resolved to send out two additional regiments; but afterwards, finding
this to be inconvenient, he gave authority to apply to Sir Colin
Campbell for such force as could be spared from Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick. On the 6th of May, the governor replied, that he had not the
least expectation of anything serious, though, in case of a dissolution,
he admitted that “there might be some broken heads.” On the 10th of
June, however, upon learning that a system of organization was carrying
on under the influence of Papineau, he applied to Sir Colin for a
regiment, which arrived early in July. He had already issued a
proclamation, warning the people against all attempts to seduce them
from their allegiance. Meetings, numerously attended, were held in
Montreal and Quebec, condemning the violent conduct of the House of
Assembly, declaring attachment to British connexion, and deprecating any
breach of the public peace.
On the 18th of August, Lord Gosford again called the provincial
parliament. The resolutions were laid before the Assembly, with the
expression of a hope that its proceedings would supersede the necessity
of their being acted on. The changes in the constitution of the councils
had been unfortunately delayed by difficulties as to certain
appointments; but these improvements were solemnly promised. Warm
debates ensued. Mr. Andrew Stuart, one of the members for Quebec,
proposed a compliance with the request of government, which was
negatived by 63 to 13. An address was then moved by M. Taschereau, a
representative of the county of Beance, expressing a willingness to give
a trial to the means proposed for amending the Legislative Council, but
declining any grant till they were brought into operation. Another
address, breathing the most determined hostility, was then moved, and
carried by 46 to 31. It denounced the step now taken as an absolute
destruction of the representative government in the province,—a total
refusal of all the reforms and improvements demanded. If these
resolutions were carried into effect, the colony, it was said, would no
longer be attached to the mother country by feelings of duty, of
affection, and mutual interest, but solely by physical force. In this
conjuncture, they could see no motive for the slightest departure from
their intention to withhold the supplies; and they adhered in every
respect to their resolutions of 30th of September, 1836. Lord Gosford,
in reply, gave utterance to his deep regret at measures which he
considered a virtual annihilation of the constitution, and immediately
prorogued the Assembly.
[Illustration: _March on Lake Chaudière._]
[Illustration: _The Chaudière,_
near Bytown.]
The popular leaders seem now to have formed the resolution of having
recourse to arms. They, as well as their organs in this country, had
often asserted, and seem at length to have believed, that only an effort
was required to sever the colonies from the mother country. This was a
most hasty and inconsiderate conclusion. The example of the American
colonies was referred to; but they were much stronger than the Canadians
are now, while the power of Britain, on the other hand, was considerably
smaller. Yet it was only after a long and calamitous contest of eight
years, that they established their independence; and their success would
have been doubtful, had they not been aided by a most powerful European
confederacy. The aid of the United States was, indeed, held forth; but
the latter had been so little disposed to intermeddle on such occasions,
that they remained neutral during the long contest between Spain and her
colonies, although her situation gave them little to dread from her
resentment. It was therefore very unlikely that they should now engage
single-handed in a contest with the whole power of Britain.
The meetings, in pursuance of these views, were not held on so great a
scale, or in the same public and ostentatious manner, as formerly. They
were numerous, however, and breathed the most hostile spirit, renouncing
all hope of redress from the parent state, and pointing directly to a
separation. A central committee was formed at Montreal, whose
proceedings were, in a great measure, secret; and preparations were
understood to be making for a general convention. It was nearly vain to
attempt repressing the most violent demonstrations against the
government, since no petty jury could be found to convict; and in two
instances, when the evidence was considered perfectly conclusive, the
bills were ignored by the grand jury. The governor, however, learning
that numerous individuals, holding her Majesty’s commission, had taken a
share in those meetings, caused letters to be written to them demanding
an explanation. On receiving none that was satisfactory, he dismissed
eighteen magistrates and thirty-five militia officers. Among the latter
was Papineau, whose answer was couched in the most defying and
contemptuous terms. He, it is observed, had now gone such lengths, as
made it impossible for him to recede without losing all his
influence—he must either be put down, or allowed to put down the
government. In the beginning of October, the new arrangement of the two
councils was carried into effect, at least to a great extent; but it
excited little interest, and was rejected by the violent leaders as
wholly unsatisfactory.
The malcontent party became every day bolder. An association was formed,
under the title of “The Sons of Liberty,” who, without committing
violence, paraded the streets of Montreal in a hostile and threatening
manner. They emitted a proclamation, containing the most violent
expressions. “The wicked designs,” said they, “of British authorities
have severed all ties of sympathy for an unfeeling mother country.”—“A
glorious destiny awaits the young men of these colonies;” and this was
explained to be, “to disfranchise our beloved country from all human
authority, except that of the bold democracy residing within its bosom.”
They alluded to “the struggle for life and liberty, in which the day of
glory arrives that will see us emerge from a long dark bondage to the
splendour of light and freedom.” At the same time, in the county of Two
Mountains, the people determined not to obey the magistrates appointed
in the room of those displaced; an organization was formed of
_pacificator_ justices, to compose differences without recourse to the
constituted authorities, and in whose decisions all true patriots were
required to acquiesce. Meanwhile, the militia in that district were
organized in a new form, under officers of their own selection,
including those recently dismissed; and an active training was carried
on. All loyal and neutral residents were, by violent measures, compelled
either to join the malcontents or quit the territory, throughout which
British authority entirely ceased.
No long time passed before this course of proceeding was imitated in the
more populous portion of the Montreal territory, lying southward of the
St. Lawrence. On the 23d of October, a meeting was held of the five
counties on the Richelieu and the Yamaska, when a petition was presented
from L’Acadie, to be admitted as a sixth. The petitioners used the most
intemperate language, declaring themselves prepared to sacrifice every
thing most dear to them in this world, to emancipate from a vile slavery
the land that gave them birth. They renounced all principles but those
of the purest democracy, and desired to place themselves under the
guidance and behind the buckler of L. J. Papineau. At the meeting of the
six counties, the numbers attending were variously estimated from 1,500
to 5,000, of whom a proportion were armed. Their resolutions, without
absolutely announcing rebellion, went to place everything in preparation
for it. The recent appointments to the two councils were declared wholly
unsatisfactory, while the introduction of an armed force into the
province was stigmatized as a new and enormous grievance. The
magistrates and militia were to be organized after the model of those of
the Two Mountains; and the example of the Sons of Liberty was also
recommended, “that they might be prepared to support each other with
promptitude and effect, should circumstances require them to protect and
defend their threatened liberties.” A similar address was drawn up on
the following day, and circulated through the province. The same course
was followed, of compelling, by violence and threats, the officers to
resign their situations or leave the country.
[Illustration: _Lake of the Two Mountains._]
[Illustration: _St. John's, Richlieu River._]
Government could not remain passive while its authority was openly set
at nought, and insurrection matured under its very eye. Applications
were made to Sir Colin Campbell for two additional regiments, and
likewise for what force could be spared from the upper province. The
zealous offers of the loyal inhabitants to place themselves in arms,
which had been long declined from motives of prudence, were now
accepted, and volunteer corps were zealously and rapidly organized. The
catholic clergy took a decided part in the support of order and peace;
and an address was published by the Bishop of Montreal, exhorting his
flock against the violent and illegal proceedings now in progress. This,
among a religious people, though it did not stop the career of those who
had so deeply committed themselves, had probably a powerful effect in
arresting the spread of the disorder, and keeping it confined, as it
still was, to Montreal district.
The first blow was struck at the town now mentioned, between the Sons of
Liberty, and a loyal association formed in opposition to them. The
former were completely worsted, and pursued through the streets; none
were killed, but several severely hurt, particularly Brown, from New
York, who had assumed the title of their general. Papineau’s house,
which the victors attempted to burn, was saved, but the office of the
Vindicator newspaper was destroyed. Exaggerated reports of this affair
being spread throughout the country heightened the general ferment; and
it was announced from various quarters that resistance was daily
extending, and assuming a more organized form.
It was now obvious that, unless some decisive steps were taken, the
malcontent cause must continually gain new strength, and the connexion
of the colonies with the mother country become seriously endangered.
The course deemed most effectual, was immediately to arrest the most
active leaders. A warrant was accordingly issued at Montreal against
twenty-six, of whom seven were members of Assembly, including Papineau
and Viger. Nine were apprehended; but the arch-agitator himself had
disappeared, and doubts were even entertained if he were still in the
province. This step necessarily led to a crisis, especially as some of
the warrants were against persons residing in the heart of the disturbed
territory. Two being in the vicinity of St. John's, on the Richelieu, a
party of eighteen volunteer militia were despatched thither to apprehend
them. An oversight seems to have been committed in sending so small a
force, not regular, into the midst of a hostile country. They succeeded,
however, in capturing the parties; and an armed body of thirty, who
appeared near Chambly, made no attempt to intercept them. Near
Longueuil, however, they found a field on the right of the road occupied
by 300 well-armed men, protected by a high fence. From this assemblage a
fire was immediately opened upon the detachment, which, from its
position, could not be returned with effect. Several were wounded, the
rest retreated, and the two prisoners were rescued by the insurgents.
The standard of insurrection having been thus openly raised, it became
necessary to act with the utmost promptitude. Information was received
that Papineau, Brown, and Neilson were at the villages of St. Denis and
St. Charles, on the Richelieu, which had been occupied by the armed
inhabitants; and accordingly Sir John Colborne, the commander-in-chief,
sent strong detachments under Colonels Gore and Wetherall, to attack
these places. The former, on the 22d of November, having conveyed his
force in a steamer to Sorel, proceeded up the river against St. Denis;
but being obliged to take a circuitous route, through tracks which, from
the previous rain, were knee-deep, the troops arrived in a very jaded
state. Though the whole country was in arms, no serious resistance was
encountered till they reached the village, the entrance to which was
defended by a large stone house strongly fortified, from which, as well
as from others on each side, a heavy fire was opened. A howitzer was
brought up against it, whence round shot was fired, with a view to
batter it down, but without effect. Captain Markham, with the advance,
had gallantly cleared the way, and taken an adjoining house, but was
then severely wounded, and obliged to quit the field. Finding that no
impression could be made on the main barrier, that his ammunition was
nearly exhausted, and that the troops were overpowered with fatigue,
Gore considered a retreat unavoidable. It was effected without serious
inconvenience, though it became necessary to leave a cannon on the road,
while his loss was six killed, ten wounded, and six missing. No blame
seems to have been attached to the colonel, whose means, especially in
ammunition, were scarcely adequate; but this second advantage, gained by
the rebel cause at the opening of the contest, was a most unfortunate
circumstance, and, unless counteracted, might have spread disaffection
to an alarming extent.
[Illustration: _Fort Chambly._]
Meantime, Colonel Wetherall, with his detachment, proceeded by way of
Chambly to St. Charles, a point higher up the river. He was delayed in a
similar manner by the badness of the roads; and, on reaching St.
Hilaire, found it necessary to procure another company from Chambly, and
even to send a messenger to Montreal, we presume, for further aid.
Having reason, however, to consider his communications with that place
intercepted, he determined, on the 26th, to advance to the attack. About
1,500 insurgents, under the command of Brown, had posted themselves in
the village, and surrounded it with a strong stockade. The English
commander, on his arrival, drew up his force at a short distance, in the
hope of producing some defection; but none taking place, and a heavy
fire being opened upon him, he pushed forward to the assault. In about
an hour the intrenchment was carried, the fortified houses and palisades
were set on fire, the troops were masters of the town, and the rebels
fled in every direction. The carnage was great; the entire loss of the
malcontents being about 300. Charges have been made of severe and
vindictive proceedings, which we should hope are exaggerated. Another
body took up its position in his rear, with the view of cutting off his
return to Chambly; but when he approached them, on the 28th, they broke
and dispersed at the first onset.
The affair of St. Charles decided the fate of the contest. A general
panic spread among the peasantry, and they began to consider themselves
betrayed by leaders, who did not show the courage expected of them in
the hour of trial. Colonel Gore, strongly reinforced, again advanced
upon St. Denis, which he entered without resistance on the 2d of
December, Neilson and Brown having quitted it on the preceding evening.
He then marched upon St. Hyacinth, but found it also undefended, and
made a vain search for Papineau. The chiefs, renouncing their hopes,
were already seeking safety in the territory of the United States. Brown
reached it with great difficulty—through many perils; Neilson was taken
in a barn, conveyed to Montreal, and thrown into prison. Papineau could
not be traced; nor is there any record of his having compromised his
personal safety in a contest which he had been the main instrument in
exciting.
Attempts, however, were made to support the cause from a quarter which,
under certain circumstances, might have proved very formidable. The
United States contained many individuals disposed to sympathize deeply
with the Canadians, and many restless spirits were inclined to join
them, allured by the promise of large lots of confiscated land. Even in
the present hopeless circumstances, 200 passed the frontier; but before
Sir John Colborne could send a force against them, a party of the
volunteers of Missiqui county, under the command of Capt. Kemp, took
arms, and drove them back with some loss. Thus, the whole of the six
counties, so lately in open rebellion, were in a fortnight reduced to
perfect tranquillity.
There remained still the districts of Two Mountains and Terrebonne,
north of Montreal, where insurrection had been first organized, and
still wore its most determined aspect. Sir John Colborne had judiciously
postponed operations against this quarter, till, the south being
completely tranquillized, he could direct thither his whole force. On
the 14th of December, he marched in person, with about 1,300 regular and
volunteer troops, against the large village of St. Eustache. The
disasters of their brethren elsewhere had spread a well-founded alarm;
and the greater number of the men and their leaders, including Girod,
the supposed commander-in-chief, fled precipitately. About 400 of the
most desperate, however, continued to occupy a church and adjoining
buildings, which had been carefully fortified; and here so obstinate a
stand was made, that a British detachment was at one point made to
recede. But fire having reached the adjacent edifices, soon spread to
the church itself, the defenders of which were thereby speedily
dislodged; while the troops, being protected by the houses, did not lose
more than one killed and nine wounded.
Colonel Maitland now marched towards St. Benoit, the chief village of
the Grand Brulé district, which had been the focus of insurrection; but
on his way he met a deputation, tendering the most humble submission,
and he entered the place without resistance. Unfortunately, the loyal
inhabitants, who had been plundered and driven out of the country, could
not be restrained from acts of violence, and a considerable portion of
the houses were reduced to ashes. Maitland, after occupying St.
Scholastique, returned to Montreal, leaving the district in a state of
perfect tranquillity. The people, complaining that their chiefs, after
instigating them to revolt, had deserted them, seemed determined not to
be again seduced into such a course. Several of the leaders were taken;
Girod himself, being surrounded, so that he could not escape, committed
suicide.
Upper Canada, meantime, had become the theatre of important events. For
a considerable time, especially since the residence there of M. Gourlay,
a party had existed supporting extreme political opinions. These, it is
true, were not embittered by any feelings arising from difference of
race; but many of the inhabitants had emigrated from the United States,
to whose institutions they were naturally partial. They gained over a
number of the British residents, influenced by the usual motives, and
who complained especially of the favouritism shown in the granting of
land. These grounds of discontent were carefully investigated by the
committee of 1828, and instructions issued by Lord Goderich, which here,
as in the lower province, gave general satisfaction. The discontented
party, however, proceeded from one step to another, till Mackenzie,
Duncombe, and other leaders, scarcely made any secret of their desire to
separate from Britain and join the American Union. In 1834, this party,
for the first time, obtained a majority in the Assembly; and though they
had hitherto confined themselves to complaints on particular subjects,
they now commenced a general opposition to the royal government; and at
length, as in the other province, came into violent collision with the
Legislative Council. They transmitted to the King a long and elaborate
list of grievances, complaining that the officers in the colony were too
numerous, too highly paid, and the holders removable at the pleasure of
the crown; that support had been unduly given to particular religious
establishments; and that Lord Goderich’s recommendations had been by no
means fully acted upon. They also urged, with the same vehemence as in
the sister colony, the demand for an elective legislative council.
[Illustration: _Toronto._]
This union of the two provinces, pushing with equal zeal the most
extreme measures, brought affairs into a somewhat hazardous position.
When Lord Gosford and the commissioners were sent to Lower Canada, the
ministry placed the upper province under Sir Francis Head, a man of
literary talent, and of peculiar firmness, shrewdness, and energy of
character. Having arrived early in 1836, as already related, he took the
straightforward course of at once publishing the extent and limits of
his instructions; at the same time assuring the people of his most
zealous efforts to remove every practical grievance. The Assembly,
however, were by no means satisfied; and another ground of contest soon
arose. Sir Francis added to the executive three members, whose
appointment was highly satisfactory to the popular party; but, as
several weeks elapsed without their having been consulted on any
subject, they stated in a letter that they considered themselves thus
rendered responsible for measures in which they were allowed no share,
and therefore tendered their resignation. While accepting it with
regret, he maintained that he lay under no obligation to consult them on
every measure; but was at perfect liberty to judge of the occasions on
which the public interest might require their aid. The House of Assembly
immediately took up the affair, and having, agreeably to request, been
furnished with a copy of the correspondence, drew up a report, and
afterwards a long address to the King, strenuously controverting the
governor’s doctrine; and, in the course of it, broadly charging him with
“deviations from truth and candour.” Proceeding in the same hostile
spirit, they, for the first time, stopped the supplies; in consequence
of which Sir Francis reserved all their money bills for his Majesty’s
decision, and rejected the application for payment of their incidental
expenses.
All hopes of accommodation being thus closed, he determined, on the 28th
of May, to make an appeal to the people by a new election. It was
contested by an extraordinary ardour; and a war of manifestos,
proclamations, and addresses was forthwith waged between the parties.
Perhaps no ruler ever effected more by writing than Sir Francis. The
frank, energetic, and popular style in which his addresses were penned,
produced an extraordinary effect; and already the peaceable inhabitants
had begun to shrink from the extremes into which the popular leaders
were hurrying them. These several causes produced the important result,
that, in the new Assembly, a decided majority supported the
constitutional side. The demagogues complained to the ministry that this
effect had been produced by illegal means—by extraordinary grants of
land, and even by violence and bribery. The Assembly, however, after
strict inquiry by a committee, declared these allegations to be utterly
false, expressing, at the same time, the strongest attachment to the
mother country and to the governor.