Post-Talmudic Development

A few words should be added relative to the development of the idea of

capital punishment among the medieval Jews.

In post-Talmudic times, the problem of capital punishment according to

Jewish law scarcely arose. Although the theory of it had been fully

worked out, there were no occasions for the application of the theory,

both because the Temple no longer stood and the Jewish courts had no

jurisdiction,[224] and because after the interruption of _Semicha_

(ordination), no judges were regarded as competent.[225] This statement

is true, however, only with certain limitations. Although as a general

rule the Jewish courts in the diaspora had no jurisdiction in capital

cases, there were times and places in which the power of imposing the

death penalty was vested in the Jewish courts. Thus Asheri (c. 1300)

wrote: “In no country of which I have heard have Jews their own courts

for the trial of criminal cases except here in Spain. It was a source

of great astonishment to me when I came to Spain, that the Spanish Jews

should try criminal cases without the full and authorized Sanhedrin;

but I was informed that this was done in accordance with an order of

the government.”[226] Similarly, we find the Jews of Tudela asking the

viceroy of Navarre, “That he would be pleased to order and that we

practise the Jewish law as our ancestors have hitherto; that is, when a

Jew or Jewess commits a sin, on our magistrates applying to the bailiff

and notifying to him the sin committed, and the punishment it deserved

according to Jewish law, the bailiff shall execute it, and enforce the

sentence of our said magistrates, whether of condemnation or acquittal;

or of any demand from one Jew to another, as we have been accustomed,

not affecting the rights of our lord the king.” This right was granted

them.[227]

Asheri himself unhesitatingly imposed the sentence of death on an

informer.[228] The _Moser_ (informer, _delator_), constituted so

poignant a danger to Jewry in exile, that the death penalty was not

infrequently consummated in his case. Jewish law gives the right to

kill the informer, on the principle of life for life. Since he is

seeking your life, you are justified in saving your own by taking

his.[229] The death sentence on the _Moser_ was pronounced by the

Jewish community and carried out by the non-Jewish authorities to

whom the convicted _delator_ was handed over. Maimonides (12th cent.)

declares that it regularly happens in the cities of the West that they

kill informers, or hand them over to the non-Jews to be killed or

dealt with according to their guilt.[230]

Similarly, Asheri’s son, Jacob, in conjunction with a tribunal of

Rabbis in Toledo, condemned to death the informer Joseph ben Samuel

and handed him over to the royal executioner.[231] Joseph ibn Migas

of Lucena (d. 1141) caused an informer to be stoned on the eve of

the day of Atonement.[232] Others, who approved of the extermination

of informers, or who actually passed the sentence of death on them

and handed them over to the State authorities for execution, were

such leaders of Spanish and North African Jewry as Jonah Gerondi and

Solomon ben Adereth (c. 1280),[233] Isaac ben Shesheth (14th cent.),

Abraham Benveniste (1432), Simon ben Zemach Duran (1400), and his son

Solomon. In the particular case in which Jonah Gerondi and Solomon

ben Adereth acted as the judges (c. 1280), the family of the informer

tried in vain to stir up the non-Jewish authorities by declaring that

a judicial murder had been committed. They claimed that according to

Jewish law, the Jews had long foregone the right of imposing a capital

sentence, that the sentence had not been pronounced by a Sanhedrin

of twenty-three, etc. The authorities refused them a hearing. But

Solomon ben Adereth found it necessary to justify the action that had

been taken. He therefore submitted the case in all its details to the

Rabbis of North France. Only one answer has been preserved,--that of

Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg, who clearly and decidedly ranks himself on

the side of Ben Adereth.[234] But it will be seen that in all these

cases, the utmost power that was allowed to the Jewish tribunal was

that of pronouncing the sentence of death. The consummation of the

sentence was left to the State authorities. On Aug. 21, 1379, at the

request of a delegation of Jews, the royal farmer of taxes, Joseph

Pichon, was beheaded as an informer by the royal executioner. One

result of this affair was, that the Cortes issued the following decree,

depriving the Rabbis and the Jewish courts of the country of the right

of deciding criminal cases: “We ordain and command, that henceforward

it shall not be permitted for any Jews of our kingdoms, whether

rabbis, elders, chiefs or any other persons that now are or shall be

hereafter, to interfere to judge in any criminal cause to which death,

loss of limb or banishment is attached; but they may decide all civil

causes that appertain to them according to their religion. Criminal

cases shall be tried by one of the Alcaldes, chosen by the Jews in the

towns and places of their respective jurisdictions.... This is to be

understood for those criminal cases that have hitherto been tried by

the said Jews”....[235] Subsequently, owing to the influence of Abraham

Benveniste, this right of judging criminal cases was restored to the

Jewish courts in Spain.

But this power could hardly be exercised outside of Spain and North

Africa, and in those lands it could be exercised only in favorable

periods. In Angevin England, “Criminal cases between Jews, except for

the greater felonies, as homicide, mayhem, etc., could be decided in

the Jewish courts according to Jewish law.”[236] In other lands also,

the Jewish courts were sometimes empowered to try lesser criminal

cases; but rarely, if ever, could they independently impose and carry

out the death sentence. At a later period, the Kahals in Eastern Europe

were granted autonomous jurisdiction in civil cases. But their greatest

power hardly exceeded the right given them in Lithuania by charter of

King Michael Wishnevetzki (1669-73), “to summon the criminals before

the Jewish courts for punishment and exclusion from the community when

necessary.” Rabbi Meir Sack emphatically protested against buying the

freedom of Jewish criminals from the authorities. “We should endeavor

to deprive criminals of opportunities to escape justice.” Similarly,

Meir Lublin declares that the death penalty for a murderer, decreed

by the law of the land, should be allowed to be consummated, if the

murderer were a Jew.[237]

It may be stated broadly, that after the Roman period, the right of

pronouncing the death sentence was only rarely granted to the Jews,

while the right of inflicting capital punishment was practically

never vested in the Jewish community. Theoretically, Jewish legal

opinion gave to the leading authorities of the generation or of the

district, the right to act as a competent Sanhedrin of twenty-three

in judging criminal and capital cases, on urgent occasions of popular

wrongdoing.[238] But this right could so rarely be exercised that it

became virtually obsolete.

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