CHAPTER II

Jacques Cartier

Verrazano and Gomez, and probably the English captain, John Rut, had

all sought for the opening of a strait of salt water--like Magellan's

Straits in the far south--which should lead them through the great

North-American continent to the regions of China and Japan. Yet in

some incomprehensible way they overlooked the two broad passages to

the north and south of Newfoundland--the Straits of Belle Isle and of

Cabot--which would at any rate lead them into the vast Gulf of St.

Lawrence, and thence to the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes; a

natural system of waterways connected each with the other and all with

the Mississippi and Missouri, the Arctic Ocean, and Hudson's Bay; nay,

more, with the North Pacific also; so that with a few "portages", or

carryings of canoes from one watershed to another, a traveller of any

enterprise, accompanied by a sturdy crew, can cross the broad

continent of North America at its broadest from sea to sea without

much walking.

Estevão Gomez noticed Cabot Straits between Cape Breton and

Newfoundland, but thought them only a very deep bay. John Rut and

others discerned the Straits of Belle Isle as a wide recess in the

coast rather than the mouth of a channel leading far inland. And yet,

after thirty years of Breton, English, and Portuguese fishing

operations in these waters, there must have been glimmerings of the

existence of the great Gulf of St. Lawrence behind Newfoundland: and

JACQUES CARTIER (or Quartier), who had probably made already one

voyage to Newfoundland (besides a visit to Brazil), suspected that

between Newfoundland and Labrador there lay the opening of the great

sea passage "leading to China". He proposed himself to Philippe de

Chabot, the Admiral of France, as the leader of a new French adventure

to find the North-west Passage, was accepted by King Francis, and at

the age of forty-three years set out, with two ships, from St. Malo in

Brittany, on April 20, 1534, ten years after Verrazano's voyage, and

reached the coast of Newfoundland after a voyage of only twenty days.

As he sailed northwards, past the deeply indented fiords and bays of

eastern Newfoundland (the shores of which were still hugged by the

winter ice), he and his men were much impressed with the incredible

numbers of the sea fowl settled for nesting purposes on the rocky

islands, especially on Funk Island.[1] These birds were guillemots,

puffins, great auks,[2] gannets (called by Cartier _margaulx_), and

probably gulls and eider duck. To his sailors--always hungry and

partly fed on salted provisions, as seamen were down to a few years

ago--this inexhaustible supply of fresh food was a source of great

enjoyment. They were indifferent, no doubt, to the fishy flavour of

the auks and the guillemots, and only noticed that they were

splendidly fat. Moreover, the birds attracted Polar bears "as large as

cows and as white as swans". The bears would swim off from the shore

to the islands (unless they could reach them by crossing the ice), and

the sailors occasionally killed the bears and ate their flesh, which

they compared in excellence and taste to veal.

[Footnote 1: Funk Island--called by Cartier "the Island of Birds"--is

only about 3 miles round, and 46 feet above the sea level. It is 3

miles distant from the coast.]

[Footnote 2: The Great Auk (_Alca impennis_), extinct since about 1844

in Europe and 1870 in Labrador, once had in ancient times a

geographical range from Massachusetts and Newfoundland to Iceland,

Ireland, Scotland, N.E. England, and Denmark. Perhaps nowhere was it

found so abundantly as on the coasts of Eastern Newfoundland and on

Funk Island hard by. The Great Auk was in such numbers on the

north-east coast of Newfoundland that the Amerindians of that country

and of southern Labrador used it as fuel in the winter time, its body

being very full of oil and burning with a splendid flame. The French

seamen called it _pingouin_ ("penguin") from its fatness, and this

name was much later transferred to the real penguins of the southern

seas which are quite unrelated to the auks.]

Passing through the Straits of Belle Isle, Cartier's ships entered

the Gulf of St. Lawrence. They had previously visited the adjoining

coast of Labrador, and there had encountered their first "natives",

members of some Algonkin tribe from Canada, who had come north for

seal fishing (Cartier is clever enough to notice and describe their

birch-bark canoes). After examining the west coast of Newfoundland,

Cartier's ships sailed on past the Magdalen Islands (stopping every

now and then off some islet to collect supplies of sea birds, for the

rocky ground was covered with them as thickly as a meadow with

grass).[3] He reached the north coast of Prince Edward Island, and

this lovely country received from him an enthusiastic description. The

pine trees, the junipers, yews, elms, poplars, ash, and willows, the

beeches and the maples, made the forest not only full of delicious and

stimulating odours, but lovely in its varied tints of green. In the

natural meadows and forest clearings there were red and white

currants, gooseberries, strawberries, raspberries, a vetch which

produced edible peas, and a grass with a grain like rye. The forest

abounded in pigeons, and the climate was pleasant and warm.

[Footnote 3: On the shores of these islands they noticed "several

great beasts like oxen, which have two tusks in the mouth similar to

those of the elephant". These were walruses.]

Later on he coasted New Brunswick, and paused for a time over Chaleur

Bay, hoping it might be the opening to the strait across the continent

of which he was in search; but finding it was not, he continued

northwards till he had almost rounded the Gaspé Peninsula, a course

which would have led him straight away into the wonderful discovery of

the St. Lawrence River, but that, being forced by bad weather into

Gaspé Bay, and perhaps hindered by fog, instead of entering the St.

Lawrence he sailed right across to Anticosti Island. After that,

being baffled by bad weather and doubtful as to his resources lasting

out, he decided to return to France through the Strait of Belle Isle.

So far he had failed to realize two of the most important things in

the geography of this region: the broad southern entrance into the

Gulf of St. Lawrence (subsequently called Cabot Strait), which

separates Newfoundland on the north from Cape Breton Island on the

south, and the broad entrance into the River St. Lawrence between

Anticosti Island and the Gaspé Peninsula.

Yet, whilst staying in Gaspé Bay, he had a very important meeting with

Amerindian natives of the Huron-Iroquois stock, who had come down the

River St. Lawrence from the neighbourhood of Quebec, fishing for

mackerel. These bold, friendly people welcomed the French heartily,

greeting them with songs and dances. But when they saw Cartier erect a

great cross on the land at the entrance to Gaspé Bay (a cross bearing

a shield with the arms of France and the letters "Vive le Roi de

France"), they were ill at ease. It is certain that not one word could

be understood in language between the two parties, for there were as

yet no interpreters; but the Amerindians were probably shrewd enough

to perceive that Cartier was making some claim on the land, and they

explained by signs that they considered all this country belonged to

themselves. Nevertheless, Cartier persuaded two youths, the sons of

one of the chiefs, to go back with him to France on his ship, to learn

the French language, to see what France looked like, and to return

afterwards as interpreters. The boys, though they were practically

kidnapped at first, were soon reconciled to going, especially when

they were dressed in French clothes!

[Illustration: JACQUES CARTIER]

When Cartier was on his way home he sailed in a north-easterly

direction in such a way as to overlook the broad channel between the

Gaspé Peninsula and Anticosti Island, but having rounded the

easternmost extremity of that large island, he coasted along its

northern shores until he caught sight of the opening of the Canadian

channel to the west. He believed then that he had discovered the

long-looked-for opening of the trans-continental passage, and sailed

for France with his wonderful news.

On the 19th of May, 1535, Cartier started again from St. Malo with

three ships, the biggest of which was only 120 tons, while the others

were respectively 60 and 40 tons capacity. The crew consisted of about

112 persons, and in addition there were the two Indian youths who had

been kidnapped on the previous voyage, and were now returning as

interpreters. Instead, however, of reaching Newfoundland in twenty

days, he spent five weeks crossing the Atlantic before he reached his

rendezvous with the other ships at Blanc Sablon, on the south coast of

Labrador; for the easy access to the Gulf of St. Lawrence through

Cabot Strait (between Newfoundland and Cape Breton) was not yet

realized. Once past Anticosti Island, the two Huron interpreters began

to recognize the scenery.[4] They now explained to Cartier that he had

entered the estuary of a vast river. This they said he had only to

pursue in ships and boats and he would reach "Canada" (which was the

name they gave to the district round about Quebec), and that beyond

"Canada" no man had ever been known to reach the end of this great

water; but, they added, it was fresh water, not salt, and this last

piece of information much disheartened Cartier, who feared that he had

not, after all, discovered the water route across North America to the

Pacific Ocean. He therefore turned about and once more searched the

opposite coast of Labrador most minutely, displaying, as he did so, a

seamanship which was little else than marvellous, for it is a very

dangerous coast, the seas are very stormy, and the look-out often

hampered by a sudden rising of dense fog; there are islands and rocks

(some of them almost hidden by the water) and sandbanks; but Cartier

made this survey of southern Labrador without an accident.

[Footnote 4: Anticosti Island received from Cartier the name of "the

Island of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin", in consequence of his

having discovered it to be an island on the feast day of that name. It

did not receive its present title until the late seventeenth century.]

At this period, some three hundred and seventy-five years ago, the

northern coasts of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and of Anticosti Island

swarmed with huge walruses, which were described by Cartier as sea

horses that spent the night on land and the day in the water. They

have long since been exterminated by the English and French seamen and

settlers.

At last Cartier set sail for the south-west, intending to explore this

wonderful river and to reach the kingdom of Canada. According to his

understanding of the Amerindian interpreters, the waters of the St.

Lawrence flowed through three great states: _Saguenay_, which was the

mountainous Gaspé Peninsula and the opposite coast; _Canada_, Quebec

and its neighbourhood; and _Hochelaga_, the region between Montreal

and Lake Ontario. At the mouth of the Saguenay River, where Tadoussac

is now situated, he encountered large numbers of white whales--the

Beluga. These are really huge porpoises, allied to the narwhals, but

without the narwhal's exaggerated tusk. When he reached the vicinity

of the modern Quebec,[5] and his Amerindian interpreters found

themselves at their actual home (for they were far away from home on a

fishing expedition when he caught them in Gaspé Bay) there was great

rejoicing; for they were able to tell their relations of the wonderful

country to which they had been across the ocean. Cartier was delighted

with the surroundings of "Canada" (Quebec), near which at that time

was a large settlement (Stadacona) of Huron Indians under a chief

named Donnacona. He decided to lay up his ships here for the winter,

and to pursue the rest of his western explorations in his boats.

[Footnote 5: Then called "Canada". The word Quebec (pronounced

_Kebek_) means the narrow part of a river.]

But the Amerindians for some reason were not willing that he should go

any farther, and attempted to scare him from his projects by arranging

for three of their number to come down river in a canoe, dressed in

dogs' skins, with their faces blackened, and with bisons' horns

fastened to their heads. These devils pretended to take no notice of

the French, but to die suddenly as they reached the shore, while the

rest of the natives gave vent to howlings of despair and

consternation. The three devils were pretending to have brought a

message from a god to these Hurons of "Canada" that the country up

river (Hochelaga) was so full of ice and snow that it would be death

for anyone to go there.

However, this made little or no impression on Cartier; but he consented

to leave a proportion of his party behind with the chief Donnacona as

hostages, and then started up country in his boats with about seventy

picked officers and men. On the 2nd of October, 1535, they reached the

vicinity of the modern Montreal, the chief settlement of Hochelaga.

The Huron town at the foot of the hills was circular in outline,

surrounded by a stockade of three rows of upright tree trunks, which

rose to its highest point in the middle, where the timbers of the

inner and outward sides sloped to meet one another, the height of the

central row being about 8 feet above the ground. All round the inside

there was a platform or rampart on which were stored heavy stones to

be hurled at any enemy who should attempt to scale the fence. The town

was entered by only one doorway, and contained about fifty houses

surrounding an open space whereon the towns-people made their

bonfires. Each house was about 50 feet long by 12 to 15 feet wide.

They were roofed with bark, and usually had attics which were

storerooms for food. In the centre of each of these long houses there

was a fireplace where the cooking for the whole of the house

inhabitants was done. Each family had its own room, but each house

probably contained five families. Almost the only furniture, except

cooking pots, was mats on which the people sat and slept. The food of

the people consisted, besides fish and the flesh of beavers and deer,

of maize and beans. Cartier at once recognized the maize or Indian

corn as the same grain ("a large millet") as that which he had seen in

Brazil.

He gives a description of how they made the maize into bread (or

rather "dampers", "ashcakes"); but as this is not altogether clear, it

is better to combine it with Champlain's description, written a good

many years later, but still at a time when the Hurons were unaffected

by the white man's civilization. According to both Cartier and

Champlain, the women pounded the corn to meal in a wooden mortar, and

removed the bran by means of fans made of the bark of trees. From this

meal they made bread, sometimes mixing with the meal the beans

(_Phaseolus vulgaris_), which had been boiled and mashed. Or they

would boil both Indian corn and beans into a thick soup, adding to the

soup blueberries,[6] dried raspberries, or pieces of deer's fat. The

meal derived from the corn and beans they would make into bread,

baking it in the ashes.

[Footnote 6: The Canada Blueberry (_Vaccinium canadense_), called by

the French _bluës_ or _bluëts_. These bluës were collected and dried

by the Amerindians, and made a sweet nutriment for eating in the

winter.]

Or they would take the pounded Indian corn without removing the bran,

and put two or three handfuls of it into an earthen pot full of water,

stirring it from time to time, when it boiled, so that it might not

adhere to the pot. To this was added a small quantity of fish, fresh

or dry, according to the season, to give a flavour to the _migane_ or

porridge. When the dried fish was used the porridge smelt very badly

in the nostrils of Europeans, but worst of all when the porridge was

mixed with dried venison, which was sometimes nearly putrid! If fish

was put into this porridge it was boiled whole in the mealy water,

then taken out without any attempt to remove the fins, scales, or

entrails, and the whole of the boiled fish was pounded up and put back

into the porridge. Sometimes a great birch-bark "kettle" would be

filled with water, fish, and meat, and red-hot stones be dropped in

till it boiled. Then with a spoon they would collect from the surface

the fat and oil arising from the fish or meat. This they afterwards

mixed with the meal of roasted Indian corn, stirring it with this fat

till they had made a thick soup. Sometimes, however, they were content

to eat the young corn-cobs freshly roasted, which as a matter of fact

(with a little salt) is one of the most delicious things in the world.

Or they would take ears of Indian corn and bury them in wet mud,

leaving them thus for two or three months; then the cobs would be

removed and the rotted grain eaten with meat and fish, though it was

all muddy and smelt horribly. Cartier also noticed that these Huron

Indians had melons and pumpkins, and described their wampum or shell

money.[7]

[Footnote 7: Cartier, in Hakluyt's translation, is made to say (I

modernize the spelling): "They dig their grounds with certain pieces

of wood as big as half a sword, on which ground groweth their corn,

which they call 'offici'; it is as big as our small peason.... They

have also great store of musk melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers,

peas, and beans of every colour, yet differing from ours."

Wampum, or shell money (which recalls the shell money of the Pacific

Islands), consisted either of beads made from the interior parts of

sea shells or land shells, or of strings of perforated sea shells. The

most elaborate kind of wampum was that of the Amerindians of Canada

and the eastern United States, the shell beads of which were generally

white. The commoner wampum beads were black and violet. Wampum belts

were made which illustrated events, dates, treaties of peace, &c, by a

rude symbolism (figures of men and animals, upright lines, &c), and

these were worked neatly on string by employing different-coloured

beads.]

From the eminence on which the Huron city stood, Cartier obtained a

splendid view of rivers and mountains and magnificent forests, and

called the place then and there, in his Norman French, Mont Real, or

Royal Eminence, a name which it will probably bear for all time,

though the actual city of Montreal lies a few miles below.

Montreal was the limit of Cartier's explorations on this journey. He

returned thence to "Canada" or Stadacona, where his men built a fort

armed with artillery, and where his ships were anchored. Here he had

to stay from the middle of November, 1535, to the middle of April,

1536, his ships being shut in by the ice. The experiences of the

French during these five months were mostly unhappy. At first Cartier

gave himself up to the collecting of information. He noticed for the

first time the smoking of tobacco,[8] and collected information about

the products and features of "Canada". The Indians told him of great

lakes in the far west, one of which was so vast that no man had seen

the end of it. They told him that anyone travelling up the Richelieu

River (as it was called sixty years later) would eventually reach a

land in the south where in the winter there was no ice or snow, and

where fruit and nut trees grew in abundance. Cartier thought that they

were talking to him of Florida, but their geographical information can

scarcely have stretched so far; they probably referred to the milder

regions of New Jersey and Virginia, which would be reached by

following southwards the valley of the Hudson and keeping to the

lowlands of the eastern United States.

[Footnote 8: "There groweth also a certain kind of herb whereof in

summer they make a great provision for all the year, making great

account of it, and only men use it; and first they cause it to be

dried in the sun, then wear it about their necks wrapped in a little

beast's skin made like a bag, together with a hollow piece of stone or

wood like a pipe. Then when they please they make powder of it and put

it in one of the ends of the said cornet or pipe, and laying a coal of

fire upon it at the other end, suck so long that they fill their

bodies full of smoke, till that it cometh out of their mouth and

nostrils, even as out of the tunnel of a chimney. They say that this

doth keep them warm and in health: they never go without some of it

about them. We ourselves have tried the same smoke, and having put it

in our mouths, it seemed almost as hot as pepper." The foregoing is

one of the earliest descriptions of tobacco smoking in any European

language, the original words being in Cartier's Norman French.]

As the winter set in with its customary Canadian severity the real

trouble of the French began. They did not suffer from the cold, but

they were dying of scurvy. This disease, from which the natives also

suffered to some extent, was due to their eating nothing but salt or

smoked provisions--forms of meat or fish. They lived, of course, shut

up in the fort, and Cartier's fixed idea was to keep the Hurons from

the knowledge of his misfortune, fearing lest, if they realized how

the garrison was reduced, they might treacherously attack and massacre

the rest; for in spite of the extravagant joy with which their arrival

had been greeted, the Amerindians--notably the two interpreters who

had been to France and returned--showed at intervals signs of disquiet

and a longing to be rid of these mysterious white men, whose coming

might involve the country in unknown misfortunes. In January and

February, also, Donnacona and these two interpreters and many of the

Huron men had been absent hunting in the forests, so that there was no

one among the Amerindians to whom the French could turn for

information regarding this strange disease. At last 25 out of the 112

who had left France were dead, and of the remainder only 10 men,

including Cartier, were not grievously ill. Those who were living

found it sometimes beyond their strength to bury the dead in the

frozen ground, and simply placed their bodies in deep snow. Once or

twice, when Cartier left the fort to go out to the ships, he met

Domagaya, one of the two interpreters, and found that he also was

suffering from this mysterious disease, though not nearly so badly as

the French people. On the body of one young man who died of scurvy

Cartier and his officers, shuddering, made investigations, opening the

corpse and examining the organs to try and find the cause of death.

This was on the afternoon of a day on which they had held a solemn

service before a statue erected to the Virgin Mary on the shore

opposite to the ships. All who were fit to walk went in procession

from the fort to the statue, singing penitential psalms and the Litany

and celebrating Mass.

Some days after this religious service Cartier met the interpreter,

Domagaya, and to his surprise found him perfectly well and strong. He

asked him for an explanation, and was told that the medicine which

cured this disease was made from the leaves and bark of a tree called

ameda.[9] Cartier then ventured to say that one of his servants was

sick of this unknown disease, and Domagaya sent for two women, who

taught the French people how to make an extract from the balsam fir

for drinking, and how to apply the same liquid to the inflamed skin.

The effect on the crews was miraculous. In six days all the sick were

well and strong.

[Footnote 9: This tree was the balsam fir, _Abies balsamea_.]

Then came the sudden spring. Between April 15th and May 1st the ice on

the river was all melted, and on the 6th May, 1536, Cartier started

from the vicinity of Quebec to return to France. But before leaving he

had managed to kidnap Donnacona, the chief of the Huron settlement,

and six or seven other Amerindians, amongst them Tainyoanyi, one of

the two interpreters who had already been to France. He seized these

men, it appears, partly because he wanted hostages and had good reason

to fear that the Indians meditated a treacherous attack on his ships

before they could get away. He also wished for native witnesses at

Court, when he reached France, to testify to the truth of his

discoveries, and even more to convince the King of France that there

was great profit to be obtained from giving effect to Cartier's

explorations. The chief, Donnacona, was full of wonderful stories of

the Saguenay region, and of the great lakes to the northwards of

Quebec. Probably he was only alluding to the wealth of copper now

known to exist in northern Canada, but to Cartier and the other

Frenchmen it seemed as though he spoke of gold and silver, rubies, and

other precious stones.

Donnacona's people howled and wept when their chief was seized; but

Cartier obliged the chief to reassure them, and to say that the French

had promised to bring him back after he had paid a visit to their

great king, who would return him to his country with great presents.

As a matter of fact, not one of these Indians rapt away by Cartier

ever saw Canada again. But this was not the fault of Cartier, but of

the distractions of the times which turned away the thoughts of King

Francis I from American adventures. The Indians were well and kindly

treated in France, but all of them died there before Cartier left St.

Malo to return to Canada in 1541.

One advantage he derived from sailing away with these hostages was (no

doubt) that they could give him geographical information of importance

which materially shortened the return journey. For the first time he

made use of the broad strait between Anticosti Island and Gaspé

Peninsula, and, better still, entered the Atlantic, not by the

dangerous northern route through the straits of Belle Isle, but by

means of Cabot Strait, between Newfoundland and Cape Breton Island. Of

these discoveries he availed himself on his third and last voyage in

1541.

When in that year he once more anchored his ships near Quebec he found

the attitude of the Hurons changed. They enquired about their friends

and relations who had been carried off five years before, and although

they pretended to be reconciled to their fate when they heard (not

altogether truly) that one or two were dead, and the others had become

great lords in France and had married French women, they really felt a

disappointment so bitter and a hostility so great that Cartier guessed

their expressions of welcome to be false. However, he sent back to

France two of the ships under his command and beached the other three,

landed his stores, built two forts at Cap Rouge, above and below, and

then started off with a few of his men and two boats to revisit the

country of Hochelaga. Here he intended to examine the three rapids or

"saults"--interruptions to the navigation of the St. Lawrence--which

he had observed on his previous journey, and which were later named

the La Chine Rapids (in the belief that they were obstacles on the

river route to China). But these falls proved insuperable obstacles to

his boats, and he gave up any further idea of westward exploration,

returned to his forts and ships near Quebec, and there laid the

foundations of a fortified town, which he called Charlesbourg Royal.

Here he spent a very difficult winter, the Hurons in the neighbourhood

becoming increasingly hostile, and at last, when the spring came, as

he had received no relief from France, he took to his three ships,

abandoned Charlesbourg Royal (having probably to do some fighting

before he could get safely away) and thence sailed for France. Off the

Avalon Peninsula of Newfoundland he met the other ships of the

expedition which was to have occupied Canada for France. These were

under the command of the Sieur de Roberval, a French nobleman, who had

really been made head of the whole enterprise, with Cartier as a

subordinate officer, but who, the year before, had allowed Cartier to

go off to Canada and prepare the way, promising to follow immediately.

The interview between Cartier and Roberval, near where the capital of

Newfoundland (St. John's) now stands, was a stormy one. Roberval

ordered Cartier to return at once to Charlesbourg and await his

arrival. However, in the middle of the night which followed this

interview, Cartier took advantage of a favourable wind and set sail

for France, arriving soon afterwards at St. Malo.

But Roberval arrived at Charlesbourg (going the roundabout way through

the straits of Belle Isle, for Cartier had told him nothing of the

convenient passage through Cabot Strait), and there spent the winter

of 1542-3, sending his ships back to France. This winter was one of

horrors. Roberval was a headstrong, passionate man, perfectly reckless

of human life. He maintained discipline by ferocious sentences,

putting many of his men in irons, whipping others cruelly, women as

well as men, and shooting those who seemed the most rebellious. Even

the Indians were moved to pity, and wept at the sight of the woes of

these unhappy French men and women under the control of a bloodthirsty

tyrant, and many of them dying of scurvy, or miserably weak from that

disease.[10]

[Footnote 10: A story was subsequently told of Roberval's stern

treatment which had a germ of truth in it, though it has since been

the foundation of many a romance. On the journey out from France it is

said that Roberval took with him his niece Marguerite, a high-born

lady, who was accompanied by an old companion or nurse. Marguerite was

travelling with her uncle because, unknown to him, she had a lover who

had sailed with him on this expedition and whom she hoped to marry. As

they crossed the Atlantic these facts leaked out, and Roberval

resolved to bide his time and punish his niece for her deception. As

they passed the coast of Southern Labrador Marguerite and her old

nurse were seized and put into a boat, Roberval ordering his sailors

to row them ashore to an island, and leave them to their fate. They

were given four guns with ammunition and a small supply of provisions.

But, as the boat was leaving the ship, Marguerite's lover threw

himself into the sea and swam to the island. Here, according to the

story which Marguerite is supposed to have told afterwards, they

endeavoured to live by killing the wild animals and eating their

flesh; but her lover-husband died, so also did her child soon after it

was born, and then the old nurse, and the unhappy Marguerite was left

alone with the wild beasts, especially the white Polar bears, who

thronged round her hut. Nevertheless she kept them at bay with her

arquebus, and managed somehow to support an existence, until after

nineteen months' isolation the ascending smoke of her fire was seen by

people on one of the many fishing vessels which, by this time,

frequented the coasts of Newfoundland. She was taken off the island

and restored to her home in France. The island to which this tradition

more especially relates is now called Grand Meccatina.]

However, when the weather was warm again, in June, 1543, Roberval

started up the St. Lawrence River in boats to reach the wonderful

country of Saguenay. Apparently he met with little success, and, being

relieved by French ships in the late summer of 1543, he returned to

France.

Thus the splendid work achieved by Cartier seemed to have come to

nothing, for neither he nor Roberval revisited America. The French

settlement near Quebec was abandoned, so far as the officers of the

French king were concerned, and between 1545 and about 1583, if any

other Frenchman or European visited Canada it was some private

adventurer who traded with the natives in furs, or Basques from France

and Spain who frequented the waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence on

account of the abundance of whales, walruses, and seals. In fact, at

the close of the sixteenth century, the Spanish Basques had

established themselves on shore at Tadoussac and other places, and

seemed likely to colonize the country.

Pioneers in Canada · 第 2 / 12 章