BOOK I.

[Illustration:

_Specimen palimpsesti vaticani._

_Imbert’s Lithographic Facsimile._

]

THE

REPUBLIC OF CICERO,

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN;

AND ACCOMPANIED WITH A

CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

BY

G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH, ESQ.

FELLOW OF THE GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON; OF THE AMERICAN

PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY; OF THE LYCEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, &C.

&C. &C.

[Illustration]

NEW-YORK:

PUBLISHED BY G. & C. CARVILL, 108 BROADWAY.

1829.

SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW-YORK, ss.

Be it remembered, that on the 23d day of January, A. D. 1829, in the

fifty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America, G.

& C. Carvill, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the

title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the

words following, to wit:

“The Republic of Cicero, translated from the Latin; and accompanied with

a Critical and Historical Introduction. By G. W. Featherstonhaugh, Esq.,

Fellow of the Geological Society of London; of the American

Philosophical Society; of the Lyceum of Natural History of New-York, &c.

&c. &c.”

In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, entitled, “An

Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps,

charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during

the times therein mentioned;” and also, to an Act, entitled, “An Act,

supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of

learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the

authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein

mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing,

engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”

FRED. I. BETTS,

_Clerk of the Southern District of New-York_.

ERRATA.

INTRODUCTION, p. 22, line 12, dele “then.”

DO. p. 27, line 16, for “requires,” read “require.”

Sleight & George, Printers, Jamaica, L. I.

TO

RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, ESQ.

F. R. S., F. G. S., &c. &c. &c.

I dedicate these pages to you, my dear MURCHISON, that you may have a

renewed assurance of my great esteem and friendship for you. I should

have had a livelier satisfaction in doing so, if the part I have had in

the production of them, were more worthy of your refined taste. I hope

to offer some compensation, however, in the assurance, that you will

find in them many congenial opinions and principles.

G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH.

New-York, January 21, 1829.

PREFACE.

I am not aware that any translation of the Republic of Cicero into the

English tongue has been made.

Believing that it cannot but excite a deep interest with generous minds,

as well on account of the high nature of the subject, the illustrious

name of Cicero, as of the great motives which led him to compose this

work, I venture to offer a translation of it to the public.

In this extensive republic, where every individual reads, it appears

peculiarly proper, that an English dress should be given to a work, of

which almost every page teaches that public happiness depends upon

individual virtue.

Cicero’s definition of a republic, that it is an association of the

people for the defence and advancement of the common interest; will be

understood here, which may be doubtingly said of any other republics now

in existence.

A bare translation of the fragments of this mutilated work, unassisted

by any commentary, could not but have been unsatisfactory. The

deficiencies of the original are somewhat compensated to us, not alone

in the grandeur of thought which pervades it, but in the majesty of

diction, precise, elevated, as it frequently is, and always governed by

the most refined taste. It would be a vain effort to attempt the dignity

of the Latin tongue, when adorned with the elegancies of the Ciceronian

style. Humbly as the translation may deserve to be considered, it will

perhaps be deemed sufficiently faithful: and that the translator has not

altogether failed in pointing out to grave and reflecting minds, the

immediate cause of the ruin of a noble Republic.

He has therefore prefixed a brief historical introduction; the which,

whether it will be thought too long, or not sufficiently detailed, will

probably depend upon the reader’s historical recollections. The motive

for drawing it up was to render the work more generally useful and

acceptable.

INTRODUCTION.

The imperfect manuscript, a translation of which is now presented to the

American public, was discovered in the Library of the Vatican, by

Professor Angelo Mai; a person of singular ingenuity in the detection of

those Palimpsests whose contents were written upon ancient writings

partially erased. A fac simile of part of the MSS. accompanies this

work. The Republic of Cicero was greatly cherished by those who lived in

and near his times; of which occasional evidences are found in the

writings of antiquity. But the tyranny of the emperors bridled the

Romans so soon after its appearance, that Horace, Virgil, Seneca,

Quintilian, Pliny, and even Tacitus, have not dared to praise it, lest

they should bring down vengeance upon themselves. It is remarkable that

while despotism was rapidly extinguishing philosophy and letters, and

the very existence of these precious monuments of better times was

scarcely thought of; the Christian religion was gradually raising up

amidst the persecutions of the primitive church, new champions for truth

and justice; to whose works we are indebted for many valuable fragments

of the best writers of antiquity, and for almost all the passages of

Cicero’s Republic which we were acquainted with, until the late

discovery of professor Mai. It is in the works of St. Augustin and of

Lactantius that these passages most abound; and they are appealed to by

them as most eloquent arguments, in support of just government, and

virtuous conduct. Scipio’s Dream, forming the only part of the sixth

book which has been preserved, and which is one of the most splendid

passages that has been saved from antiquity, has long had a place in the

works of Macrobius, a writer at the beginning of the fifth century,

addicted to the Pythagorean mysticisms; and who has preserved it

probably on account of the occult astronomical relation of numbers

contained in it. Notwithstanding the mutilated state of the MSS., the

order of the books is distinctly preserved, the general plan of the work

is obvious, and we have much greater reason to rejoice at what we

possess, than to regret what is wanting. The disordered state of the

government and the republic at large, evidently suggested to Cicero this

patriotic and bold attempt to stem the influence of bad men, and raise

the falling liberties of his country. In this highly philosophical

discourse he sought to recall the Romans from the interests of ambitious

individuals, and fix their attention upon the greater interests of the

country, where each man had a stake: to revive their veneration for the

simplicity of the early institutions of Rome, and for the men who had

made themselves illustrious by their virtues: and to guard the people

more effectually against the innovations and factions now succeeding

each other with so much rapidity, he invests those ancient times with a

perfection, that the attractions of his eloquence alone can excuse.

Of the original simplicity of the government, some evidences are

afforded by this work; as where it is stated that lands were assigned to

the sovereign, and cultivated for him by the people, that he might have

nothing to do but administer justice. The principal men too of the state

in those early times lived in the vicinity of Rome, cultivating a small

possession. The illustrious names of Fabius, Lentulus, Cicero, &c., were

perhaps given to those husbandmen who excelled in the cultivation of

those vegetables; such was the opinion of Pliny.[1]

The censor had the power of reprimanding those whose fields were

slovenly cultivated. Many customs of those antique times are found in

Cato’s curious Treatise on Rural Affairs. “Our ancestors constituted and

ordained thus in their Laws: A thief was condemned to double

restitution; an usurer to quadruple. You may judge from this how much

worse a citizen they deemed the usurer to be than the thief. And when

they praised a worthy man, they spoke thus of him: ‘that he was a good

farmer, an excellent husbandman.’ He that was commended in these terms,

was thought to be praised enough.”[2] And again speaking of a good

husbandman, he says, “He should part with his old cattle, his weaned

calves and lambs, his wool, his skins, his old carts and worn out irons,

his old slaves, and his sick ones; and if he has got any thing else he

does not want, let him sell it. A father of a family ought always to

sell and never to buy.” Dion says that a messenger summoned the

patricians by name, but that the people were convened _by the blowing of

a horn_.[3] But the splendid military government which soon grew up,

gave both state employment and riches to that class once distinguished

for their industry and frugality. Agriculture was abandoned to slaves,

and men branded for crimes: it was no longer deemed an honourable

employment. Luxury and habits of profusion made it necessary for

conspicuous men to acquire the means of indulging in them, at the

expense of principle and patriotism. At length when sensual

gratifications became dearer to a majority of the Romans than liberty,

the republic was overthrown, and military despotism accomplished the

circle of military influence; extinguished every spark of light and

liberty; stripped the empire of its moral and physical power, and left

it unmindful of its past glorious existence, to perish in a blind and

helpless old age.

Marcus Tullius Cicero was born at Arpinum, a city of the Samnites, which

had long enjoyed the freedom of Rome. His family was an ancient one, and

of the equestrian order; which comprehended the most respectable gentry

of the empire, who were only inferior in rank to the patricians. Having

assumed the manly gown at his sixteenth year, he immediately began to

acquire a knowledge of the laws of his country, under the two Scævolas,

eminent persons of that day. The Marsian war, and the civil broils of

Marius and Sylla, the former of whom was also a native of Arpinum,

occurred during the prosecution of his civil studies; and although they

gave some interruption to them, yet these violent contentions falling

immediately under his observation, he became at an early period

accustomed to consider the political situation of his country. These

circumstances no doubt had some influence in deciding his future career;

although the rare natural activity of his mind would perhaps have led

him under any situation to the investigation of all moral and physical

relations. Prompted by this impulse, he now began the study of Grecian

philosophy under the learned Athenians who fled to Rome from the

persecutions of Mithridates, and afterwards perfected himself in it

under Molo the Rhodian; a man so distinguished, that he was permitted to

address the Roman Senate in the Greek tongue without an interpreter.

About the age of twenty-six, with his mind filled with all the knowledge

taught at that period, he first began to plead at the Forum. His

celebrated successful defence of S. Roscius was made soon after, in

which he braved, what the other Roman orators had not dared to do, the

resentment of Sylla. By this bold measure, the generosity of his

character, as well as the force of his talents, were developed, and his

reputation established as the most powerful orator of Rome. He visited

Athens not long after this period, partly to avoid the displeasure of

Sylla, and partly to renew the study of philosophy, which he here

pursued with great ardour. His friend Atticus, who was at Athens at the

same time, had embraced the Epicurean doctrines; but Cicero appears at

this early period to have believed in a future state; a doctrine which

at a later period he has most eloquently recorded in his celebrated

Dream of Scipio. At the end of two years, he returned to Rome, greatly

improved by his intercourse with the philosophers and orators of Greece

and Asia.

In his thirty-first year, and not long after his marriage, he was

elected to the quæstorship, which opened his way to the Senate. One of

the provinces of Sicily fell to him by lot, and he exercised his

quæstorial functions with such moderation and ability, as to induce the

Sicilians to confer extraordinary honours upon him at the termination of

his year; when he returned to Rome, determined henceforward to withdraw

himself as little as possible from the eyes of the Roman people. In his

thirty-seventh year he received the unanimous suffrages of all the

tribes for the edileship, which introduced him into the magistracy. The

exhibition of the shows and games, which was the province of the ediles,

was conducted by Cicero with great satisfaction to the people, and

without injuring materially his own private fortune. In this he achieved

a difficult point, which marks his great prudence and address. So great

had the affection of the people now become for him, that at three

different elections for prætor, he was each time placed at the head of

the list by the unanimous vote of all the centuries. In his forty-third

year, having been very diligent in strengthening his interest, he became

a candidate for the consulship with others; among whom were L. Sergius

Cataline: but such was his popularity that he was saluted consul by

acclamation of the people before the votes were counted. He received

also a strong support from the patricians, who had uniformly been

opposed to his advancement; but Cicero’s reputation for knowledge and

probity was so great, and the times were becoming so critical, that they

deemed the government safe in his hands. The patricians at this time

were of the faction of Sylla, to which also Cataline belonged: and the

Tribunes and the people were of the Marian faction; at the head of which

was Julius Cæsar, a near relation to Marius. Although Cæsar, and Cicero

were both on the popular side, yet they were not united upon any common

principles of order. Cæsar was always individually opposed to him: and

when Cicero being consul, was endeavouring in the senate to bring the

associates of Cataline to punishment; Cæsar defended them, and even

indirectly encouraged their cause, by declaring his disbelief in the

immortality of the soul. The suppression of this conspiracy of Cataline,

Cethegus, Lentulus and many others, among whom Cæsar was generally

numbered, raised the reputation of Cicero to the greatest height. By his

incessant vigilance, Rome was saved from the horrors of a general

massacre and pillage. The greatest honours were paid him by the senate

and equestrian order: and for the first time the sublime epithet of

“Father of his Country” was addressed to a Roman citizen in the senate,

in the person of Cicero.[4] This great action of his life he most

feelingly alludes to in the introduction to his first book of the

Republic. “Nor is my name forgotten,” &c. The feelings too which the

circumstances attending the very last act of his consulship excited in

him, are eloquently pourtrayed in a passage immediately following. It

was the custom for the consul at the expiration of his office, to make a

speech in the assembly of the people, and to swear that he had executed

his duties with fidelity. When he was already in the rostra, and was

about to address the whole people assembled on this interesting

occasion; Metellus, a new tribune, prompted by the officious spirit of

popular authority, which often delights to mortify the great and good,

forbade the consul to address the people, alleging that Cicero having

caused Lentulus and the rest to suffer death without being heard in

their defence, did not deserve to be heard himself. Whereat with an

enthusiastic presence of mind peculiar to himself, he swore with a loud

voice that he had saved the republic: and the multitude moved by a

generous feeling which the demagogues had no time to tamper with, more

than atoned to him for the intended affront from their tribune, by a

simultaneous shout that he had sworn nothing but the truth,[5] and by

accompanying him from the Forum to his own house.

In this most glorious year of his life, and at the very time when he was

occupied in saving his country, Octavius Cæsar was born; by whose arts

and influence Cicero, as well as the republic, were not more than twenty

years after destroyed. And although he had acted so noble a part toward

his country, which under his government had been saved from the most

profligate attempt that had yet been made upon its liberties; and

enjoyed the highest rank in the senate, and the first consideration from

all good men; corruption had now reached such a height, that

pre-eminence in virtue, shining forth in so active a citizen as Cicero,

who was constantly thwarting the designs of bad men, served but to unite

their efforts against him. He became henceforward the object of their

hatred and vengeance. Cæsar, who did not believe in a future state, and

who consequently had no principle to restrain him, was constantly

plotting means to usurp the government. Pompey, in whose interest Cicero

had always been, and who at the close of the Mithridatic war had become

the most powerful man in the Republic, was afraid to disoblige the

numerous enemies of Cicero, and declined even to strengthen him by a

public approbation of the measures he had taken to suppress the

conspiracy of Catiline. The luxurious and the corrupt, who far

outnumbered the rest, were willing to sell the republic and themselves

to the highest bidders. The people were as usual the tools of

demagogues. Every thing conspired to accelerate the downfall of the

republic. In the face of these fearful odds stood Cicero, a large

majority of the senate, and of the equestrian order, which comprehended

the independent landholders and gentry of the Roman nation: and with but

little other support than the satisfaction of being engaged in the

noblest of causes, the maintenance of regular government. It is most

painful to look back upon the history of the degradation of such a

people; corrupted and ruined by their blind admiration of that falsest

of all idols, military glory.

An event occurred the year after his consulate, which brought him into a

new conflict with some of the worst of these men. P. Clodius, at this

time a quæstor, a vicious and debauched young man of family, and who

possessed many personal advantages, had an intrigue with Cæsar’s wife

Pompeia. Satiated with ordinary voluptuousness, he disguised himself as

a woman, and entered the house of Pompeia in the night time, when she

with other distinguished Roman matrons, was celebrating the mysteries of

the Bona Dea, or Patroness of Chastity. He was discovered and fled. Such

was the respect in which these mysteries, at which women alone

officiated, were held, that the profanation excited the utmost

indignation throughout the city. Even Cæsar found it necessary to put

away his wife. The senate directed the consuls to prepare a law for the

trial of Clodius before the people, which was resisted by one of the

tribunes friendly to Clodius. At length it was agreed that a law should

be passed to try him before the prætor and a select number of judges.

Clodius rested his defence upon an alibi, which he endeavoured to

sustain by witnesses. When Cicero was called to give his deposition, he

was insulted by the mob which adhered to Clodius; but such was the

veneration in which he was held, that the judges stood up, and received

him with great honour. He testified that Clodius had been with him in

his house in Rome on the very day of the pollution. Cæsar who was also

called, said that he was ignorant of the whole affair; although it

occurred in his own house, and in the presence of his mother and sister,

who had deposed to the truth of the accusation. Being asked, why then he

had put away his wife? he answered, “Because those who are connected

with me, must be as free from suspicion as from crime.”[6]

That the wife of Cæsar must be free even from suspicion, is a saying

that has passed down to our days: yet too many who have heard it are

ignorant of the circumstances attending its origin. We read the

commentaries of Cæsar at school, and are fired with admiration at his

talents and successes. We are thus prepared to pity his death and the

manner of it. But the military and political glories of Cæsar, can never

furnish an apology for a profligate private life; and a memorable saying

is stripped of every attraction, when we know that it was uttered by the

lips of a perjured atheist.

In a letter to Atticus, Cicero draws a curious picture of the judges

selected to try this famous cause; a majority of whom appears to have

been packed from the outcasts of all the orders, and to have been paid

for the occasion. Clodius was acquitted by a majority of thirty-one

voices over twenty-five. Upon their appointment some of them had

requested a guard from the senate to protect them from the mob. Upon

which occasion, Catulus a distinguished member of the senate, very

facetiously asked one of the judges, “why they wanted a guard, and

whether it was to protect the money which Clodius had bribed them with?”

After his acquittal, Clodius was wont to attempt to throw ridicule upon

Cicero in the senate, finding it vain to encounter him in argument, and

hoping to divert in some degree the force of his attacks. “So the

judges” said Clodius, “would give no credit to your oath.” “Twenty-five

of them did,” replied Cicero: “the rest would give you none it seems,

but made you pay beforehand.”

After the return of Pompey to Rome, as well as of Cæsar from Spain, a

triumvirate of interests was formed between these two and Crassus: each

having his own ascendancy in view. Cæsar, to make the interest it was

thus intended to direct against the independence of the republic, still

stronger, made overtures to Cicero, who declined connecting himself with

them. At length Cæsar openly declared against him, and favoured the

election of Clodius to the tribunate, in the which he succeeded. Being

now in authority, he brought forward the law, that whoever had taken

away the life of a Roman citizen, uncondemned, should be interdicted

bread and water. This was directed against Cicero, in relation to his

consular acts respecting the conspirators; and affected him so much,

that although the law was in general terms, and his name was not

mentioned in it, he changed his garments, and appeared abroad sordidly

dressed to attract the compassion of the people. The young Romans of

liberal character, to the number of twenty thousand also changed their

dress, and accompanied him; soliciting the favour of all in authority,

and of the people, against the passage of this law. But the combination

of bad men proved too strong against him, and Pompey having refused his

protection, Cicero was induced by the advice of his friends, to withdraw

himself into a temporary exile from Rome. This humiliating event took

place in his forty-ninth year. During his absence his residences both in

town and country, which were upon a scale commensurate with his dignity,

were despoiled; and together with the furniture appropriated by the

consuls and by Clodius. At length the daring insolence of that tribune,

and the perpetual broils he occasioned, began to indispose all men

against him, except his immediate profligate retainers. Advantage was

taken of this to propose in the senate the recall of Cicero; which

finally prevailed at a very numerous convocation of the senators and

magistrates; Clodius alone giving a dissenting voice. At its final

passage into a law by the Roman people, the field of Mars was crowded

with their assembled centuries. Such was the public veneration for him,

that voters from every town in Italy were present to insure the passage

of a law which restored so great a benefactor to his country. All the

centuries concurred in an act thus most solemnly passed by the whole

Roman people. In anticipation of the event, he left Dyrrhachium in

Macedonia, and soon after his arrival at Brundisium, where his daughter

Tullia had come to meet him, he received the welcome news from Rome. His

journey was a continued triumph, and he was received on his arrival at

the city in the most enthusiastic manner. An insufficient sum of money

was voted to him to rebuild his mansions. When he had almost finished

his palatine house, it was attacked by one of Clodius’ mobs, and

destroyed. Broils and slaughters were now so common in the streets of

Rome, that gladiators were retained to assist in these feuds; in which

the consuls of the same year were sometimes opposed to each other.

Cicero who had now reached his fifty-first year, was again made to feel

how unremitting is the hatred of enemies, and uncertain the support of

friends. Public virtue appeared to him to have no longer any value in

the eyes of the Romans. He saw that every man attended more to his

private safety and advancement, than to the public peace and dignity of

the city; and perceiving the necessity of a powerful protector for

himself and family in his old age, he appears from one of his letters to

have determined to conform himself in every thing to the pleasure of

Pompey. We also see him from time to time engaged in agreeable services

to Cæsar, with whom Pompey was yet connected. Experience and persecution

appear to have induced him to adopt a course foreign to the character of

the perfect citizen he has pourtrayed in his republic. In his fourth

epistle to Atticus, he says[7] “If they will not be friendly to me who

possess no power, I must endeavour to make those like me who have the

power of being useful. ‘I told you so long ago,’ you will say; I know

that you did, and I was an ass for not taking your advice.” The opinion

too of his friend Cælius, would have great weight with most men, in such

disturbed times. “It cannot have escaped you, that the duty of men

amidst domestic dissensions, is to espouse the honestest side, as long

as the contention is of a civil nature, and force is not used. But when

it comes to wars and camps, they should take the strongest side, and

consider that the best which is the most safe.”[8]

The influence of Cæsar was now becoming very conspicuous. His military

career in Gaul, his generosity, and the universality of his talents,

gave him at length a pre-eminence over Pompey in the public estimation.

Pompey and Crassus had entered into the consulship with little

observance of constitutional forms; and, with as little deference to the

senate, had caused provinces to be assigned to them for five years.

Spain and Africa to Pompey. Syria and the fatal Parthian war to Crassus.

This triumvirate had now almost the whole Roman military force at their

command.

It was in the spring of the next year, that Cicero at his Cuman villa,

began his famous work on government. He was now advancing into his

fifty-fourth year, and it appears that he had completed his work before

he entered upon his command in Cilicia. His military career was

distinguished by great activity and judgment. He was saluted emperor by

the army upon one of his military successes, and returned gladly to Rome

at the end of the year. During the remainder of his eventful life, he

appears to have found comfort only in the cultivation of philosophy and

letters. The corruption of the Romans, the ruin of the republic, the

death of his beloved daughter, and his separation from the wife he had

lived with thirty years, embittered his days. He was too conspicuous a

man not to be affected by all the political changes which took place.

Crassus perished in the Parthian war; and Cæsar, as soon as he felt

himself strong enough, crossed the Rubicon, which was the limit of his

military command, and marched upon Rome, from which Pompey and the

senate ingloriously fled. Cicero at length felt himself also constrained

to follow the fortunes of Pompey, because he believed the dignity of the

Roman name was alone to be found under his banners. And when the battle

of Pharsalia left Cæsar sole master of the Roman world, he submitted to

Cæsar, because there was no other government to submit to. But he

rejoiced in his death, of which he was a spectator, and to the last,

gave all the aid in his power to the patriots who sought to raise the

liberties of his country. In his latter days, he showed an invincible

spirit, defying the profligate Anthony in the plenitude of his power.

And when the assassins of the second and more bloody triumvirate

surprised him, he ordered his servants to set down the litter in which

they were carrying him, and forbade them to defend him. Then undauntedly

stretching out his neck, he bade his executioners do their pleasure;

happy to escape from so much misery, to the immortality he had always

believed in. This occurred when he was just entering his

sixty-fourth-year.

This rapid sketch of the transactions of Cicero’s times, will, it is

hoped, not be deemed impertinent, but may rather be considered as

assisting the general reader to form an adequate estimate of the great

object which Cicero had in view, when he drew up this celebrated

treatise, which was to revive the veneration of the Roman people for

their ancient institutions, now in danger from the machinations of

lawless men, at the head of whom was Cæsar, who denying in the senate a

future existence, expressed his contempt for all religion. But it has

been objected to Cicero that he was insincere, and that he called upon

his countrymen to venerate what was often the object of his ridicule.

The leading men of Rome who formed the sacerdotal order, from the

earliest periods and under all circumstances maintained their influence

over the people, chiefly by that religion they had been brought up in

the veneration of, and especially by the observance of auspices. But in

time the credulity of the Romans began to relax. Men like Cicero had for

their religion the glorious doctrine of the immortality of the soul, and

a great majority of his enlightened equals no doubt entertained his

opinions. Others, and among them was his brother Quintus, from various

motives, as has always been the case in the history of superstitions,

persevered in the prejudices they had received from education.

Prejudices acquired in infancy from our earliest and dearest protectors,

and to relinquish which, seems to require the relinquishment of all

reverence for those we most venerate. When therefore Cicero ridicules

the religious observances of his times, it is to enlightened men he

sometimes addresses himself; just as men have in all times laughed at

absurdities they do not care publicly to assail: and at other times he

may have used his ridicule to expose the most stupid superstitions

indiscriminately to all. When in his Republic he praises the institution

of auspices, however he may be charged with inconsistency, it was done

from great and public motives, and not from selfish ones. There is no

hypocrisy in this conduct, as we understand the word; and if we examine

the whole bearing of Cicero’s life, the policy which the circumstances

of it, sometimes obliged him to, will not offend liberal minds. In

estimating therefore the character of Cicero, it is well to remember Dr.

Middleton’s remark in his preface “and in every thing especially that

relates to Cicero, I would recommend the reader to contemplate the whole

character, before he thinks himself qualified to judge of its separate

parts, on which the whole will always be found the surest comment.”

The first book is the most complete of the whole six: the opening

however is imperfect. Cicero in his own person enters into a discussion

whether governments should be administered by contemplative

philosophers, or by active practical men. He recapitulates the arguments

on both sides of the question, often discussed by the ancients, and

decides the question in consonance with those feelings which had

governed his very active life. The eloquence and force of some of the

passages are inimitable. They will be applicable to all times as long as

civil government exists among men. But in this country where the

experiment of a popular government is trying upon so comprehensive a

scale, the grandeur of the sentiments deserves the attention of every

man. As where he states as an argument of those who shun active

occupations, that it is dangerous to meddle with public affairs in

turbulent times, and disgraceful to associate with the low and

disreputable men who are conspicuous at those periods; that it is vain

to hope to restrain the mad violence of the vulgar, or to withdraw from

such a contest without injury; “As if,” he adds with a generous

enthusiasm, “there could be a more just cause for good and firm men,

endowed with noble minds, to stand forth in aid of their country, than

that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic to be

lacerated by them, before the desire of saving it may come too late.”

After disposing of this question, he proceeds with great address to open

the plan of his work, and presents in all the beautiful simplicity of

the times, Scipio, his friend Lælius, with some of their most

accomplished cotemporaries, seated, not in the gorgeous saloon of a

Lucullus or Crassus, but in the sunny part, because it was the winter

season, of the lawn of Scipio’s country place; where they had convened

to pass the Latin holidays in discussing philosophical questions. Here,

upon an inquiry being instituted into the cause of two suns reported to

have been seen in the heavens, occasion is found to introduce in a very

pleasing manner, the astronomical knowledge of the day, which Cicero was

well versed in. Scipio is made here to deliver a magnificent passage,

beginning at the 17th section. “Who can perceive any grandeur in human

affairs,” &c.[9] This inquiry about celestial phenomena, which appeared

so foreign to a philosophical investigation on the principles of

government, is admirably closed and without the abruptness being

perceived, by Lælius asking how it can interest him that Scipio should

be solicitous about the two suns, “when he does not inquire the cause

why two senates, and almost two people exist in one republic.” At the

general request Scipio consents to deliver his opinion of government. He

defines a republic to be the “public thing,” or common interest of all:

and he shews most satisfactorily that human beings congregate not on

account of their weakness, but that they are led thereto by the social

principle, which is innate in man, and leads him even in the midst of

the greatest abundance to seek his fellow. He successively examines the

despotic, the aristocratic, and democratic forms of government: their

advantages and disadvantages; and concludes that a fourth kind of

government, moderated and compounded from those three is most to be

approved. This is subsequently recurred to and enlarged upon. Many

persons will be surprised that the balanced representative form of

government, which has but in modern times received the sanction of the

wisest nations, should have been shadowed forth in an apparently

speculative opinion, two thousand years ago. We must however remember,

that in the numerous small independent states of Greece; their various

forms of government, the tyranny of their kings, the oppression of the

aristocracies, and the violence of the people, had produced many

discussions among their writers. Few of these have come down to us. Yet

Cicero was familiar with them, and it is evident that his plan of a

mixed government was drawn from this source. There is a passage to this

effect preserved in the Anthology of Stobæus, of Hyppodamus. He says

that royalty, which is a copy of divinity, is insufficient, on account

of the degeneracy of human nature. That it must be limited by an

aristocracy, where the principle of emulation leads men to excel each

other: and that the citizen also should be admitted into that mixed

government as of right: but cautiously, as the people are apt to fall

into disorders. These opinions also flattered the Romans, for in fact it

was substantially their own form of government, which consisted of

consuls, patricians, and the people and their tribunes.

Scipio in the 43d section, gives an eloquent passage from Plato, where

the excesses of the multitude are painted in the strongest language; a

passage which might well have been inspired by the French revolution.

Scipio opens the second book with the origin of the Roman people,

adopting the received opinions concerning the early history of Rome, of

Romulus, and the succeeding kings. These opinions have of late, been

much controverted. Niebuhr whose erudition appears to be inimitable,

whatever success he may be thought to have had in shaking them, has

substituted nothing satisfactory in their place, at least as far as we

may gather from his first volume. One thing may be safely asserted, that

Cicero might well present in his republic, those traditions of the

times, as the real history of his country, because the Roman people were

acquainted with no other. He could not call upon them to venerate the

founders of Rome and their institutions, and tell them at the same time

they had never existed. Niebuhr himself strengthens the account given at

section 19, Book II., of the Greek descent of the first Tarquin, by

observing that the clay vases made at Tarquinii were painted, and

resembled in colour and drawing some discovered near Corinth. He says

they are found only in the district of Tarquinii, and that the

circumstance implies a peculiar intercourse between Corinth and

Tarquinii.

In the 22d section of the 2d Book, is another passage with which Niebuhr

is not satisfied, and which even Professor Mai terms “vexatissimum

locum.” Cicero says the Roman people were distributed by Servius into

six classes, whose entire elective force was one hundred and

ninety-three centuries. To give the landed proprietors who were rated in

the first class, a majority of this number, or ninety-seven votes, three

centuries of horse with six suffrages, meaning those inscribed in the

great census or register, in contradistinction to the horsemen set apart

from the mass of the whole people; the century of carpenters, and the

first class, constituted together eighty-nine centuries. Eight more

centuries taken from the other five classes and added to this number,

made ninety-seven, being a majority of one over ninety-six, and thus in

Cicero’s words “Confecta est vis, populi universa.” The unwearied

erudition of Niebuhr, to which great deference is due, is not satisfied

with the simplicity of this statement of the Roman Constitution, but

assails it with an unusual bitterness of critical spirit. He supposes

the passage from its genuine state to have been corrupted by successive

transcribers and commentators, to the order in which Professor Mai has

thought proper to give it to the public, and that in its original state

it stood thus. “Nunc rationem videtis esse talem ut prima classis,

addita centuria quæ ad summum usum urbis fabris tignariis est data:

LXXXI centurias habeat; quibus ex CXIV centuriis, tot enim reliquæ sunt,

equitum centuriæ cum sex suffragiis solæ si accesserunt,” &c.

“Now you will perceive the plan was such, that the first class, a

century being added from the carpenters on account of their great

utility to the city, consisted of eighty-one centuries; to which if from

the one hundred and fourteen centuries, for so many remain, only the

centuries of horse with six suffrages are added,” &c. I forbear to add

his very curious reasons for this proposed restoration, and which, not

to be deemed extravagant, require to be judged by those familiar with

the emendations of ancient MSS. It will be perceived, however, that he

makes the whole number of centuries to consist of one hundred and

ninety-five; and that he gives the landed proprietors a majority of

ninety-nine over the ninety-six centuries belonging to the other five

classes, which appears superfluous in a system which aimed at the

appearance of moderation, “ne superbum esset.” Substantially the system

appears to have been this. The Roman people were distributed into six

classes, having one hundred and ninety-three centuries or votes. The

first class consisting of men of rank and property, with the centuries

of horse, had ninety-six votes; leaving ninety-seven votes to the other

five classes. In order, however, to give the ascendancy to the first

class in the least offensive way, the century of blacksmiths and

carpenters was added to the first class, under pretence of their great

utility to the city; but really because they were dependent upon the

first class and the cavalry for employment, and could be relied upon. In

this manner the first class secured a majority of ninety-seven votes.

The second book closes with a declaration from Scipio, that unless the

most perfect justice is observed, no government can prosper.

The third book opens with a philosophical analysis of the faculties of

man, introductory to the great principle of the immutable nature of

justice, which it appears was fully discussed in this book, of which so

small a portion is preserved. A splendid picture is drawn in the second

section of an accomplished statesman, such as Cicero himself had aimed

to be, and which from a passage in one of his letters to Atticus,

appears to have been farther elaborated in the sixth book. It relates to

a triumph about which he felt some anxiety after his government of

Cilicia. “If this idea of a triumph which even you approve, had not been

infused into me, you would not have had to look far for the perfect

citizen described in the sixth book.”[10] Philus is called upon to

defend the cause of injustice after the manner of Carneades the Greek

sophist. The powerful passage contained in the seventeenth section is

delivered by him. It was reserved for Lælius to close the discussion as

the advocate of justice. Scarce any part of his discourse is preserved.

Some fragments have, however, been collected by Professor Mai, preserved

by Nonius the Philologist, and by Lactantius. In the one, Lælius is made

to declare, that the Roman youth ought not to be permitted to listen to

Carneades, who if he thought as he spoke, was a bad man; and if he was

not, as he preferred to believe, his discourse was nevertheless

detestable. One of the passages from Lanctantius is that well known

exposition of eternal right, or natural law of justice of which

conscience is the voice.

“There is indeed a law, right reason, which is in accordance with

nature; existing in all, unchangeable, eternal. Commanding us to do what

is right, forbidding us to do what is wrong. It has dominion over good

men, but possesses no influence over bad ones. No other law can be

substituted for it, no part of it can be taken away, nor can it be

abrogated altogether. Neither the people or the senate can absolve us

from it. It wants no commentator or interpreter. It is not one thing at

Rome, and another thing at Athens: one thing to-day, and another thing

to-morrow; but it is a law eternal and immutable for all nations and for

all time. God, the sole Ruler, and universal Lord, has framed and

proclaimed this law. He who does not obey it, renounces himself, and is

false to his own nature: he brings upon himself the direst tortures,

even when he escapes human punishments.”[11]

The fourth book of which a mere fragment is preserved, appears to have

treated of domestic manners, the education of youth, and of Roman life,

public and private. We have lost here many fine pictures of the

simplicity of Roman manners, at that flourishing period of the republic,

as well as of the progress of luxury, which was not inconsiderable. A

fragment of this book is preserved in Nonius, where Scipio opposes the

collection of a revenue, necessary perhaps to make good those

deficiencies which extravagance had produced. “Nolo enim eundem populum

imperatorem et portitorem esse terrarum. Optimum autem et in privatis

familiis et in republica vectigal duco esse parsimoniam.” “I am not

willing that the same people should be the sovereigns and the

toll-gatherers of the world. I look upon economy to be the best revenue

for the republic, and for private individuals.”

The fifth book is also a mere fragment. St. Augustin has preserved some

notices of it, from which it appears that it treated very much of the

ancient Roman institutions, with a view to show the degeneracy of the

times in which Cicero wrote. In the fifth section of this book, he

speaks of the comfortable enjoyment of life depending upon legal

marriages and lawful children; from whence perhaps we may gather the

obligation which the dissolute manners of the times had laid him under,

of asserting the value of these ties, as well as his own veneration for

them.

Of the sixth book no part whatever has come down to us with this MSS:

but the important fragment on a future state preserved in Macrobius,

warrants our supposing that he was naturally led in a treatise so highly

philosophical, to pass from the consideration of human morals, to the

great object which moral conduct has in view: the resisting of human

weakness, for the sake of fitting the immortal part of our nature for a

higher condition of being. The dream of Scipio, encumbered as it is by

some of the pedantry of the schools, is a production of the highest

order, upon this most sublime of all subjects.

-----

Footnote 1:

His. Nat. 18. 3. 1.

Footnote 2:

Cato de Re Rustica. Majores enim nostri, &c.

Footnote 3:

Dio. 11. 8. Gellius xv. 27.

Footnote 4:

Roma patrem patriæ Ciceronem libera dixit. Juv. 8.

Footnote 5:

Magna Voce me vere jurasse juravit. Ep. fam. 5. 2.

Footnote 6:

Quoniam, inquit, meos tam suspicione quam crimine judico carere

oportere. Suet. J. Cæs. 74.

Footnote 7:

Sed quoniam qui nihil possunt, &c.

Footnote 8:

Ep. fam. 8. 14.

Footnote 9:

“Quid porro aut præclarum putet in rebus humanis.” Lib. 1. xvii.

Footnote 10:

Let. to Att. vii. 3.

Footnote 11:

Lact. Inst. vi. 8.

CICERO’S REPUBLIC.

[Illustration]

BOOK I.

I. For without the strong feeling of patriotism, neither had G. Duelius,

Aulus Atilius or L. Metellus freed us from the terror of Carthage; or

the two Scipios extinguished with their blood the rising flame of the

second punic war. Quintus Maximus would not have weakened, nor M.

Marcellus have crushed the one which was springing up with still greater

strength: or P. Africanus turning it from the gates of this city, have

borne it amid the walls of our enemies. Yet it was not thought

unbecoming in M. Cato, an unknown and a new man, by whom all of us who

emulate his course are led as a bright example of industry and virtue,

to enjoy the repose of Tusculum, that healthy and convenient situation.

That insane man, however, as some have considered him, preferred when

urged by no necessity, to contend amid those waves and tempests to

extreme old age; rather than pass his days in the most agreeable manner,

amid so much ease and tranquillity. Men without number I omit, each of

whom were benefactors to the State, and who are not far removed from the

remembrance of this generation. I forbear to commemorate them, lest any

one should reproach me with neglecting to speak of himself or his

immediate friends. This one truth I would mark, that nature has so

strongly implanted in man the necessity of virtue, and so powerful an

inclination to defend the common welfare, that this principle overcomes

all the blandishments of voluptuousness and ease.

II. Yet to possess virtue, like some art, without exercising it, is

insufficient. Art indeed, when not effective, is still comprehended in

science. The efficacy of all virtue consists in its use. Its greatest

end is the government of states, and the perfection not in words but in

deeds, of those very things which are taught in the halls. For nothing

is propounded by philosophers, concerning what is esteemed to be just

and proper, that is not confirmed and assured by those who have

legislated for states. For from whence springs piety, or from whom

religion? Whence the law, either of nations, or that which is called

civil? Whence justice, faith, equity? Whence modesty, continence, the

dread of turpitude, the love of praise and esteem? Whence fortitude in

trouble and dangers? From those who having laid a foundation for these

things in early education, have strengthened some of them by the

influence of manners, and sanctioned others by the influence of laws. Of

Xenocrates, one of the noblest of philosophers, it is said, that when he

was asked what his disciples learnt of him, he replied “to do that of

their own choice, which the laws enjoined them to do,” therefore the

citizen who obliges every one by the authority and fear of the law to do

that, which philosophers by reasoning, with difficulty persuade a few to

do, is to be preferred to those learned men who only dispute about these

things. For which of their orations, however exquisite, can be compared

in value to a well constituted state, to public right and to morals.

Truly as great and powerful cities, as Ennius says, are as I think, to

be preferred to villages and castles; so those who stand pre-eminent in

those cities, in authority and counsel, are to be esteemed far before

those in wisdom, who are altogether ignorant of the conduct of public

affairs. And since we are chiefly urged by a desire to increase the

possessions of the human race, and seek by our counsels and labours, to

surround the life of man with gratification and security, and are

incited by the instincts of nature to these enjoyments; let us hold the

course which was always that of the best men: nor attend to those

signals which speculative philosophers make from their retirement, to

allure back those who are already far advanced.

III. Against these reasons so certain and so clear, it is urged by those

who are opposed to us: first, the labour to be undergone in preserving

the public welfare; a slight impediment to the zealous and industrious,

not alone in matters of such high import, but in inferior things:

whether in studies or in official stations; and to be despised even in

affairs of business. To this they add the dangers to which life is

exposed, and the dread of death, which brave men scorn; being wont to

view it as more wretched to waste away by infirmity and old age, than to

seize an occasion to devote that life to the advantage of their country,

which one day must be rendered to nature. It is here however they deem

themselves most successful and eloquent, when they bring forward the

calamities of eminent men, and the injuries heaped upon them by their

ungrateful countrymen. Here come the instances in Grecian history.

Miltiades, the conqueror and subduer of the Persians, with those wounds

yet streaming, which he received in front, in the height of victory:

preserved from the weapons of the enemy, to waste away his life in the

chains of his countrymen. And Themistocles proscribed and driven from

the country he had freed, flying, not to the harbours of that Greece he

had preserved, but to the barbarous shores he had harrassed. Nor indeed

are instances wanting among the Athenians of levity and cruelty towards

great numbers of their citizens; instances which springing up repeatedly

among them, are said also to have abounded too conspicuously in our

city. For either the exile of Camillus, the misfortune of Ahala, the ill

will towards Nasica, or the expulsion of Lenas, or the condemnation of

Opimus is remembered: or the flight of Metellus, the sad overthrow of C.

Marius, the cutting off of the most eminent citizens, or the destruction

of many of them, which soon after followed. Nor indeed is my name

forgotten. And I judge that deeming themselves to owe both life and ease

to my peril and counsel, they have a more deep and tender remembrance of

me. But it is not easy to explain how they who cross the seas for the

sake of observing or describing * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

IV. * * * * At the expiration of my consulship, when in the assembly of

the Roman people, I swore that the republic had been saved by my

exertions, which they confirmed by universal acclamation, I was requited

for the cares and vexations of every injury. Albeit my reverses had more

honour than pain attached to them, and less disquietude than glory.

Greater was my pleasure at receiving the approbation of good men, than

my regret at observing the satisfaction of the bad. But had it happened

otherwise, as I said, what complaint could I make? Nothing unforeseen

could have occurred, nor more grievous than I might have expected for so

many of my deeds. For I was one who could well have gathered greater

fruits from ease than others, on account of the agreeable variety of the

studies I had pursued from my childhood; and if any disaster had

overtaken the republic, I need not have sustained a greater share of it,

but have divided it equally with the rest. I hesitated not to oppose

myself to those stormy tempests, and almost raging waves, for the sake

of preserving my fellow citizens, and of accomplishing at my own risk

the common safety of all. For our country has not produced us, or

educated us under a law, that she is entitled to no support on our part,

lending herself as it were to our convenience only; furnishing a secure

refuge, and a tranquil and peaceful asylum to our indolence: but rather

holds as pledges to her, to be employed for her benefit, the many and

great faculties of our mind, genius, and reason; and only permits us to

appropriate to our private purposes, that portion of them, of which she

stands in no need.

V. The pretences which are urged for the enjoyment of indolence are not

to be listened to. As when it is stated that the public affairs are

meddled with by men worthy of no confidence, with whom it is disgraceful

to associate: yet to contend against whom is a miserable and dangerous

effort, especially when the multitude is excited. For which reason a

prudent man ought not to take the reins, when he is not able to restrain

the mad and untameable violence of the vulgar: or a generous man expose

himself to the lashes of contumely in a strife with low and outrageous

adversaries: or a wise man hope to withdraw from such a contest without

injury. As if there could well be a more just cause for good and firm

men, endowed with noble minds, to stand forth in aid of their country,

than that they may not be subject to bad men; nor suffer the republic to

be lacerated by them, before the desire of saving it may come too late.

VI. But who can approve of their exception, that a wise man ought not to

take upon him any part of the public affairs, unless an occasion of

extraordinary need should drive him to it? as if indeed a greater

necessity could ever have happened to any one, than occurred to myself.

How could I have been useful then, had I not been consul? and how could

I have been consul, had I not pursued that course of life from my youth,

which belonging to the equestrian rank, in which I was born, enabled me

to attain the first honours of the state? No man therefore can assume at

pleasure the ability of aiding in the public service, however urgent the

danger may be, unless he stands in that relation to his country, which

fits him for the occasion. And it appears to me most marvellous, that in

the discourse of learned men, they who declare themselves unable to

steer in a calm sea, because they have never been taught, nor have ever

studied the subject, talk of taking the helm in the midst of the

greatest storms. For these very men openly declare, and pride themselves

greatly upon it, that they have never studied or taught the mode of

establishing or protecting the public interest; which they think the

exclusive province, not of learned and erudite men, but of those who are

practised in these matters. What consistency is there then in promising

to aid the republic in times of peril, when they are incapable of the

easier task of directing it in the calmest moments? And although, in

truth, the philosopher is not wont of his own accord, to consider the

details of state affairs, unless called upon by the times to do it, when

indeed he will not decline what duty imposes on him; nevertheless, I

judge the knowledge of state affairs is least to be neglected by a wise

man; that every thing may be familiar to him, for he cannot tell the

moment, when it may be necessary for him to avail himself of his

knowledge.

VII. These things I have somewhat enlarged upon, because the discussion

proposed and undertaken by me in this work, was on government: and in

order to prevent its being without effect, it was necessary in the first

instance, to remove every doubt as to the duty of engaging in the public

service. Nevertheless if there are any who are governed by the opinions

of philosophers, let them turn their attention for a while, and listen

to those who enjoy a proud pre-eminence among learned men, even when

they have not borne any charge in the republic; still whom I deem from

the extent of their studies, and their writings on government, to have

been invested with functions appertaining to the public interest. But

those seven, whom the Greeks call wise, I perceive have almost all been

greatly engaged in public affairs. For there is no one thing in which

human worth is more nearly allied to the power of the gods, than to

found new states, or to preserve those already founded.

VIII. Concerning which matters, since it hath happened to me, to be

deemed something worthy of memory in my administration of public

affairs, and to possess some talent for unfolding them; not only in

practice, but being versed too in the art of speaking and teaching:

while of those before me, some were perfect in debate, yet unknown by

their deeds; others of respectable parts for business, without the

talent of oratory. Still it is not my intention here to bring forward

any new system invented by myself, but to repeat a discussion, that took

place at a certain period of our history, among our most illustrious and

wise men, which was related to me a long time ago in my youth, by P.

Rutilius Rufus, when we were at Smyrna together: in the which I think

scarce any point was omitted that belongs to the consideration of these

great matters.

IX. When P. Africanus, the son of Paulus, established Latin holidays in

his gardens, during the consulate of Tuditanus, and Aquilius; and his

most intimate friends had promised to visit him frequently at that

season. On the morning of the first day, Q. Tubero, the eldest son of

his sister, came. Pleased with his visit, and kindly addressing him

“What! Tubero,” said he, “is it you so early? I should have thought

these holidays would have given you a favourable opportunity of pursuing

your literary inquiries.” “Why in truth,” replied he, “I can apply all

my leisure to my books, for they are always disengaged. But to find you

at leisure, is very remarkable; especially at this time so critical for

the republic.” “So help me Hercules,” said Scipio, “however you find me,

it is more idle in appearance than in truth.” “You must now,” said

Tubero, “relax your mind a little also, for several of us have

determined if it is not inconvenient to you, to spend some of our

leisure with you.” “With all my heart,” replied Scipio, “provided we may

acquire some information thereby on philosophical subjects.”

X. “Since you invite and encourage me to it yourself,” said Tubero, “let

us first converse, Africanus, before the others come, about the meaning

of this double sun which has been spoken of in the senate. For those who

declare that they have seen two suns, are neither few in number, nor

insignificant persons: so that it appears to be of less importance to

doubt the fact, than to inquire into the cause of it.” “Would that we

had with us our excellent Panætius,” said Scipio, “who among other

objects of knowledge, was so diligent an inquirer about celestial

phenomena. As to myself, Tubero—for to you I will freely declare what I

think; I am not drawn in to adopt in matters of this sort, the opinions

of our friend, who pronounces things which are scarcely within the reach

of conjecture, to be as manifest, as if he beheld them with his eyes, or

could lay his hands upon them. On which account I am accustomed to

consider Socrates much wiser, who leaves the consideration of such

things aside, and teaches that the phenomena about which nature may be

interrogated, are either beyond the force of human reason, or irrelevant

to the conduct of human affairs.” “I know not,” rejoined Tubero, “what

authority there is for the fact, that Socrates rejected all discussion

upon such matters, and confined himself to the moral conduct of human

life. For what author is to be commended, as more ample on that head

than Plato; in whose writings, in many places, it is the custom of

Socrates in discussing morals, the virtues, and finally public affairs;

to allude studiously to the science of numbers, to geometry, and to

harmony, after the Pythagorean mode.” Scipio answered, “these things are

as you say; but I dare say you have heard, Tubero, that Plato after the

death of Socrates, was carried by the love of knowledge first into

Egypt, afterwards into Italy and Sicily, that he might obtain an insight

into the discoveries of Pythagoras. That he associated much with

Archytas the Tarentine, and with Timæus of Locram. That he acquired the

commentaries of Philolaus, and perceiving that the name of Pythagoras

was at that time in great reputation in those places, he dedicated his

time to the disciples of Pythagoras and to their opinions. But as he had

loved Socrates alone, and wished to make all things conducive to his

reputation, he interwove very skilfully the subtlety and humour of the

Socratic style with the mysteries of Pythagoras, and with many branches

of the arts.”

As Scipio ceased to speak, he suddenly saw L. Furius approaching, and as

soon as he had kindly saluted him, he took him by the hand, and placed

him on his couch. And as P. Rutilius the accomplished preserver of this

conversation appeared at the same time, saluting him also in the same

manner, he bade him be seated near to Tubero. “What are you engaged in,”

said Furius; “hath our arrival broken in upon your conversation?” “Not

in the least,” replied Africanus, “for it is precisely about matters,

such as Tubero has just been introducing, that thou art wont diligently

to inquire into, and to investigate. And indeed our friend Rutilius was

in the habit occasionally of discussing things of this kind with me,

when we were under the walls of Numantia.” “What is the subject you have

fallen upon?” said Philus. “These two suns,” replied he, “respecting

which I am desirous of hearing your opinion.”

XII. As he spoke this, a boy announced that Lælius was approaching,

having already left his house; upon which Scipio having dressed himself,

left his chamber, and had made but a few paces in the portico, when he

saluted Lælius who was approaching, and those who were with him: Spurius

Mummius, to whom he was particularly attached; Fannius, and Quintus

Scævola, sons-in-law of Lælius, highly gifted young men of the

quæstorial age. And having welcomed them all, he made another turn on

the portico, placing Lælius in the middle; for in their friendship it

was a sort of law between them, that Lælius did homage to Scipio as to a

god, on account of his glorious pre-eminence in war; while in his turn

Scipio, in private life, paid to Lælius all the reverence due to a

parent, on account of his superior years. And having chatted a little

together in various places, Scipio, who was very much enlivened and

gratified with their arrival, was pleased to have them seated in a sunny

place in a little meadow, on account of its being the winter season;

which as they were about to do, M. Manilius came, a prudent and

agreeable person, and very dear to them all; who being cordially saluted

by Scipio and the rest, took his seat next to Lælius.

XIII. “It does not seem to me necessary,” said Philus “that we should

seek another subject of conversation on account of those who are

arrived, but that we should observe more accuracy, and say something

worthy of their ears.” “What subject were you upon,” said Lælius, “and

what discussion are we come to be present at?” “Scipio was inquiring of

me,” replied Philus, “what my opinion was respecting the fact of two

suns having been seen.”

Lælius. “Why truly Philus, is there no longer any thing left for us to

inquire about, touching our own domestic affairs, or those appertaining

to the republic, that we must be exploring the things that are passing

in the heavens?” “Dost thou then think,” replied he, “that it does not

concern our own mansions, to know what is passing, and what is done in

that vast one, not the one surrounded by our walls, but that which

constitutes the universe, and which the gods have given to us for a

domicile, and a common country with themselves. Especially when if we

are ignorant of them, many and very high matters will be hidden from us.

As to myself, the contemplation and knowledge of these things delight

me, as certainly as it does you, Lælius, and all who are eager in the

pursuit of knowledge.” “I offer no impediment,” said Lælius, especially

at this holiday time; but shall we hear any thing, or are we come too

late?”

Philus. “Nothing has been discussed yet, and as the subject is entire, I

freely concede to you, Lælius, the right of expressing your sentiments

first.”

Lælius. “Let us rather hear you, unless Manilius thinks, that some

decree by way of compromise between these two suns may be adjusted; so

that each may keep possession of its own part of the firmament.” “You

love still to banter that science, Lælius, in which I am proud to

excel,” replied Manilius, “and without which no one could know his own

possession from anothers. But of that by and by. Let us now listen to

Philus, who I perceive has a case of greater difficulty referred to him,

than ever came before me or P. Mucius.”

XIV. “I shall lay nothing new before you,” said Philus, “nor any thing

discovered or thought of by myself. I remember, however, that C.

Sulpicius Gallus, a very learned man as you know; when this same

phenomenon was stated to have been seen, being by chance in the house of

M. Marcellus, who had been in the consulate with him; ordered a sphere

to be placed before him, which the ancestor of M. Marcellus had taken

from the conquered Syracusans, and brought out of their wealthy and

embellished city; the only thing he had possessed himself of among so

great a spoil. I had heard a great deal of this sphere, on account of

the fame of Archimedes, but did not admire the construction of it so

much; for another which Archimedes also had made, and which the same

Marcellus had placed in the temple of virtue, was more elegant and

remarkable in the general opinion. But subsequently, when Gallus began

very scientifically to explain the nature of the mechanism; the Sicilian

appeared to me to possess more genius, than human nature would seem to

be capable of. Gallus said, that the other solid and full sphere was an

old invention, and was first wrought by Thales of Miletas: but

afterwards was delineated over with the fixed stars in the heavens by

Eudoxus, the Cnidian, a disciple of Plato. The which adorned and

embellished as it was by Eudoxus, Aratus who had no knowledge of

astronomy, but a certain poetical faculty, many years afterwards

extolled in his verses. The mechanism of this sphere, however, on which

the motions of the sun, moon, and those five stars which are called

wandering and irregular, are shown; could not be illustrated on that

solid sphere. But what appeared very admirable in this invention of

Archimedes was, that he had discovered a method of producing the unequal

and various courses, with their dissimilar velocities, by one

revolution. When Gallus put this sphere in motion, the moon was made to

succeed the sun by as many revolutions of the brass circle, as it

actually took days to do in the heavens. From which the same setting of

the sun was produced on the sphere as in the heavens: and the moon fell

on the very point, where it met the shadow of the earth, when the sun

from the region * * * *

[About ten pages wanting.]

XV. * * * * * for he was a man I was very much attached to, and I know

that my father Paulus esteemed and placed the highest value on him. I

remember when I was but a boy, being with my father, who was then consul

in Macedonia; that while we were encamped, our army was struck with a

religious dread, because the full and splendid moon in the serenity of

the night, was suddenly eclipsed. He being then our lieutenant, the year

just before that in which he was declared consul, did not hesitate the

following day, to pronounce openly in the camp, that it was no prodigy.

And that what had then taken place, would always occur in future at

those particular periods, when the position of the sun was such, that

its rays could not fall upon the moon. “But how could he,” asked Tubero,

“make men half wild, comprehend such matters, or venture to speak of

them before the unenlightened?”

Scipio. “Indeed he did, and with great * * * *

[About two pages wanting.]

* * * * * there was neither a haughty ostentation, nor any thing in his

speech unbecoming a grave personage; and he accomplished a point of

great importance, in removing from the disturbed minds of the men, the

influence of an idle and fearful superstition.

XVI. There was an occurrence similar to this during the great war, which

the Athenians and Lacedemonians waged against each other with so much

inveteracy. Darkness being suddenly produced by the obscuration of the

sun, and a prodigious fear taking possession of the minds of the

Athenians. Pericles, the first man in the city, in authority, in

eloquence, and in council; taught the citizens what he had himself

learnt from Anaxagoras, whose pupil he had been: that it was an

unavoidable appearance at the particular period, when the moon had

placed herself immediately before the orb of the sun: and although it

did not take place every lunar period; it could nevertheless be

occasioned only by the moon’s motion. Having convinced them by

reasoning, he delivered the people from their apprehension. For it was

then a strange and unknown reason to give for an eclipse, that the sun

and moon were in opposition to each other, which it is said, was first

observed by Thales the Milesian. At a later period, this had not escaped

our Ennius, who wrote about the year 350 of the building of Rome, in the

nones of June; that “_the moon and night stood before the sun_.” So

great, however, is the advancement of knowledge in these matters, that

from this day, which we find noted in the principal annals, and by

Ennius; the previous occultations of the sun are fixed up to that which

took place in the reign of Romulus, in the nones of the fifth month.

During which darkness, Romulus, whom the laws of nature indeed would

have carried to the tomb, is said to have been borne by his virtue to

heaven.

XVII. Then Tubero, “Dost thou not perceive Africanus, that what appeared

otherwise to thee a while ago * * * * * *

[About two pages wanting.]

* * * * * * “Who can perceive any grandeur in human affairs, whose eyes

are accustomed to survey the empire of the gods? What are temporal

things in the eyes of those conversant with eternal ones? What is there

glorious to the contemplation of him, who looks at the small size of the

earth; first as to its whole extent, then to that part of it which men

inhabit? And yet we, confined to so small a portion of it, unknown to

most nations, hope our name will be diffused to its utmost limits. What

are lands, and houses, and flocks, and immense masses of gold and silver

to him who neither considers them desirable nor calls them so: the

fruition of which appears to him trifling, the use unsatisfactory, the

possession uncertain: and which are often in the hands of the most

contemptible of men? How fortunate may that man be esteemed, who alone

claims a share in all things, not as the privilege of a citizen, but of

a philosopher: not by civil rights, but by the common law of nature,

which forbids any one to be the proprietor of aught, of the proper use

of which he is ignorant! Who considers our consulships and high offices,

not to be sought after for the sake of personal advantage or glory; not

as things to be coveted, but to be undertaken as duties. The man finally

who can say that of himself which my ancestor Africanus, as Cato writes,

was wont to say, “that he never was more busy than when he was doing

nothing; and that he never was less alone, than when nobody was with

him.”

For who can deem Dionysius to have accomplished a greater thing, when by

the greatest exertion he snatched their liberties from the citizens,

than Archimedes his countryman, who appearing to be occupied in nothing,

produced this sphere of which we were but now conversing? Are they not

more alone, who find no one in the forum or in the crowd who chooses to

talk with them, than those who without any witness can converse with

themselves; or as it were, be present at the councils of the most

learned men, when they solace themselves with their discoveries and

writings? Who in truth can imagine any one to be more rich, than the man

who has no wants, beyond the simple calls of nature; or more powerful

than him, who has attained the possession of al that he desires; or more

blessed than him who is freed from all anxiety of mind? or what man’s

fortune is better established than his, who can carry along with him, or

out of a shipwreck as men are wont to say, all his possessions? What

command, what office, what kingdom can be preferred to that condition of

mind, which looking down upon all things human, and esteeming them to be

the objects of an inferior wisdom, turns ever to the contemplation of

those things that are divine and eternal: persuaded that they only

deserve to be called men, who are refined by the sciences of humanity?

That which has been said of Plato, or of some other sage, appears to me

therefore very excellent. Who being borne by a tempest to unknown lands,

and cast on a desert shore, while his companions were apprehensive on

account of their ignorance of the place, is said to have perceived

geometrical figures described on the sand. Which when he saw, he bade

them all be of good heart, for he had seen vestiges of men. Not that he

judged so from the cultivation of the fields which he beheld, but from

these indications of science. For all these reasons, Tubero, learning,

and learned men, and these thy studies have always been pleasing to me.

XVIII. Then said Lælius, “I am not bold enough, Scipio, to speak of

these things: nor even to thee, or Philus, or Manilius * * * * *

[Two pages wanting]

* * * * in his paternal house we have had a friend, worthy to be

imitated by him.

“Ælius Sextus, conspicuously discreet and wise.” That he was

conspicuously discreet and wise, is said by Ennius, not because he

sought after what he was not able to discover, but because he answered

those who made inquiries of him, in a manner to solve their difficulties

and anxieties, in whose mouth when arguing against the studies of

Gallus, were always these words of Achilles, in Iphigenia.

“Astrology, its signs; how are they read in heaven?

When goat or scorpion, or ferocious names arise,

The obvious earth is shunned, to scrutinize the skies.”

He also said, for many times and willingly I listened to him, that

Zethus the author of Pacuvius, was too great an enemy to science. The

Neoptolemus of Ennius pleased him more; who says that he likes to

philosophize but only with a few; not willing to give himself up to it

altogether. But if the studies of the Greeks delight you so much, there

are others freer and more easily diffused, which we may bring to the use

of life, or even to that of the republic. As for these arts, their value

consists, if in any thing, in stimulating and sharpening the genius of

young boys; enabling them in this manner the better to comprehend

greater things.

XIX. “I do not dissent from you, Lælius,” said Tubero, “but ask what you

understand by greater things?”

Lælius. “I will tell you in good faith, although you may somewhat

despise me for it; since it is you who are asking Scipio about these

celestial matters. As for myself, I think those things most worthy of

our attention, which lay immediately before our eyes. How can it

interest me that the grandson of L. Paulus by the mother’s side, born of

such a noble and illustrious family in this republic, should seek for

reasons why two suns have been seen, when he does not inquire the cause

why two senates, and almost two people exist in one republic? For as you

perceive the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and even before that event, the

whole proceedings of his tribunate were dividing one people into two

parties: those who are the detractors of Scipio also, and are envious of

him, urged on at first by P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, keep up

notwithstanding their death, an opposition to us in the senate, through

the influence of Metellus and P. Mucius. Nor will they suffer him to

come forward, who is alone equal to so dangerous a crisis, amidst the

factious and dangerous associations made under the Roman name: amidst

violated compacts, and the new matters daily stirring by the seditious

triumvirs, to the consternation of good and respectable men. Wherefore

young men, if you will listen to me, entertain no apprehensions about

this double sun: for either it is nothing at all, or if it is a reality,

as far as it has been observed, there is nothing injurious in it. Either

we can know nothing about such matters, or even if we could know all

about them, we should not be better or happier for that knowledge. But

one senate and one people we may have; that is practicable. And if it is

not done, we shall suffer for it. And we know it is otherwise, and that

if it were effected, we should have more stability, and be happier and

better.”

XX. Then Mucius. “What is it we have to learn, in your opinion, Lælius,

that we may be able to effect what you require of us?”

Lælius. “Those sciences whose tendency is to enable us to be useful to

the state; for I deem that to be the most pre-eminent gift of wisdom, as

well as the noblest fruit of virtue and duty. Wherefore that these

holidays may be productive of conversations in an especial manner useful

to the republic, let us entreat Scipio to impart to us, what he deems to

be the happiest condition of a state. Afterwards we can consider other

matters, the knowledge of which I hope will bring us to the subject

before us, and will unfold the causes of the present condition of

things.

[Two pages wanting.]

XXI. * * * * * not for that cause alone I wished it, but because I

thought it proper that the first person in the republic should first

speak on public affairs; and because I remembered that you were

accustomed frequently to discuss with Panætius before Polybius, two

Greeks extremely versed in civil affairs; and that you had proved by

various reasonings the excellence of that form of government, which our

ancestors had transmitted to us from so distant a period. In the which

matter, you, being more competent to it, will do an agreeable thing to

us all, (for I speak also for the rest,) if you will unfold to us your

opinion of the commonwealth.”

XXII. “I cannot,” he began, “say that I have been in the habit of

turning my mind more intensely and diligently to the consideration of

any subject, than the very one which you now propose to me, Lælius. For

when I perceive that every artificer who truly excels in his vocation,

is filled with anxiety, care, and zeal, lest any one should surpass him

in his art. I, whose chief duty, bequeathed to me by my parents and

ancestors, is the conduct and administration of the republic, must

confess myself more indolent than any artisan, if I bestowed less

attention on the greatest of arts, than he does on the most

insignificant. But neither am I satisfied with the writings on this

subject which the first and wisest among the Greeks have left to us;

while I hesitate to establish my own conclusions in preference to

theirs. Wherefore I intreat you, not to listen to me as one entirely

ignorant of the affairs of the Greeks, nor as one who gives them the

preference to our own writers, particularly in matters of this kind; but

as one liberally brought up by the diligence of distinguished parents,

and ardent in the love of knowledge from his youth; yet nevertheless

much more formed by domestic experience, than by literary studies.”

XXIII. “I doubt,” said Philus here, “whether any one has ever excelled

you in genius. We know to what studies you have always been partial, and

that in your acquaintance with the great affairs of the state, you have

surpassed every one: wherefore if as you say, your mind has been

particularly turned to matters which have now become almost a science: I

feel very much indebted to Lælius, feeling a hope that what you will say

will be more instructive, than all those things which the Greeks have

written for us.” “You are creating” replied he, “much expectation from

my discourse, which is a very great weight upon one, who is about to

speak of matters of importance.” “However great it may be,” said Philus,

“you will throw it off as you are accustomed to do; nor is there any

danger that a dissertation from you on government will be deficient in

any requisite.”

XXIV. “I will do what you desire, as well as I am able,” rejoined

Scipio, “and will begin the discussion in conformity with the rule which

I think ought to be observed in the examination of all things, if you

would avoid error. That the name of the subject in discussion being

agreed upon, the meaning of the name shall be defined. If this be found

to be appropriate, the matter can be entered upon at once; for unless

this be perfectly understood at first, we never can understand what we

are disputing about. Wherefore since it is of the republic we are

inquiring, let us first examine what that is we are inquiring about.”

Lælius having shown his acquiescence. “I do not intend, however,” said

Africanus, “in a matter so clear and familiar, to begin with the very

origin of things; the first conjunction of the sexes; then their progeny

and descendants, as some of our learned men are accustomed to do: nor

shall I go into continual definitions of terms—what they are—and how

many varieties of them. When I address wise men, who in war and in

peace, have taken a glorious part in the affairs of a great republic, I

shall not expose myself in such a manner, that the very thing under

discussion shall be more intelligible, than my own explanation of it.

Neither do I take upon me to pursue the subject in every direction, as a

master would: nor can I promise to do it so effectually, that no

omission whatever shall escape me.” “It is exactly such a discourse as

you promise, that I am in expectation of,” said Lælius.

XXV. “A republic or commonwealth then,” said Scipio, “is the wealth or

common interest of the people. Every assemblage of men however, gathered

together without an object, is not the people, but only an assemblage of

the multitude associated by common consent, for reciprocal rights, and

reciprocal usefulness. The leading cause of this congregating, is not to

be ascribed so much to his weakness, as to the social principle innate

with man. Our species is not a solitary and wandering one, but is so

created that even when enjoying the greatest affluence * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XXVI. * * * * rather intuitive; for no original institution of the

social state has been found, nor of the other moral virtues. These

congregations therefore made for the purposes I have explained,

established their first seat in some particular place for a residence.

Which after being fortified by their labours and by its position, and

fitted with temples and public squares, the re-union of dwellings

constructed after this manner, they called a town or city. Every people

therefore, formed by the assemblage of such a multitude as I have

described, every city which is the settlement of a people, every

commonwealth which as I have said, is the wealth of the people, must in

order to be permanent, be governed by some authority. That authority

however must always have a strong relation to the causes from whence the

commonwealth derived its origin. It may then be delegated to one, or to

some selected persons; or it may be borne by the whole multitude of the

people. When therefore authority over all things, is in the control of

one man, we call him king; and a commonwealth so ordered, his kingdom.

When the authority is exercised by selected persons, then such a state

is said to be under the government of the better class. But there is

also a popular form of government, for so it is called, where all things

are ruled by the people. And of any of these three modes, if the chain

is in any manner kept together, which at first united men into the

social pact for the sake of the common interest, I would not indeed call

the mode perfect, nor say that in my opinion it was the best, but that

it was to be tolerated, and that one might be preferable to another. For

whether under a just and wise king, or chosen eminent citizens, or the

people themselves, although this last is least to be approved of,

setting aside the irregularities occasioned by the bad passions of some

men, any one may see that a steady government might be preserved.

XXVII. In kingdoms however, the governed are too much deprived of common

rights, and of power. Under the better class, the multitude can scarcely

be partakers of liberty, as they are not admitted either to the public

councils or offices: and when the government is conducted by the people,

although it be justly and moderately administered, yet equality itself

becomes injustice, seeing that it admits of no degrees of rank.

Therefore, although Cyrus the Persian, was a most just and wise king,

yet such a commonwealth, (for as I said before, it is the common

property,) governed by the nod of one man, does not appear to me very

desirable. And although the Massilians our clients are governed with

great justice, by their chosen chief men, nevertheless in that condition

of a people, there is something resembling slavery. And the Athenians at

a certain period having abolished the Areopagus, conducted every thing

by ordinances, and decrees of the people; yet as they had no

distinctions in dignity, their state was without its ornament.

XXVIII. And this I say of these three kinds of government, not of the

agitations and disturbances incidental to them, but of their tranquil

and regular state. Those varieties are principally remarkable for the

defects I have alluded to. Then they have other pernicious failings, for

every one of these governments is travelling a dangerous road, bordering

on a slippery and precipitous path. To a king so commendable, or if you

choose, since I especially name him; to the amiable Cyrus; a parallel

springs up in the cruel Phalaris, with all his capricious tyranny; into

whose similitude the government of one man so easily slides with a

downward course. To the administration of the city of the Massilians by

their select chiefs, may be opposed the plot and faction of the Thirty,

which took place at a certain period among the Athenians. Nor need we

look farther; the very Athenian people having assumed the power over all

things, and giving license to the fury of the multitude * * * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XXIX. * * * * * * and this great mischief arises whether under the rule

of the better class, or under a tyrannical faction, or under the regal

government; and even frequently under the popular form. At the same time

from the various forms of government of which I have spoken, something

excellent is wont to emanate. For the changes and vicissitudes in public

affairs, appear to move in a circle of revolutions; which when

recognized by a wise man, as soon as he beholds them impending, if he

can moderate their course in the administration of affairs, and restrain

them under his control; he acts truly the part of a great citizen, and

almost of a divine man. Therefore I think a fourth kind of government,

moderated and mixed from those three of which I first spoke, is most to

be approved.”

XXX. “I know” said Lælius, “that such is your opinion Africanus, for I

have often heard you say so. Nevertheless, unless it is troublesome to

you, I should be glad to learn which you judge best of these three kinds

of government. For either it will throw some light upon * * * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XXXI. * * * * * * every government partakes of the nature and will of

him who administers it. So that in no other state, save where the power

of the people predominates, has liberty any home. Liberty the sweetest

of all blessings, and which if it is not equal for all, is not liberty.

For what equality can there be, I do not mean in kingdoms where slavery

has no doubtful character: but in those states where all are nominally

free: there indeed they give their votes, confer commands, magistracies

and are solicited and intreated. But in truth they only part with that,

however repugnant it may be to them, which must be conferred: things

which they cannot retain, which is the reason why others seek to possess

them. For they are invested with no command, have no public authority,

nor are called to be judges in the tribunals: privileges which belong

either to ancient families, or are purchased by money. Among a free

people however, as at Rhodes or Athens, there is no citizen

who * * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XXXII. Some assert, that when one or more in a state becomes conspicuous

by his opulence or riches, disdain and pride soon break out: and the

weak and indolent yield and bend under the arrogance of riches. But if

the people are able to preserve their rights, they think no condition of

things could be more excellent, more free, or more happy. For in their

hands would be the laws, the tribunals, war, peace, treaties, and the

properties and lives of all the citizens. This sort of government they

think is properly called one republic, that is the common interest of

the people. Wherefore it is, that the people are wont to restore

commonwealths to liberty from the domination of kings, and patricians;

not that kings are believed to be necessary to a free people, or that

the better class are the source of power and wealth. And they deny that

these advantages should not be conceded to a free people on account of

the excesses of uncivilized nations: for where the people are unanimous,

and every thing tends to the public safety and liberty, nothing can be

more unchangeable, nothing more firm. Unanimity in such a commonwealth

is very easy, where the common effort is for the public good. But from

opposing interests, where one man clashes with another, discord arises.

Wherefore when the senate had possession of the government, the

condition of the state was never sound. In kingdoms the disadvantages

are still greater; of them Ennius said

“No holy confidence or fellowship reigns there.”

Wherefore as the law is the bond of civil society, and equal rights form

that of the law, by what power can a community of citizens be

maintained, where their condition is not an equal one? If therefore it

is not expedient to equalize fortunes; if the powers of mind cannot be

equalized in all, certainly then an equality of rights ought to exist,

among those who are citizens of the same republic. For what is a state

but a community of rights? * * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XXXIII. * * other governments however are deemed by them not to deserve

those names, which they have chosen to arrogate to themselves. For why

should I call a man who is greedy of rule, or of the sole command, and

who is trampling upon an oppressed people, king, which is the title of

the good Jupiter, rather than tyrant? A tyrant may be clement as well as

a king may be oppressive; the matter really interesting to the people

is, whether they are to serve under a gentle or a severe master: for as

to being any thing but servants, that is not to be avoided. How could

Lacedemon, when she was thought to excel in the science of government,

possess only good and just kings, when she was obliged to take any king

who was sprung from the royal blood? And the better class, who can

endure them, who have arrogated to themselves in their own assemblies, a

name not conceded to them by the people? For who is the man to be

pronounced best, in learning, in the arts, in studies? * * * * *

[Four pages wanting.]

XXXIV. * * * * If it was done by lot, the government would be

overthrown; like a ship, at whose helm, some passenger taken at hazard

was placed. A nation can entrust its affairs to whom it may choose; and

if it wishes to remain free, it will choose from among the best. For

certainly the security of states is found in the counsels of the best

citizens; especially as nature has not only ordained that they should

preserve an influence over the weak by their conspicuous virtue and

courage, but also that the weak should resign themselves to the

government of great minds. This most desirable state of things, they

say, is prevented by the erroneous opinions of men who, through

ignorance of that virtue, which belongs to but few, and is seen and

appreciated only by few, deem those who are sprung from a noble race, or

who are opulent and wealthy, to be the best men. Under this vulgar

error, when the power, not the virtues of a few, have got possession of

the government; those chiefs tenaciously preserve the title of better

class; a name however to which the substance is wanting. For riches,

titles, and power, devoid of wisdom, of the knowledge of

self-government, and that of the government of others, exhibit nothing

but insolent and disgraceful pride. Nor can the condition of any city be

more deplorable, than where the richest men pass for the best. But what

can be more delightful than a state virtuously governed? What more

illustrious than the man, who while he governs others, is himself the

slave of no bad passions? Who, while he calls upon the citizens to

observe the regulations he has formed, lives up to them all himself? Nor

imposes any laws upon the people, which he himself obeys not, but who

presents his whole life to his fellow citizens as one unbroken law. If

one man could suffice to all things, there would be no need of many; and

if all men could perceive what is best, and consent to it, no one would

require any chiefs to be elected. The difficulty of coming to wise

determinations, has transferred the rule from one king to many persons;

and the error and rashness of the people, from the multitude to a few.

Thus between the obstinacy of one, and the temerity of many, the better

class have possessed themselves of the middle and least turbulent of all

the situations: by whom if the commonwealth is well administered, the

people relieved from all care and thought, must necessarily be happy:

enjoying their independence through the labours of those, whose duty it

is to preserve it to them; and who ought never to permit the people to

think that their interests are neglected by their rulers. As to that

exact equality of rights, which is held so dear by a free people; it

cannot be preserved: for the people themselves, however free and

unrestrained they may be, are remarkable for their deference to many

persons; and exercise a great preference as it respects men and

dignities. That which is called equality also, is a most unjust thing in

itself: for when the same honour is enjoyed by the high and by the low,

through a whole people, that very equality must be unjust; and in those

states which are governed by the better class, it can never happen.

These, Lælius, and some other reasons resembling them, are wont to be

urged by those who chiefly praise that form of government.

XXXV. “But which, Scipio, among those three, do you chiefly approve of?”

said Lælius.

Scipio. “You do well to ask, which chiefly of the three, since

separately I do not approve of any of them; but should prefer to every

one of them, a government constituted out of all three. But if one of

them for its simplicity may be admired, I should approve of the kingly

form, and give it the highest praise. For the name of king calls up at

once the idea of a father, consulting with his citizens as if they were

his own children; and more anxious to preserve them, than to reduce them

to slavery: it being a great advantage to the weak to be sustained by

the exertions and by the foresight of one pre-eminent and good man. Here

however the better class profess to do the same thing to more advantage,

and say there is more wisdom with numbers than with one, and at the same

time equal justice and faith. But the people call out with a loud voice,

that they choose neither to obey one nor many; that nothing is sweeter

to the beasts of the field than liberty, which is wanting to all who

serve either under the better class or under a king. Thus on the score

of personal attachment, kings attract us. The better class by their

wisdom; and liberty on the side of the people. So that in making the

comparison, it is difficult to say which is preferable.”

L. “I believe it,” said he, “but if you leave this point unfinished, the

other parts of the subject can scarcely be cleared up.”

XXXVI. S. “Let us imitate therefore Aratus, who in his introduction to a

discourse upon high matters, thought it best to begin with Jupiter.”

L. “Why with Jupiter? and what has this discussion to do with the verses

of Aratus?”

S. “Insomuch, that the opening of our debate may be honoured with the

name of him, whom all, learned and unlearned, consent with one voice, to

be the one king of all the gods and men.” “What then!” said Lælius.

“What do you believe in but the things which are before your eyes?”

replied he. “This opinion has been established for the conduct of life,

by those who have had the direction of public affairs; that the belief

might prevail, that one king ruled in heaven, who with his nod, as Homer

says, could tumble down Olympus; and that he should be considered as the

King and Father of all. Great is the authority for it, and many the

witnesses, inasmuch as all have concurred in it. Nations too have

agreed, as we find in the decrees of princes, that the regal form of

government was most excellent, since they imagine the gods themselves to

be under the government of one king. And if we have been told that this

and similar opinions have sprung from fables and the errors of the

ignorant, let us listen to those who may be considered almost the common

teachers of erudite men; who as it were, saw these very things with

their eyes, which we scarcely are acquainted with, when we hear of

them.” “And who are they?” said Lælius. “They,” replied he, who in their

investigations of the nature of all things, have perceived a design in

the universal structure of this world * * * * * *

[Four pages wanting.]

XXXVII. * * * * * * “But if you desire it Lælius, I can give you

authorities in no wise barbarous, nor of too remote an antiquity.”

L. I should be glad to have them.

S. You are aware that it is now somewhat less than four hundred years

since this city has been governed without kings.

L. That is true; rather less.

S. What then are four hundred years, for the age of a city or state; is

it such a long period?

L. It can hardly be called an adult age.

S. Then there was a king in Rome four hundred years ago?

L. And a very superb one.

S. Who before him?

L. A most just one; and from that period up to Romulus, who reigned six

hundred years from the present time.

S. Then he is not so very remote.

L. Not at all. The institutions of Greece were already on the wane.

S. I submit to you now, whether Romulus was the king of a barbarous

people?

L. If as the Greeks say, all men were either Greeks or Barbarians; then

I am afraid he must be esteemed a king of a barbarous people. But if

that epithet is appropriate to a difference of manners, rather than to

languages, I think the Greeks not less barbarians than the Romans.” “In

relation to the matter of which we speak,” said Scipio, “it is

intelligence we are looking for, rather than men. If a discreet people

therefore, not of a very ancient period, have preferred the government

of kings, I am availing myself of testimony which cannot be deemed

savage, uncivilized, or of a barbarous antiquity.”

XXXVIII. “I perceive Scipio,” said Lælius, “that you are sufficiently

provided with testimony. But with me, as with good judges, sound

argument prevails more than witnesses.” “Make use of an argument then,”

replied Scipio, “which your knowledge of yourself can suggest to you.”

“What knowledge,” said he.

S. Why as when by chance it happens to you to be angry with some one.

L. That occurs oftener than I could wish.

S. What! when you are in anger, do you suffer your mind to fall under

the domination of that passion?

L. No, so help me Hercules. I rather imitate Archytas, the Tarentine;

who on arriving at his country house, and being greatly offended at

perceiving his orders had been disobeyed, “You are a miserable wretch,”

said he to his farmer, “and I would have you flogged to death if I were

not angry.” “Excellent,” said Scipio. “Archytas wished to calm his anger

by reflection, considering that degree of it which was not under the

control of reason, to be leading on to a sort of sedition of the mind.

To it add avarice, ambition, the passion for glory, and for sensual

pleasures; and it will appear that there exists in the minds of men, a

sort of regal controlling power, to wit, reflection. For that is the

best part of the mind, and where its authority prevails, there is no

room for sensuality, for anger, or for rashness.

L. So it is.

S. Do you approve therefore of a mind so disposed?

L. There is nothing I admire more.

S. Then you really do not think, reflection being driven away; that

voluptuousness or the angry passions, which are without end, should have

the mastery in all things.

L. Indeed I can conceive of nothing more wretched, than such a state of

mind; nor of a man more debased than when under such government.

S. You prefer then all parts of the mind, to be under some government,

the government of reflection?

L. I certainly prefer it.

S. Why therefore do you hesitate in your opinion about public affairs;

where if the administration is transferred to many, there will be no

one, as I now understand it, to take the command. And it seems that if

authority is not one thing, it is nothing at all.

XXXIX. “I would ask,” said Lælius, “of what consequence it is to us,

whether one or many, if justice is dispensed by the latter.” “Since I

find Lælius,” said Scipio, “that my witnesses have made no great

impression on you, I shall not desist from making use of yourself as a

witness to prove what I say.” “Me,” said he, “in what way?”

S. Why adverting to the directions you so earnestly gave to your family,

when we were lately at Formianum; to obey only the orders of one person.

L. Oh! my farmer!

S. Well, at home, I suppose, several are entrusted with the management

of your affairs?

L. No, only one.

S. What, your whole establishment! does no one but yourself manage it?

L. Just so.

S. Do not you therefore accede to the same conclusion in public affairs:

that the government of a single person, if it is a just one, is the

best?

L. I am brought to the conclusion, and must almost assent to it.

XL. You will be more inclined to that opinion, said Scipio, when

omitting the analogies of one pilot, one physician, who if they are any

way skilled in their arts, ought one to have the control of the ship;

the other of the patient, in preference to many; I come to the

consideration of greater matters.

L. What are they?

S. Are you not aware that the name of king became odious to this people,

on account of the oppression and pride of one man, Tarquin?

L. Yes, I am aware.

S. Then you are aware of what haply in the course of this discussion, I

may find occasion to speak. Tarquin being driven out, the people exulted

with a marvellous sort of insolence of freedom. At one time driving

innocent people into exile; at another, confiscating the property of

many. Next came annual consuls. Then the fasces prostrated before the

people—appeals in all cases. Then the mutiny of the plebeians—then a

complete revolution in every thing, placing all things in the power of

the people.

L. It is as you say. “It is true,” said Scipio—“in peace and

tranquillity, some license may be permitted when there is nothing to

fear, as at sea sometimes, or in a slight fever: but like him who is at

sea, when suddenly the ocean puts on its terrors, or the sick man, when

his complaint oppresses him, and the assistance of one is implored: so

our people in time of peace, interfere in internal affairs, threaten the

magistrates, refuse submission to them, denounce them and provoke them;

yet in war obey them as they would a king, preferring their safety to

the indulgence of their passions. Also in our more important wars, our

countrymen have constantly preferred the command to be in the hands of

one, without any colleague; the extent of whose power is indicated by

his name. For a dictator is so called on account of every thing being

dictated by him. But in our books, Lælius, you see also that he is

called master of the people.”

L. It is so. “Wisely therefore did those ancients,” said Scipio * * * *

[Two pages wanting.]

XLI. * * * When a people is deprived of a just king, as Ennius says,

after the death of one of the best of kings,

“Long were their bosoms moved with deep regret;

Oft they together call upon his manes.

Oh, godlike Romulus! the bounteous gods

What a protector did they give in thee?

Oh father, parent, blood derived from heaven!”

Those whom the laws enjoined them to obey, they did not call lords or

masters; finally, not even kings, but guardians of the country, fathers

and gods. Nor without cause, for what is added,

“Thou broughtest us into the realms of light!”

They thought that life, honour, and every comfort was given to them by

the justice of a king. And the same inclinations would have remained

with their posterity, if the character of their kings had not changed.

But you perceive that kind of government was ruined by the injustice of

one man.

L. I do perceive it, and I am desirous of knowing the course of these

changes, not only in our own country, but in all governments.

XLII. “It will be for you,” said Scipio, “when I shall have given my

opinion of that kind of government which I prefer, to give a more

accurate account of the mutations in governments; although I do not

think them much to be apprehended in the form I am inclined to. But a

regal form of government is particularly and most certainly exposed to

change. When a king begins to be unjust, that form of government

perishes at once. The tyrant is, at the same time, the worst of all

conditions of government, and the nearest to the best. Whom, if the

better class have overturned, which for the most part happens, the

commonwealth possesses that second class of the three. And this is a

sort of royalty; a paternal government of the principal people, for the

benefit of the rest. But if the people cast out or slay the tyrant;

rejoicing in their own deed, they are more moderate, as long as they

know and feel the value of being so, in their endeavour to protect the

commonwealth constituted by themselves. But when the populace have bent

their force against a just king, and have stripped him of his kingdom;

or even, as it happens very often, have tasted the blood of the better

class, and have prostrated the whole republic in their madness; think

not that the vexed ocean or the wildest conflagration, can be more

easily kept down, than the unbridled insolence of the multitude.

XLIII. Then is produced what in Plato is so clearly described, if I can

in any manner express it in Latin, a thing difficult to be done, but I

will endeavour. “It is then,” he says, “when the insatiable throats of

the people, parched with the thirst of liberty, and led on by rash

demagogues, have greedily drank, not temperate but too unalloyed

draughts of freedom. Then the magistrates and chiefs, unless they are

too lenient and indulgent, permitting them every excess of liberty; are

pursued, impeached, insulted, and called oppressors, kings, and

tyrants.” I think this part of his works is known to you.

L. I am well acquainted with it.

S. Then follows, “Those who pay obedience to the magistrates, are

tormented by the people, are called voluntary slaves. But those

magistrates who affect to be on an equality with the lowest; and other

individuals who strive to abolish all distinction between citizens and

magistrates, are exalted with praises, and overwhelmed with honours. And

in this condition of things, it follows, of course, that there is an

unrestrained license in a government of this kind; so that every private

family is without any government: and this evil extends even to the

beasts. At length the father fears the son—the son disregards the

father: every sort of decency is extinguished, that an open license may

prevail. Nothing distinguishes the citizen from the stranger. The master

pays court to his scholars, that he may be flattered by them. Teachers

are despised by their disciples. Young persons take upon themselves the

authority of aged ones, who abase themselves to mingle in their games,

lest they become odious and burdensome to them. At last slaves give

themselves all sorts of liberties. Wives assume the privileges of their

husbands. Nay the dogs, the horses, the asses at length are so infected

with liberty, and run kicking about so, that it is absolutely necessary

to get out of their way. Wherefore from this infinite license these

things result, that the minds of the citizens become so scornful and

impatient, that if the least power of government is exercised, they

become exasperated and will not endure it; whence they come to despise

every kind of law, that they may be without the least restraint

whatever.”

XLIV. “You have,” said Lælius, “precisely expressed Plato’s sentiments.”

S. Returning therefore to the subject of my discourse. “It is from this

very license,” he says, “which they deem to be liberty itself, that a

tyrant springs up as a sapling from a root. For as the destruction of

the better class arises from their overweening power, so this excess of

liberty, effects the slavery of this free people. Thus all extremes of

an agreeable nature, whether in the seasons, or in the fertility of the

fields, or in our natural feelings, are often converted into their

opposites. Especially it occurs in public affairs, where excess of

liberty degenerates into public and individual slavery. Out of such

licentious freedom a tyrant arises, and the most unjust and severe

bondage. For by a people so untameable, or rather so outrageous, some

leader is chosen out of the multitude, in opposition to the better

class, now persecuted and driven from their offices: bold and dishonest,

perversely persecuting those who have frequently deserved well of their

country, and gratifying the people from his own means and from those of

others. To whom, that he may be freed from all apprehensions on account

of his private condition, authority is given and continued to him.

Surrounded too by guards, as was the case with Pisistratus at Athens, at

length he becomes the tyrant of the very citizens who brought him

forward. Who, if he is subdued by the good, as often happens, the state

is regenerated. If by the bad, then a faction is established, another

kind of tyranny. The same state of things too frequently occurs in that

goodly form of government of the better class, when the vices of the

chiefs have caused them to deviate from their integrity. Thus do they

snatch the government of the commonwealth from each other like a

ball—tyrants from kings—chiefs or the people from tyrants; and factions

or tyrants from them, nor does the same mode of government ever last a

long time.

XLV. These things being so, the regal form of government is in my

opinion much to be preferred of those three kinds. Nevertheless one

which shall be well tempered and balanced out of all those three kinds

of government, is better than that; yet there should be always something

royal and pre-eminent in a government, at the same time that some power

should be placed in the hands of the better class, and other things

reserved for the judgment and will of the multitude. Now we are struck

first with the great equability of such a constitution, without which a

people cannot be free long; next with its stability. The three other

kinds of government easily fall into the contrary extremes: as a master

grows out of a king; factions from the better class; and mobs and

confusion from the people. The changes too are perpetual which are

taking place. This cannot well happen in such a combined and moderately

balanced government, unless by the great vices of the chief persons. For

there is no cause for change, where every one is firmly placed in his

proper station, and never gives way, whatever may fall down or be

displaced.

XLVI. But I am afraid, Lælius, and you too my very discreet and

respected friends, if I continue long in this strain, my discourse will

appear more like that of a master or teacher to you, than as a

conversation with you. Wherefore I will speak of matters known to us

all, and which we have all inquired into long ago. For I am convinced,

and believe, and declare, that no kind of government, either in the

constitution, the planning, or the practice, is to be compared with that

which our fathers have left to us, and which was adopted by our

ancestors. Which if you please, since you have been desirous that I

should repeat things known to yourselves, I will shew not only what it

is, but that it is the best. And with our own government in view, I will

if I can, have a reference to it, in whatever I may say respecting the

best form of government. The which if I can follow up and effect, I

shall, as I think, amply fulfil the task which Lælius has imposed on me.

XLVII. “It is your task indeed, Scipio,” said Lælius, “most truly yours.

For who in preference to yourself may speak of the institutions of our

forefathers; you being sprung from such illustrious ancestors; or of the

best form of government. The which if we now possess it, would hardly be

so, if any one stood in a more conspicuous situation than yourself. Or

who may venture to advise measures for posterity, when thou, having

delivered the city from its greatest terrors, hast foreseen for the

latest times?”

CICERO’S REPUBLIC.

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