some one had told the Queen that
Lord Melbourne had fallen asleep at dinner.]
[Pageheading: FEELING IN FRANCE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
BRUSSELS, _20th May 1841._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I receive this very moment your dear letter of
the 18th, and without loss of time I begin my answer here, though the
messenger can only go to-morrow. I cannot _sufficiently_ express to
you my _gratitude_ for the frankness with which you have written
to me--and let me entreat you, whenever you have anything _sur
le c[oe]ur_, to _do the same_. I shall begin with your postscript
concerning the idea that I wished your present Ministers to retire,
because they had become disagreeable to France. The people who
_avancent quelque chose de la sorte_ probably have some ill-natured
motive which it is not always easy to guess; perhaps in the present
instance does it mean, let us say, _that?_ whatever opinion he may
then express we can easily counteract it, representing it as the
result of _strong partiality to France_. Let us therefore examine
what France has to gain in a change of Administration. Certainly your
present Ministers are _not_ much loved _now_ in France, not so much in
consequence of the political events of last year themselves, than for
the _manner_ in which they came to pass. Nevertheless, when I was at
Paris, King and Council were decided to sign the treaty with the four
other Powers, which would put an end to the _isolement_, though many
people are stoutly _for the isolement_. There end the relations which
will exist for some time between the two countries--they will be on
_decent_ terms; that is all I wish for the present, and it is matter
of moonshine who your Ministers are. No doubt, formerly there existed
such a predilection in favour of Lord Grey's[42] Administration and
those who continued it, that the coming in of the Tories would have
been considered as a great public calamity; but even now, though
this affection is gone, the Tories will also be looked on with some
suspicion. Lord Melbourne's Administration has had the great merit of
being liberal, and at the same time prudent, conservative in the good
sense of the word, preserving what was good. Monarchy, by an adherence
to this system, was very safe, and the popular liberal cry needless.
[Footnote 42: 1830-1834.]
[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S ADVICE]
(_Continued at_) LAEKEN, _21st May._
I regret that the Corn question was brought forward somewhat
abruptly;[43] it is a dangerous one, as it roused the most numerous
and poorest classes of society, and may easily degenerate into
bloodshed. The dissolution under such circumstances would become still
more a source of agitation, as it generally always is in England. Lord
Melbourne, I am sure, will think so too.
I am delighted by what you say of Albert; it is just the proper line
for him to take, without biassing you either way, to show you honestly
the consequences which in his opinion the one or the other may have.
As he has really a very clear and logical judgment, his opinion will
be valuable for you. I feel very much for you, and these Ministerial
complications are of a most painful and perplexing nature, though
less in England than on the Continent, as the thing is at least better
understood. To amuse you a little, and to prove to you how impartial
I must be to be in this way accused by both parties, I must tell you
that it is said in France that, conjointly with Lord Melbourne,
we _artfully_ ruined the Thiers Administration,[44] to the great
detriment of the honour and welfare of France. But what is still
stranger is, that the younger branches of the family, seeing that my
arrival at Paris was delayed from time to time, became convinced that
_I would not come at all_, and that my intention was to _cut them
completely_, not to _compromettre_ myself with England! Truly people
are strange, and the unnecessary suspicions and stories which they
love to have, and to tell, a great bore....
Pray have the goodness of giving my _kindest_ regards to Lord
Melbourne. I will love him very _tenderly_ in and out of office, as
I am really attached to him. Now last, though first, I offer my
sincerest wishes on the happy return of your birthday; may every
blessing be always bestowed on your beloved head. You possess _much_,
let your warm and honest heart _appreciate_ that. Let me also express
the hope that you always will maintain your _dear character true_
and _good_ as it is, and let us also humbly express the hope that
our warmth of feeling, a valuable gift, will not be permitted to
grow occasionally a little violent, and particularly not against your
uncle. You may pull Albertus by the ear, when so inclined, but be
never irritated against your uncle. But I have _not to complain_ when
other people do not instigate such things; you have always been kind
and affectionate, and when you look at my deeds for you, and on
behalf of you, these twenty-two years, I think you will not have many
hardships to recollect. I am happy to hear of my god-daughter's teeth,
and that she is so well. May God keep the whole dear little family
well and happy for ever. My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 43: The Ministerial proposal of a fixed duty instead
of a sliding scale.]
[Footnote 44: The Thiers Government had resigned in the
preceding October, owing to the King objecting to the warlike
speech which they wished him to pronounce to the Chambers. The
Soult-Guizot Cabinet was accordingly formed.]
[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]
_Memorandum of Mr Anson's last secret interview with Sir R. Peel._
(No. 4.)
_Sunday, 23rd May 1841._
Called upon Sir Robert Peel this morning. I said I could not feel
satisfied without seeing him after the very unexpected course which
political affairs had taken. I wished to know that he felt assured,
though I trusted there could be no doubt upon his mind, that there
had been perfect honesty of purpose on my part towards him, and more
especially upon the part of those with whose knowledge I had been
acting. I assured Sir Robert that H.M. had acted in _the most perfect
fairness towards him_, and I was most anxious that there should be no
erroneous impression upon his mind as to the conduct of either H.M. or
the Prince.
I said (quoting the Prince's expression), "that the Queen has a
natural modesty upon her constitutional views, and when she receives
an advice from men like the Lord Chancellor, Lord John Russell, Mr
Baring, Mr Labouchere, and Lord Clarendon, and knows that they have
been weighing the question through so many days, she concludes that
her judgment cannot be better than theirs, and that she would do wrong
to reject their advice."
The Prince, I said, however strongly impressed for or against a
question, thinks it wrong and impolitic, considering his age and
inexperience and his novelty to the country, to press upon the Queen
views of his own in opposition to those of experienced statesmen. Sir
Robert said he could relieve my mind entirely; that he was convinced
that all that had taken place had been with the most perfect honesty;
that he had no feeling whatever of annoyance, or of having been
ill-used; that, on the contrary, he had the feeling, and should always
retain it, of the deepest gratitude to the Queen for the condescension
which Her Majesty had been pleased to show him, and that it had only
increased his devotion to Her Majesty's person. He said that much of
the reserve which he had shown in treating with me was not on _his
own_ account, but that he felt from his own experience that events
were by no means certain, and he most cautiously abstained from
permitting her Majesty in any way to commit herself, or to bind
herself by any engagement which unforeseen circumstances might render
inconvenient. Sir Robert said it was very natural to try and remove
obstacles which had before created so much confusion, and he was
convinced that they would have been practically removed by what had
passed. He said that neither Lord Stanley nor Sir James Graham knew
a word of what had passed. That Mr Greville had asked his friend Mr
Arbuthnot whether some understanding had not been entered into between
Lord Melbourne and him. That Mr Arbuthnot had replied that he was
certain that nothing of the sort could have passed,[45] as, if it had,
Sir Robert Peel would have informed him (Mr Arbuthnot) of the fact.
Again, Lady de Grey, the night of the ball at the Palace, came up to
him and said the Duke of Bedford had been speaking to her about the
resignation of the Duchess of Bedford, and asking her whether she
thought it necessary. She volunteered to find out from Sir Robert
whether he thought it requisite. She asked the question, which Sir
Robert tried to evade, but not being able, he said it struck him that
if it was a question of doubt the best means of solving it, was for
the Duke of Bedford to ask Lord Melbourne for his opinion.
I added that if the dissolution was a failure, which it was generally
apprehended would be the case, I felt convinced that Sir Robert would
be dealt with in the most perfect fairness by Her Majesty.
[Footnote 45: "After I had been told by the Duke of Bedford
that Peel was going to insist on certain terms, which was
repeated to me by Clarendon, I went to Arbuthnot, told him
Melbourne's impression, and asked him what it all meant. He
said it was all false, that he was certain Peel had no such
intentions, but, on the contrary, as he had before assured me,
was disposed to do everything that would be conciliatory
and agreeable to the Queen."--_Greville's Journal_, 19th May
1841.]
[Pageheading: VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _24th May 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to
acquaint your Majesty that in the House of Commons this evening
Sir Robert Peel gave notice that on Thursday next he would move a
resolution to the following effect: "That Her Majesty's Ministers not
possessing power sufficient to carry into effect the measures
which they considered necessary, their retention of office was
unconstitutional and contrary to usage."[46] These are not the exact
words, but they convey the substance. This is a direct vote of want of
confidence, and Lord Melbourne would be inclined to doubt whether it
will be carried, and if it is, it certainly will not be by so large
a majority as the former vote. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer
moved the resolution upon the Sugar Duties, Sir Robert Peel seconded
the motion, thereby intending to intimate that he did not mean to
interfere with the Supplies. This course was determined upon at a
meeting held at Sir R. Peel's this morning.
[Footnote 46: The closing words of the resolution were as
follows: "... That Her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently
possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable
them to carry through the House measures which they deem of
essential importance to the public welfare, and that their
continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance
with the spirit of the Constitution."]
[Pageheading: PROSPECT OF DISSOLUTION]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
WILTON CRESCENT, _28th May 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that Sir Robert Peel yesterday brought forward his
motion in a remarkably calm and temperate speech.
Sir John Hobhouse and Mr Macaulay completely exposed the fallacy
of his resolution, and successfully vindicated the government. Lord
Worsley[47] declared he would oppose the resolution, which declaration
excited great anger, and produced much disappointment in the Tory
party.
If the debate is carried on till next week, it is probable the
Ministers may have a majority of one or two.
The accounts from the country are encouraging.
It does not appear that Sir Robert Peel, even if he carries this
motion, intends to obstruct the measures necessary for a dissolution
of Parliament.
[Footnote 47: M.P. for Lincolnshire, who had voted for Lord
Sandon's motion.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_31st May 1841._
... I beg you _not_ to be alarmed about what is to be done; it is
_not_ for a Party triumph that Parliament (_the longest_ that has
sat for _many_ years) is to be dissolved; it is the fairest and most
constitutional mode of proceeding; and you may trust to the moderation
and prudence of my whole Government that nothing will be done without
due consideration; if the present Government get a majority by the
elections they will go on prosperously; if not, the Tories will come
in for a short time. The country is quiet and the people very well
disposed. I am happy, dearest Uncle, to give you these quieting news,
which I assure you are _not_ partial....
[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S VIEWS]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN _31st May 1841._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Your Mother[48] is safely arrived, though she
was received close to Ostende by a formidable thunderstorm. I had
given directions that everywhere great civilities should be shown her.
She stood the fatigues better than I had expected, and is less sleepy
than in England. She seems to be pleased with her _séjour_ here, and
inclined in fact to remain rather than to go on; but I am sure, when
once in Germany she will be both pleased and interested by it. It will
amuse you to hear from herself her own impressions.
I cannot help to add a few political lines. I regret much, I must
confess, that the idea of a dissolution has gained ground, and I will
try to show in a very few words why I am against it.
In politics, a great rule ought to be to rule with the things which
one _knows already_, and not to jump into something entirely new of
which no one can do more _than guess the consequences._ The present
Parliament has been elected at a moment most favourable to the
present Administration after a most popular accession to the throne,
everything new and fresh, and with the natural fondness of the great
mass of people, a change is always popular; it was known that you were
kindly disposed towards your Ministers, everything was therefore
_à souhait_ for the election of a new Parliament. In this respect
Ministers have nothing like the favourable circumstances which smiled
upon them at the last general election. Feeling this, they raise a
cry, which may become popular and embarrass their antagonists about
_cheap_ bread! I do not think this is quite befitting their
dignity; such things do for revolutionaries like Thiers, or my
late Ministers.... If the thing rouses the people it may do serious
mischief; if not, it will look awkward for the Ministers themselves.
If you do not grant a dissolution to your present Ministers you would
have, at the coming in of a new Administration, the right to tell them
that they must go on with the present Parliament; and I have no doubt
that they could do so. The statistics of the present House of Commons
are well known to all the men who sit in it, and to keep it a few
years longer would be a real advantage.
You know that I have been rather maltreated by the Tories, formerly to
please George IV., and since I left the country, because I served, in
their opinion, on the revolutionary side of the question. I must
say, however, that for your service as well as for the quiet of the
country, it would be good to give them a trial. If they could not
remain in office it will make them quieter for some time. If by
a dissolution the Conservative interest in the House is too much
weakened the permanent interests of the country can but suffer from
that. If, on the contrary, the Conservatives come in stronger, your
position will not be very agreeable, and it may induce them to be
perhaps less moderate than they ought to be. I should be very happy if
you would discuss these, my _hasty_ views, with Lord Melbourne. I
do not give them for more than what they are, mere _practical_
considerations; but, as far as I can judge of the question, if I was
myself concerned I should have no dissolution; if even there was but
the very _banale_ consideration, _qu'on sait ce qu'on a, mais qu'on ne
sait nullement ce qu'on aura_. The moment is not without importance,
and well worthy your earnest consideration, and I feel convinced that
Lord Melbourne will agree with me, that, notwithstanding the great
political good sense of the people in England, the machine is so
complicated that it should be handled with great care and tenderness.
To conclude, I must add that perhaps a permanent duty on corn may be a
desirable thing, but that it ought to be sufficiently high to serve as
a real protection. It may besides produce this effect, that as it
will be necessary, at least at first, to buy a good deal of the to be
imported corn with _money_, the currency will be seriously affected
by it. The countries which would have a chance of selling would be
chiefly Poland in all its parts, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the
South of Russia on the Black Sea, and maybe Sicily. Germany does not
grow a sufficient quantity of wheat to profit by such an arrangement;
it will besides not buy more from England for the present than it does
now, owing to the Zollverein,[49] which must first be altered. But I
will not bore you too long, and conclude with my best love to little
Victoria, of whom her Grandmama speaks with raptures. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 48: The Duchess of Kent had left England for a tour
on the Continent.]
[Footnote 49: After the fall of Napoleon, the hopes of many
Germans for a united national Germany were frustrated by
the Congress of Vienna, which perpetuated the practical
independence of a number of German States, as well as the
predominance within the Germanic confederation of Austria,
a Power largely non-German. One of the chief factors in the
subsequent unification of Germany was the Zollverein, or
Customs Union, by which North Germany was gradually bound
together by commercial interest, and thus opposed to Austria.
The success of this method of imperial integration has not
been without influence on the policies of other lands.]
[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION ELATED]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
_WILTON CRESCENT, 5th June 1841._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the House divided about three this morning.
For Sir Robert Peel 312
Against 311
---
Majority 1
The Opposition were greatly elated by this triumph. Lord Stanley, and
Sir Robert Peel who spoke last in the debate, did not deny that the
Crown might exercise the prerogative of dissolution in the present
case. But they insisted that no time should be lost in previous
debates, especially on such a subject as the Corn Laws.
Lord John Russell spoke after Lord Stanley, and defended the whole
policy of the Administration.
After the division he stated that he would on Monday propose the
remaining estimates, and announce the course which he meant to pursue
respecting the Corn Laws.
[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
_6th June 1841._
... Now, many thanks for two letters of the 31st ult. and 4th June.
The former I shall not answer at length, as Albert has done so, and
I think has given a very _fair_ view of the state of affairs. Let
me only repeat to you again that you need not be alarmed, and that I
think you will be pleased and _beruhigt_ when you talk to our friend
Lord Melbourne on the subject...
I fear you will again see nothing of the Season, as Parliament will
probably be dissolved by the 21st....
As to my letters, dear Uncle, I beg to _assure_ you (for Lord
Palmerston was _most indignant_ at the doubt when I once asked) that
_none_ of our letters nor any of those _coming_ to us, are ever opened
at the Foreign Office. My letters to Brussels and Paris are _quite
safe_, and all those to Germany, which are of any _real_ consequence,
I always send through Rothschild, which is perfectly _safe_ and very
quick.
We are, and so is _everybody here_, so charmed with Mme. Rachel;[50]
she is perfect, _et puis_, such a nice modest girl; she is going to
declaim at Windsor Castle on Monday evening.
Now adieu in haste. Believe me, always, your very devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
Really Leopold _must_ come, or I shall _never_ forgive you.
[Footnote 50: The young French actress, who made her _début_
in England on 4th May as Hermione in Racine's _Andromaque._
She was received with great enthusiasm.]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th June 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is quite
well, and has nothing particular to relate to your Majesty, at least
nothing that presses; except that he is commissioned by Lord John
Russell respectfully to acquaint your Majesty that his marriage is
settled, and will take place shortly.
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._
Does Lord Melbourne _really_ mean J. Russell's _marriage_? and to
whom?
[Pageheading: VISIT TO NUNEHAM]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
The Lady Fanny Eliot.[51] Lord Melbourne did not name her before, nor
does not now, because he did not remember her Christian name.
[Footnote 51: Daughter of Lord Minto. Lord Melbourne
originally wrote _The Lady ---- Eliot_ at the head of his
letter (spelling the surname wrong, which should be Elliot).
The word "Fanny" is written in subsequently to the completion
of the letter.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
NUNEHAM,[52] _15th June 1841._
Affairs go on, and all will take some shape or other, but it keeps one
in hot water all the time. In the meantime, however, the people are
in the best possible humour, and I never was better received at Ascot,
which is a great test, and also along the roads yesterday. This is a
most lovely place; pleasure grounds in the style of Claremont, only
much larger, and with the river Thames winding along beneath them, and
Oxford in the distance; a beautiful flower and kitchen garden, and all
kept up in perfect order. I followed Albert here, faithful to my word,
and he is gone to Oxford[53] for the whole day, to my great grief.
And here I am all alone in a strange house, with not even Lehzen as
a companion, in Albert's absence, but I thought she and also Lord
Gardner,[54] and some gentlemen should remain with little Victoria for
the first time. But it is rather a trial for me.
I must take leave, and beg you to believe me always, your most devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 52: The house of Edward Vernon Harcourt, Archbishop
of York.]
[Footnote 53: To receive an address at Commemoration.]
[Footnote 54: Alan Legge, third and last Lord Gardner
(1810-1883) was one of the Queen's first Lords-in-Waiting.]
[Pageheading: THE PRINCE VISITS OXFORD]
_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._
SOUTH STREET, _16th June 1841._
Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has just
received your Majesty's letter, and will wait upon your Majesty at
half-past five. Lord Melbourne is sorry to hear that your Majesty has
been at all indisposed. It will suit him much better to wait upon
your Majesty at dinner to-morrow than to-day, as his hand shows some
disposition to gather, and it may be well to take care of it.
Lord Melbourne is very glad to learn that everything went off well at
Oxford. Lord Melbourne expected that the Duke of Sutherland[55] would
not entirely escape a little public animadversion. Nothing can be
more violent or outrageous than the conduct of the students of
both Universities upon such occasions; the worst and lowest mobs
of Westminster and London are very superior to them in decency and
forbearance.
The Archbishop[56] is a very agreeable man; but he is not without
cunning, and Lord Melbourne can easily understand his eagerness that
the Queen should not prorogue Parliament in person. He knows that it
will greatly assist the Tories. It is not true that it is universal
for the Sovereign to go down upon such occasions. George III. went
himself in 1784; he did not go in 1807, because he had been prevented
from doing so by his infirmities for three years before. William IV.
went down himself in 1830.[57]
Lord Melbourne sends a note which he has received from Lord Normanby
upon this and another subject.
[Footnote 55: Who was, of course, associated with the Whig
Ministry.]
[Footnote 56: Archbishop Vernon Harcourt, of York, the Queen's
host.]
[Footnote 57: The Queen prorogued Parliament in person on 22nd
June.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th June 1841._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--A few lines I must write to you to express to you
my _very great_ delight at the certainty, God willing, of seeing you
all _three_ next week, and to express a hope, and a _great hope_, that
you will try and arrive a little earlier on Wednesday.... I must again
repeat I am so sorry you should come when Society is dispersed and at
sixes and sevens, and in such a state that naturally I cannot at the
moment of the elections invite many Tories, as that _tells_ so at the
elections. But we shall try and do our best to make it as little dull
as we can, and you will kindly take the will for the deed.
We came back from Nuneham yesterday afternoon. Albert came back
at half-past five on Tuesday from Oxford, where he had been
enthusiastically received, but the students ... had the bad taste to
show their party feeling in groans and hisses when the name of a
Whig was mentioned, which they ought not to have done in my husband's
presence.
I must now conclude, begging you ever to believe me, your devoted
Niece,
VICTORIA R.
My Coiffeur will be quite at Louise's disposal, and he can _coiffer_
in any way she likes, if her dresser tells him how she wishes it.