Sicily, Sicilian, 10, 30, 45, 75, 80 n. _The Origin of Tyranny

187, 189, 209, 220, 228, 239, 265, 273–278, 284 n. 2, 315

Siceliot Greek, 224 n. 5

Sicyon, 28, 66, 157, 178–180, 186 n. 1, 193, 215, 257–264 _passim_,

293, 296, 304, 306 n. 1, 316, 317, 336 n. 1

Sidonians, 325

Sieveking (H.), _Vierteljahrschrift f. Social- u.

Wirtschafts-Geschichte_, cited 3, 26 n. 2, 267 n. 1, 304 n. 4

Sieveking (J.) and Hackl (R.), _Die königliche Vasensammlung zu

Muenchen_, cited 251 n. 3, 252 n. 2, 334

Sigeium, 63

Sigismund, Emperor, 3

_signauit_, 218

silphium, 74 n. 3

silver, 80 n. 4, 81, 144 n. 3, 177, 227;

currency, 4, 18, 57, 58, 61, 127, 128, 131–133, 140, 152, 155, 164 n.

1, 172, 218, 219, 220 n. 4, 221, 294;

mines, 38–40, 47, 54 n. 1, 59 n. 1, 62, 68, 271, 291;

See also chapter III, p. 69.

Footnote 182:

Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._ L. (1895), p. 252, n. 1, puts Cylon’s attempt

into the time between Solon and Peisistratus, De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2,

pp. 280 f., into the time of Peisistratus’ exile; O. Seeck, _Klio_,

IV. pp. 318 f., puts it at earliest early in the career of

Peisistratus; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor. Ant._ V. pp. 518–19, about 570

B.C.; so also Lenschau _ap._ Bursian, _Jahresbericht_ 176 (1918), p.

190. But see _e.g._ Ledl, _Stud. z. d. ält. ath. Verfassungsges._ pp.

77 f.

Footnote 183:

Thuc. I. 126.

Footnote 184:

Plut. _Solon_, 24.

Footnote 185:

Plut. _Solon_, 2; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 6, where Solon’s enemies

accuse him of (dishonest) financial speculations. Aristotle dismisses

the charge.

Footnote 186:

Hdt. I. 59; Plut., _Solon_, 13, _Amat._ 18, _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._

763, 805), imagines this third party as existing at the time of

Solon’s reforms: but his account is inconsistent in itself and

contradicts Hdt. See Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55, Busolt, _Gr. G._^2

(1895), II. p. 302, n. 2, following Diels, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1885, p.

20, and Landwehr, _Philol._ Suppl. V. (1889), p. 155.

Footnote 187:

So Isocr. _Panath._ 148 (263); Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; cp.

Cic. _de Orat._ III. 34; _Brutus_, 27, 41; Val. Max. VIII. 9; Dio

Chrys. XXII.

Footnote 188:

_Pace_ Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22 (ὅτι Πεισίστρατος δημαγωγὸς καὶ

στρατηγὸς ὢν τύραννος κατέστη).

Footnote 189:

Cp. Plut. _Solon_, 29, “helping the needy” of Peisistratus when first

suspected by Solon of aiming at tyranny: cp. also Aristot. _Pol._ VII.

(V.), 1305_a_ (tr. Welldon), “the ground of this confidence being

their detestation of the wealthy classes. This was the case at Athens

with Peisistratus in consequence of his feud with the (wealthy landed)

proprietors of the plain.”

Footnote 190:

Hdt. I. 64. Grote’s translation, III. (ed. 1888), p. 329, n. 4, which

makes the money come from Athens and the mercenaries from Thrace, is

highly improbable. Amphipolis, the chief fifth century city on the

lower Strymon, is described by Thucydides, IV. 108, as useful to

Athens “from its revenues of money.” Grote’s objections to making

Peisistratus a Thracian mining magnate are met below.

Footnote 191:

So Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 5.

Footnote 192:

Guiraud, _La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce_, pp. 30, 31; cp. von

Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), p. 154, who notes that Maronea,

the name of the place in the Laurium district mined in the time of

Peisistratus, is also the name of a town in Thrace opposite Thasos

(said by Philochorus, _F.H.G._, I. p. 404, to have been alluded to by

Archilochus; cp. Hom. _Od._ IX. 197). E. Curtius (quoted _ibid._)

regards the Attic Maronea as having been named after the Thracian.

Footnote 193:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 15.

Footnote 194:

Hdt. I. 62, 64.

Footnote 195:

Of iron and copper, Steph. Byz. s.v. Αἴδηψος, Χαλκίς, Eustath. _ad

Dion. Perieget._ 764.

Footnote 196:

Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), pp. 233–4.

Footnote 197:

Cp. Muenzer u. Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.

Footnote 198:

Hdt. I. 9; so Dion. Hal. I. 13.

Footnote 199:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.

Footnote 200:

Plut. _Solon_, 13; _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._ 805); _Amat._ 18 (_Moral._

763).

Footnote 201:

See _e.g._ Poehlmann, _Grundriss_^4 p. 85; E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p.

663; Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55; Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’

Attica_, p. 29; Grundy, _Thucydides and Hist. of his Age_, p. 116;

Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell. Breslau_, I. p. 105.

Footnote 202:

Below, Appendix A.

Footnote 203:

_J.H.S._ XXVI. pp. 136–8.

Footnote 204:

_A.J.A._ 1889, p. 426; cp. Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell.

Breslau_, I. p. 69, n. 16.

Footnote 205:

_Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 286, ll. 18–21, μέταλλον ἀνασάξιμον ἐπὶ

Λαυρέωι ... ὧι γε(ιτνιᾷ ... πρὸς) νότο(ν) ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἔξω τοῦ Ῥαγῶνος ἐπὶ

Λαύρεον φέρουσα καὶ τὸ Σημάχειον.

Footnote 206:

Steph. Byz. s.v.

Footnote 207:

_Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 37; cp. _ibid._ 47; _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp.

422, 424.

Footnote 208:

_Ath. Mitt._ 1910, p. 309. The single tombstone of “Aeschines of

Semachidai, the son of Pamphilus” (_C.I.A._ II. 2534), found at

Brahami, three and a half kilometres South of the Acropolis, is

probably to be classed with _ibid._ 2535–9 as belonging to a Semachid

who died at Athens. So too with the fragment ΙΑΧΙΔΟΥ _C.I.A._ III.

3897, found at Alopeke, the modern Ampelokipi, one of the Eastern

terminuses of the Athenian tramways. Demesmen seem to have been

generally buried either in Athens or in the deme to which they

belonged. The ordinary Attic word for travel, ἀποδημεῖν (lit. “to quit

one’s deme”), seems to have been still appropriate even in the fourth

century.

Footnote 209:

_F.H.G._ I. p. 396.

Footnote 210:

_F.H.G._ I. p. 396.

Footnote 211:

_Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 25; 278, l. 42; 281, l. 46; the

word may have been semi-technical. Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV. 106,

speaks of a λόφος not far from Philippi, “in which are the gold mines

called the Asyla.”

Footnote 212:

Cp. Hesych. Ἐπάκριος· Ζεὺς ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων τῶν ὀρῶν ἱδρύμενος. ἐπὶ γὰρ

τῶν ὀρῶν τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῷ ἵδρυον ὡς ἐπιπολύ.

Footnote 213:

_I.e._ with the hill country of the Cleisthenic Interior. Inscriptions

(_C.I.A._ II. 602, 603), of the fourth century or later, mention men

of the Interior (Mesogeioi) who formed a similar organization to the

Epakrioi of _C.I.A._ II. 570, and were possibly composed of lowlanders

of the Cleisthenic Interior (Mesogeia). The name Mesogeia is now

applied to the “undulating district of hill and plain stretching to

the spurs of Pentelicon on the North, to Hymettus on the West, to the

vicinity of Marcopoulo on the South, and to the coast hills on the

East,” Baedeker, _Greece_, 1905, p. 117.

Footnote 214:

See _e.g._ J. A. R. Munro’s note _J.H.S._ XIX. (1899), p. 187.

Footnote 215:

_Odyss._ III. 278; cp. Steph. Byz. Σούνιον· δῆμος Λεοντίδος φυλῆς.

Ὅμηρος δὲ ἄκρον καλεῖ.

Footnote 216:

Aristoph. _Clouds_, 401.

Footnote 217:

Strabo, IX. 390.

Footnote 218:

Palmerius (Le Paulmier), _Exerc._ p. 4, quoted Schoemann, _de Comit.

Ath._ p. 343, n. 4.

Footnote 219:

Albertus, _Hesych._ s.v. Alii aliter; _e.g._ Casaubon _ad_ _Diog.

Laert._, _Solon_, 58 appears to locate the Diakrioi on the Acropolis.

Footnote 220:

Plato, _Critias_, 110_d_.

Footnote 221:

Strabo, IX. 391; cp. XIV. 632 f. on the Milesian district where Hdt.,

VI. 20, mentions the existence of a Hyperakria: Strabo distinguishes

clearly the ἄκραι on the coast from the ὄρη of the interior.

Footnote 222:

No mines are marked actually at Sunium in the map attached to

Ardaillon’s careful study of the mines of Laurium, but a mine at

Sunium (μέταλλον ἐπὶ Σουνίῳ) is mentioned in the inscription published

by Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 9; so also

_C.I.A._ II. 781: cp. also Eurip. _Cycl._ 293–4, “aery Sunium’s

silver-veined crag (ὑπάργυρος πέτρα),” tr. Shelley. Sunium and

Thoricus, also in the mining district (“at Thoricus and Laurium are

mines of silver,” schol. Aesch. _Pers._ 238), are coupled together by

Pliny, _N.H._ IV. 11 (7), as “promontoria.”

Footnote 223:

Hdt. IV. 99.

Footnote 224:

There were Diakrioi in Rhodes (Cavaignac, _Étud. Financ._ pp. xl, xli)

and Euboea (Hesych. s.v.) as well as Attica. Miletus had its

Hyperakrioi (Hdt. VI. 20).

Footnote 225:

Besides its connexion with (_a_) Semachidai and (_b_) the party of

Peisistratus, we find it as (_c_) one of twelve cities founded by

Cecrops (Strabo, IX. 397, Steph. Byz. s.v.), (_d_) one of three groups

of cities founded by Cecrops (Suid. and _Et. Mag._ s.v.), (_e_) a

country near Tetrapolis (Bekker, _Lex. Seguer._ p. 259), (_f_) a

trittys (trittys of the Epakrians: _C.I.A._ II. 1053 and (?) I.

517_b_; cp. Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. p. 355, n. 3), and (_g_) the

recipient of payments from Plotheia (_C.I.A._ II. 570, about 420

B.C.). It is recognized by Milchhoefer that the word is used in a

broader and a more restricted sense (_ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v.

Epakria). Though note _à propos_ of the Epakrian trittys of the

inscriptions that trittyes are generally named after not the district

but the chief place in the district, _e.g._ trittys of the

Eleusinians, of the Peiraeans, _C.I.A._ I. 517. Semachidai and

Plotheia belong to different tribes (Antiochis and Aegeis), and

consequently to different trittyes.

Footnote 226:

Strabo, XI. 499.

Footnote 227:

_E.g._ Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), pp. 277, l. 25; 278, l.

42; 281, l. 46; cp. Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2, τῶν ὑπαργύρων λόφων; Pliny,

_N.H._ IV. 11 (7), Thoricus promontorium.

Footnote 228:

Bursian, _Gr. Geog._ I. pp. 254–5. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ II. p. 416, n.

6, quotes Λαύριον ὄρος, but gives no reference.

Footnote 229:

A site between Kamaresa (Maronea?) and Sunium, which Loeper identifies

with Potamos, is described by him as “im Inneren liegend,” _Ath.

Mitt._ XVII. pp. 333–4.

Footnote 230:

Schol. Ap. Rhod. _Argon._ I. 1129, quoting the _Phoronid_,

ἄνδρες ὀρέστεροι,

οἱ πρῶτοι τέχνην πολυμήτιος Ἡφαίστοιο

εὗρον ἐν οὐρείῃσι νάπαις, ἰόεντα σίδηρον,

ἐς πῦρ τ’ ἤνεγκον καὶ ἀρίπρεπες ἔργον ἔδειξαν.

Footnote 231:

Binder, _Laurion_, p. 25 (cp. de Launay in Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._

s.v. ferrum, p. 1087), who says this is still the practice in Peru.

Smelting was carried on close by the mines, see Ardaillon in Saglio,

_Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. metalla. The sites of the ancient Siphnian mines

are to this day called Kaminia (furnaces) and Kapsala (slag?), Bent,

_J.H.S._ VI. pp. 196–7.

Note too that at a still earlier epoch gold from mines, as

distinguished from alluvial gold, was known in Egypt as “gold of the

mountain,” Breasted, _Records Anc. Egypt_, IV. 30: so _ibid._ 28,

“electrum of the mountains,” temp. Ramses III.

Footnote 232:

_Abh. Berl. Acad._ _d._ 1892, p. 47.

Footnote 233:

_Ath. Mitt._ XVII.

Footnote 234:

Polyb. XXXIV. 9.

Footnote 235:

Athen. VI. 272_e_; cp. Oros. V. 9, who dates what is apparently the

same revolt in the time of the first Sicilian slave war (139–132

B.C.).

Footnote 236:

Thuc. VII. 27; cp. Bury, _Hist. Greece_, p. 485.

Footnote 237:

Hdt. VII. 144; Plut. _Themist._ 4; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22.

Footnote 238:

Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_ (the best book on the subject), pp.

132, 133; where see also a technical explanation of the veins.

Footnote 239:

Plut. _Themist._ 4.

Footnote 240:

Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2.

Footnote 241:

F. Cauer, _Parteien in Megara und Athen_, p. 17.

Footnote 242:

Hdt. III. 57; they appear to have been exhausted before 490 B.C.

(Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 7, quoting Hdt. III. 57 and Paus. X.

11. 2), a fact that suggests an early discovery.

Footnote 243:

Furtwaengler, _Berl. Vas._ 871 B, 639, 831 A: Wilisch, _Jahresb. Gym._

_Zittau_, 1901, figs. 19 (Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ fig. 4987), 20 and

p. 20.

Footnote 244:

Hdt. VII. 144.

Footnote 245:

Hdt. III. 57; cp. E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 610, on Theognis,

667 f.

Footnote 246:

_E.g._ Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 2.

Footnote 247:

Aeschyl. _Persae_, 240 (238).

Footnote 248:

Hdt. VI. 46.

Footnote 249:

_Pace_ Cavaignac, _Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts. Ges._ IX. p. 7.

Footnote 250:

Xen., _de Vect._ IV. 17, advised the Athenian state to buy slaves to

the number of three for each citizen and let them out to work the

mines. The number of Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000

(cp. Wallon, _l’Esclavage_^2, I. pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed

number of slave miners about 60,000. This was admittedly many more

than the number actually employed at the time of the proposal, and

Xenophon suggests starting with 10,000, which Wallon, _ibid._ p. 230,

thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately owned

mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free

mining population might well have been. See also _de Vect._ IV. 14, 15

and _passim_; Andoc. _de Myst._ 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and

above, p. 45.

Footnote 251:

Dem. _c. Phaenipp._ 20 (1044–5).

Footnote 252:

Bérard, _B.C.H._ XII. (1888), p. 246, τέχνη δ’ οὔτις ἔριζε.

Footnote 253:

Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_, p. 91.

Footnote 254:

Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49–50,

ἄλλος Ἀθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡφαίστου πολυτέχνεω

ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον.

Footnote 255:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.

Footnote 256:

A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin

papyrus ἀποίκων for ἀγροίκων and then, _pace_ Busolt, _Gr. G._ II.^2

p. 96, n. 1, identify the ἄποικοι (men away from home; cp. the

Milesian ἀειναῦται, men always at sea) with the πάραλοι (men of the

coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified with the Diakrioi, and

it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus was already

leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, _de Magistr._ I. 47, makes

Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles,

warrior farmers, and mechanics (τὴν βάναυσον καὶ τεχνουργόν). The

statement appears among the fragments of Diodorus IX. in Dindorf’s

text; but the attribution is disputed, _e.g._ by Landwehr, _Philol._

Suppl. V. (1889), p. 141. The reading ἄγροικοι rather than ἄποικοι is

supported by Dion. Hal. II. 9; see further Gilliard, _Réformes de

Solon_, p. 105, n. 2.

Footnote 257:

Plut. _de Mul. Virt._ 27 (_Moral._ 262).

Footnote 258:

Plut. _Pericl._ 12.

Footnote 259:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13; Plut. _Sol._ 29.

Footnote 260:

Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV.

106. Cp. above, p. 39, n. 4.

Footnote 261:

Harpocrat. s.v. Ποταμός· “they were lampooned as readily admitting

illegal claims to citizenship (ὡς ῥᾳδίως δεχόμενοι τοὺς

παρεγγράπτους), as others proclaim and particularly Menander in _The

Twins_”; _Potamioi_ was the name of a comedy by Strattis; Athen. VII.

299_b_; Suid. s.v. Ποταμοί.

Footnote 262:

_Ath. Mitt._ XVII. (1892), pl. xii. Inscriptions mention three

Potamioi, see _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp. 390–1, Π. καθύπερθεν, Π.

ὑπένερθεν, Π. Δειραδιῶται. The first two are grouped together apart

from the third, and Loeper is probably right, as against Koehler,

_Ath. Mitt._ X. (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. IV. (1879), p. 102, in

assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P.

Deiradiotai the mining village. καθύπερθεν is therefore no evidence

for an inland mining Potamioi. But “Deiradiotai” means “on the ridge,”

and supports Loeper’s location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter

whether the adjective means “P. on the ridge,” or “P. near

Deiradiotai” (a separate deme, see _C.I.A._ II. 864).

Footnote 263:

Milchhoefer, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII. (1893), p. 284.

Footnote 264:

_C.I.A._ II. 3343.

Footnote 265:

Hdt. V. 23, “by the river Strymon ... a city ... where are mines of

silver; and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large

barbarian.”

Footnote 266:

Thuc. IV. 105, “Brasidas, ... learning that Thucydides owned workings

in the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of

the most influential men on the mainland”; Marcellinus, _Vit. Thuc._

19, “(Thucydides) married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was

very wealthy and owned mines in Thrace”; Plut. _Cimon_, 4.

Footnote 267:

Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 14.

Footnote 268:

Hdt. I. 60; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; Athen. 609_c_; Polyaen. I. 21. 1;

Val. Max. I. 2. 2 (ext.); Hermog. περὶ εὑρεσ. I. 3. 21 (ed. Spengel);

cp. schol. _ibid. ap._ Walzium, _Rhet. Gr._ V. p. 378. In schol.

Aristoph. _Eq._ 447 Phye appears to be confused with Myrrina who

appears to have been either wife (_ibid._) or daughter (schol. Dem.

_Aristoc._) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc.,

and Hesych. s.v. Βυρσίνης). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The

confusion may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common

noun, sometimes means garland (_e.g._ Pherecr. _Metall._ I. 25;

Aristoph. _Vesp._ 861; _Nub._ 1364, etc.), while Phye is described as

a garland seller (_Ath. Pol._ and Athen.).

Footnote 269:

See _e.g._ Thirlwall, _Hist._^2 II. pp. 67–8; Babelon, _Journ. Int.

d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. I. 60; Beloch,

_Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 370; cp. also Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 299.

Footnote 270:

Hirschensohn, _Philolog. Obozrenie_, X. (1896), Moscow, pp. 119 f.;

Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 290 f., _Rhein. Mus._ XLV. (1890), p.

469; so De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2, p. 278, n. 5; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor.

Ant._ V. pp. 516 f., _Boll. Fil. Class._ IX. pp. 84 f., 107 f.

Footnote 271:

Euseb. _Chron._ Armenian vers. 544/3 B.C., Pisistratus Atheniensibus

iterum imperauit.

Footnote 272:

Jerome, _Chron._ 539 B.C., Pisistratus secunda uice Athenis regnat.

Footnote 273:

Hdt. I. 62.

Footnote 274:

Cp. below, chap. VIII. pp. 237–9.

Footnote 275:

Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 292–3, 297.

Footnote 276:

Hdt. VI. 35, “Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had

influence (ἐδυνάστευε)” suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt.

VI. 39, below, p. 63), though Hdt. VI. 35, “annoyed with the

government of Peisistratus,” shows that it was not cordial.

Footnote 277:

Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. p. 316, n. 3.

Footnote 278:

_Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), p. 19.

Footnote 279:

Six, _Num. Chron._ 1895, pl. VII. 8, 7, 1.

Footnote 280:

_E.g._ P. Gardner, _Earliest Coins of Greece Proper_, p. 28; Hill,

_Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 17; v. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), pp.

153–5, emphasizing the connexion of Peisistratus with silver as well

as with Athena; Lermann, _Athenatypen_, pp. 3 f.

For a somewhat earlier date see Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 249,

251; Earle Fox, _Corolla Numismat. B. V. Head_, p. 43; Svoronos,

_Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XIV. (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109–1120; Seeck,

_Klio_, IV. (1904), p. 176 (Solon or even Draco).

For a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and

(_Neue Jahrb._ 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by

Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 247 f.; Babelon, _J. I. d’A. N._ 1905,

pp. 12–16. Holwerda, _Album Herwerden_, p. 117, who follows Six, only

adds some inconclusive comparisons with Greek sculpture.

Footnote 281:

There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._^1 IV. p. 28,

and others, that Peisistratus’ Pangaion mines were gold. In the days

of Philip and Alexander the Great they were best known for their gold;

but silver was also mined abundantly, see Hdt. V. 17; VII. 112;

Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, XLV. 29; Justin, VIII. 3; Orosius, III. 12.

Footnote 282:

Pollux, IX. 74, 75, quoting Euripides (_d._ 406 B.C.), Hyperides

(_fl._ 350 B.C.), Eubulus Comicus (_fl._ 350 B.C.); cp. Hesych. s.v.

Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον.

Footnote 283:

Schol. Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106, “the tetradrachm was at that time

called an owl.”

Footnote 284:

Cp. Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, “the staters, from the stamp: for

on one side there was a head of Athena.” The stater is the didrachm.

Footnote 285:

Hill, _Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 16; _Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece_, pl.

XXIV. 18, 19.

Footnote 286:

Hdt. IV. 180, “They dress up together on each occasion their fairest

maiden in a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her

on a chariot, drive her all round the lake.” See further Macan, _Hdt._

IV.-VI. _ad loc._, who quotes Phye.

Footnote 287:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; cp. Athen. XIII. 609_c_.

Footnote 288:

Solon, frag. 2 (13), ll. 5–6

αὐτοὶ δὲ φθείρειν μεγάλην πόλιν ἀφραδίῃσιν

ἀστοὶ βούλονται, χρήμασι πειθόμενοι.

Footnote 289:

_E.g._ _B.C.H._ XXX. (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury

sale.

Footnote 290:

Archil. frag. 54 (53), τὸν κεροπλάστην ἄειδε Γλαῦκον.

Footnote 291:

Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 64.

Footnote 292:

Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the

second half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht,

p. 2132; cp. Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure

vase style.

Footnote 293:

Time of Hippias, Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 368 (but cp. _ibid._ n. 3);

Seeck, _Klio_, IV. (1904), pp. 173–5; 508 B.C., Holwerda, _Album

Herwerden_, p. 119; 500 B.C. or after, V. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX.

(1897), p. 142: Kampanes, _B.C.H._ XXX. p. 75; 490 B.C., Six, _Num.

Chron._ 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 43:

Babelon, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 8: _J. I. d’A. N._ VIII.

(1905), pp. 44 f.; 480 B.C., Howorth, _Num. Chron._ 1893, p. 245:

Lermann, _Athenatyp._ pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the

ungarlanded head of a coin with Hippias’ name is not decisive. The

coin, which is abnormal, was probably struck by the tyrant in exile,

and the absence of garland may indicate either the exile’s grief or

the local coiner’s incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot casting

away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or

regaining the reality? “The olive again has been known to lose its

leaves and yet produce its fruit; this is said to have happened to

Thessalos the son of Peisistratos,” Theophrast. _Hist. Plant._ II. 3.

3; cp. Ruehl, _Rhein. Mus._ 1892, p. 460.

Footnote 294:

Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the

most famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera

Rhodopis won such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See

Mallet, _Prem. Étab. Gr. en Égypte_, p. 238, who compares the fioraie

of Venice and Florence.

Footnote 295:

Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. στεφανηφόρος; cp. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ I. pp.

193 f. Lenormant, _Monnaies et Médailles_, p. 60; Saglio, _Dict. d.

Ant._ s.v. drachmae Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however,

in which the expression occurs date only from the end of the second

century B.C., _C.I.A._ II. i. 466–8, 476.

Footnote 296:

Bekker, _Anecd. Gr._ I. 301, 19.

Footnote 297:

Livy, XXXVII. 46, 58, 59; XXXIX. 7; Cic. _ad Att._ II. 6, 16; XI. 1.

Footnote 298:

Diamantaras, _Ath. Mitt._ XIV. (1889), p. 413.

Footnote 299:

The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., _e.g._,

il maledetto fiore

ch’ ha disviate le pecore e gli agni.

Dante, _Paradiso_, IX. 130.

Footnote 300:

Plut. _Apophth. Lac._, _Agesilaus_, 40 (_Moral._ 211); cp. the proverb

τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι (virtue and wisdom are

vanquished by tortoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp.

too βοῦς ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ (there’s an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch.

_Agam._ 35, Pollux IX. 61, which, whether the ox meant is a gold

stater, on which the ox was one of the commonest types, or, as P.

Gardner suggests, a leather gag, _Num. Chron._ 1881, p. 289, is an

instance of a similar _jeu de mot_ dating from the actual epoch of

Peisistratus.

Footnote 301:

Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106; cp. Schol. _ad loc._ “the tetradrachm was at

that time (_i.e._ of Aristophanes) called an owl”; Suid. s.v. γλαῦκες

Λαυρεωτικαί· “of those who have much money,” is a misunderstanding of

the phrase; cp. his statement that the Laurium mines were gold.

Footnote 302:

Plut. _Lysander_, 16.

Footnote 303:

The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 17.

Footnote 304:

Hdt. V. 12.

Footnote 305:

Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. V. 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), VII.

75, 115; Aristoph. _Ach._ 273 (“the Thracian daughter of

Strymodorus”); Diod. XII. 68. 1, “this city (Ennea Hodoi on the

Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried previously to settle; ...

but he had met his death, and the occupants had been driven out by the

Thracians” (about 500 B.C.); cp. _ibid._ XI. 70. 5; Plut. _Cimon_, 7,

“Eion ... a city in Thrace on the Strymon.” Cp. Suid. s.v. χρυσὸς

Κολοφώνιος; Tzetzes _ad_ Lycoph. _Cass._ V. 417 (Hill, _Sources Gk.

Hist._ p. 87). For Pangaion see Hdt. VII. 112, “Mt Pangaion, in which

are gold and silver mines, which are worked by ... most of all the

Satrai,” with which cp. _ibid._ 110, where the Satrai occur in a list

of Thracian tribes.

Footnote 306:

Hdt. V. 15, 16; Strabo VII. 331.

Footnote 307:

Hdt. V. 1, 13, 98.

Footnote 308:

Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ III. p. 297; Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. app. III.,

IV. particularly IV. sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes

the political importance for Hippias of these Northern mines.

Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 12, denies this removal when he says

that the Peisistratid’s Thracian possessions had perhaps remained in

Athenian hands between 512 and 475.

Footnote 309:

(_a_) The Paianian (Phye): γυνὴ ... μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσάρων πηχέων

ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής. ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα

σκευάσαντες, Hdt. I. 60; γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐξευρών ... τὴν

θεὸν ἀπομιμούμενος τῷ κόσμῳ, Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14.

(_b_) The Paionian: ἀδελφεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα ... σκευάσαντες ὡς

εἶχον ἄριστα, Hdt. V. 12.

Footnote 310:

Nic. Dam. frag. 71, _F.H.G._ III. p. 413, gives the same story, but

calls the woman a Thracian and the king Alyattes. Macan, _ad_ _Hdt._

V. 12 (cp. _ibid._ (_Hdt._ IV.-VI.), app. IV. sect. 7) thinks we

probably have a local story transferred to Darius; but the transport

of Thracians to Asia, recorded also by Nic. Dam., suggests rather that

Hdt. is right in attaching the story to Darius. The Lydian king of the

Nic. Dam. version is perhaps due to Sardis being the scene of the

story.

Footnote 311:

Paionian coins, like Athenian, bore the helmeted head of Athena,

_e.g._ _Boston Mus. Rep._ XXII. (1897), p. 40; Svoronos, _J. I. d’A.

N._ 1913, p. 197 (fourth century).

Footnote 312:

The corkscrew hair of the most archaic looking garland coins, above,

pp. 55–56, is found on an obol, Babelon, _Corolla Num. B. V. Head_,

pp. 1 f., inscribed ΗΙ𐅃, presumably short for Hippias. Probably

it was struck by him in exile, _ibid._ p. 7, but in any case it

associates the corkscrew curls with the tyranny. _Num. Chron._ 1908,

pp. 278 f. shows the same corkscrew curls, and the inscription ΙΠ.

This has been expanded both as Hippias and as Peisistratus, but cp.

Muenzer and Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.

Footnote 313:

Hdt. V. 94.

Footnote 314:

Hdt. V. 1.

Footnote 315:

πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον μακρῷ, Hdt. I. 60; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14,

ἀρχαϊκῶς καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς.

Footnote 316:

Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106.

Footnote 317:

Schol. Aristoph. _Knights_, 1092.

Footnote 318:

Hdt. V. 11.

Footnote 319:

Hdt. V. 23. Cp. below, p. 271.

Footnote 320:

Above, p. 58; cp. Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), p.

277.

Footnote 321:

V. 11.

Footnote 322:

Cp. also with the Histiaeus incident the intrigues of Aristagoras with

the deported Paionians whom Darius had settled in Phrygia (a famous

mining country), Hdt. V. 98.

Footnote 323:

Thuc. II. 15; Paus. I. 14. 1.

Footnote 324:

_Brit. Mus. Cat. Vas._ II. B 331, where, however, it is called

Kallirrhoe (more precisely καλιρεκρενε, perhaps a confusion of

Καλλιρρόη and Ἐννεάκρουνος). The aqueduct by which Peisistratus

improved and enlarged the supply of water has been discovered by

Doerpfeld, _Arch. Eph._ 1894, pp. 3 f.; cp. Theagenes (Paus. I. 40),

Polycrates (Hdt. III. 60), and the Corinthian Peirene.

Footnote 325:

E. Gardner, _Gk. Sculp._ fig. 34.

Footnote 326:

Doerpfeld, _Ath. Mitt._ XXVII. (1902), pp. 379 f.; E. Curtius,

_Stadtg. v. Athen_, pp. 73 f.; Michaelis, _Cent. Arch. Discov._ pp.

240–2.

Footnote 327:

Plut. _Solon_, 31, “the law against idleness was passed, not by Solon

but by Peisistratus.”

Footnote 328:

Aristoph. _Lysistr._ 1150 f. “Do you not know that it was the Spartans

again, who when you were wearing the labourer’s dress (κατωνάκας

φοροῦντες), came under arms and slew ... many friends and allies of

Hippias, ... and set you free, and clothed your people like gentlemen

instead of labourers once again (ἀντὶ τῆς κατωνάκης τὸν δῆμον ὑμῶν

χλαῖναν ἤμπισχον πάλιν).” Cp. the charges made by fifth century Roman

republicans against the kings: below, pp. 223–4.

Footnote 329:

Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. i. 387–8; Hdt. V. 94, “(Peisistratus) having

secured it (Sigeium), established as tyrant his illegitimate son”; cp.

Periander and Corcyra.

Footnote 330:

Thuc. VI. 59.

Footnote 331:

Hdt. VI. 39; cp. above, p. 52. For numismatic evidence of Hippias’

ties with both Lampsacus and the Thracian Chersonese see Head, _Hist.

Num._^2 p. 377, Lermann, _Athenatypen_, pp. 17–21, coins of (_a_)

Chersonese, _obv._ Athena head, _rev._ Milesian lion (for Milesian

colonies in Chersonese see Strabo, XIV. 635; VII. 331, frag. 52);

(_b_) Lampsacus, _obv._ Athena head, _rev._ type of Lampsacus. This

alliance currency points to a broad and far-reaching commercial

policy.

Footnote 332:

Ps.-Aristot. _Oec._ II. 1347_a_, τό τε νόμισμα τὸ ὂν Ἀθηναίοις

ἀδόκιμον ἐποίησε, τάξας δὲ τιμὴν ἐκέλευσε πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνακομίζειν.

συνελθόντων δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ κόψαι ἕτερον χαρακτῆρα, ἐξέδωκε τὸ αὐτὸ

ἀργύριον.

Footnote 333:

Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, p. 248 (change very slight); Gilbert, _Neue

Jahrb._ 1896, pp. 537 f. (Hippias issued fresh coins from the same

silver).

Footnote 334:

_Num. Chron._ 1895, p. 178; _J. I. d’A. N._ VIII. (1905), pp. 23 f.

Footnote 335:

_Ath. Pol._ 10.

Footnote 336:

Cp. Svoronos, _J. I. d’A. N._ V. (1902), p. 32 f. (cp. below, p. 183,

n. 6), on a hint that Pheidon may have debased the Aeginetan

“tortoises” shortly before his fall.

Footnote 337:

Cp. Isocr. _de Big._ 25, 26 (351).

Footnote 338:

Hdt. VI. 125; cp. Isoc. _de Big._ 25 (351).

Footnote 339:

E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 637.

Footnote 340:

Note, however, Hdt. V. 62 (see next note), χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες.

Footnote 341:

δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ’ ἀρχὰς ἤϊα λέξων λόγον, ὡς

τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Ἱππίεω τυραννεύοντος ...

Ἀλκμαίωνιδαι, ... φεύγοντες Πεισιστρατίδας, ... ἐνθαῦτα ... πᾶν ἐπὶ

τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι μηχανώμενοι, παρ’ Ἀμφικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν

μισθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν ἔοντα, τότε δὲ οὔκω, τοῦτον

ἐξοικοδομῆσαι, οἷα δὲ χρημάτων εὖ ἥκοντες, καὶ ἔοντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι

ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ παραδείγματος κάλλιον, τά τε

ἄλλα καὶ, συγκειμένου σφι πωρίνου λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηὸν, Παρίο τὰ

ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν. Hdt. V. 62.

Footnote 342:

Hdt. V. 63, ἀνέπειθον τὴν Πυθίην χρήμασι.

Footnote 343:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 19. For huge sums made in this way in recent

times on classic ground see the _causes célèbres_ of the Vittorio

Emanuele monument and the Palazzo di Giustizia at Rome.

Footnote 344:

_F.H.G._ I. p. 395, frag. 70.

Footnote 345:

Isoc. _Antid._ 232, “Cleisthenes, having been banished from the city

by the tyrants, persuaded the Amphictyons to lend him some of the

money of the god, and restored the democracy, and banished the

tyrants”; Dem. _Meid._ 144 (561), “(the Alcmaeonids), they say ...

having borrowed money from Delphi, freed the city and expelled the

sons of Peisistratus.” Themistius, _Orat._ IV. 53_a_, gives the

Alcmaeonidae as the contractors without any mention of means or

motives. Hdt. II. 180, Strabo IX. 421, and Paus. X. 5. 13 mention the

rebuilding of the temple without referring to the Alcmaeonidae.

Footnote 346:

Plut. _Sol._ II.

Footnote 347:

Grote, _Hist. Greece_, ed. 1888, II. pp. 412–413.

Footnote 348:

_Atti R. Accad. Torino_, 1916, pp. 303–4, quoting _Cat. Greek Pap.

Rylands_, vol. I. p. 31.

Footnote 349:

That the Peisistratids were unfriendly to Delphi is perhaps to be

inferred from the report highly dubious in itself, but prevalent in

various quarters, that they had actually caused the fire which

destroyed the temple, Philoc. frag. 70, _F.H.G._ I. p. 395.

Footnote 350:

Cleisthenes’ parents appear to have married before 570 B.C. Beloch,

_Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 286.

Footnote 351:

Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1275_b_.

Footnote 352:

Hdt. V. 66, τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. Cp. _ibid._ 69, ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον

προσθέμενος πολλῷ καθύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων.

Footnote 353:

Thuc. I. 13; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ VII. 57 (56). Panofka, _Res Samiorum_,

p. 15, quotes Pliny, _ibid._, for attributing to the Samians the

invention of horse-transports, but the reading is doubtful: edd.

hippagum Samii (inuenerunt), but for Samii MSS. give Damiam.

Footnote 354:

Hdt. III. 47 (Messenian war), III. 59 (against Aegina), V. 99

(Lelantine war).

Footnote 355:

Hdt. IV. 152.

Footnote 356:

Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. i. p. 106.

Footnote 357:

Hdt. II. 135.

Footnote 358:

Hdt. II. 178.

Footnote 359:

Hdt. II. 178; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἔφεσος. On the Greek τεμένη at

Naukratis see below, Chapter IV. pp. 116–7.

Footnote 360:

Hdt. II. 179.

Footnote 361:

The most famous names connected with this industry are Rhoecus and

Theodorus (below, pp. 73, 76, 80, 83) and Mnesarchus, father of the

philosopher Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. VIII. 1. 1; cp. Iambl.

_Pyth._ 5, 9).

Footnote 362:

Theocr. XV. 125–6.

Footnote 363:

Plut. _Qu. Gr._ 57 (_Moral._ 304–5).

Footnote 364:

Apul. _Florid._ II. 15; Aesch. _Pers._ 883.

Footnote 365:

For possible early tyrants in Samos see Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. pp.

614, 616, who names Amphikrates (Hdt. III. 59), Demoteles (Plut. _Qu.

Gr._ 57), and Syloson (Polyaen. VI. 45). All three are extremely

doubtful. Amphikrates was probably a legitimate king of the period

before the abolition of monarchy: very possibly he was a contemporary

of the Argive Pheidon (below, pp. 177–8). Demoteles was, according to

our only authority, the monarch whose murder led to the ascendancy of

the geomoroi: he is naturally assumed to have been the last sovereign

of the legitimate royal house. The Syloson of Polyaenus, VI. 45, is

probably a confused recollection of the brother of Polycrates. He

helps the Samians during a war with the Aeolians to observe a festival

of Hera held outside the city and makes himself tyrant during the

celebration. The connexion with Hera points to the family of

Polycrates (see below, pp. 76, 81): the Aeolian war may be a disguised

version of the struggle waged by Polycrates against the Great King who

was in possession of the Aeolian mainland. This struggle went back to

the beginning of the reign of Polycrates, when he was associated in

his tyranny with his brother Syloson: see also Babelon, _Rev. Num._

1894, p. 268.

Footnote 366:

Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 777, following Grote III. (ed. 1888), p.

453.

Footnote 367:

Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. pp. 508–9, n. 3, who notes that Lygdamis was

already tyrant of Naxos (Polyaen. I. 23, _pace_ Plass, _Tyrannis_, p.

236).

Footnote 368:

Thuc. I. 13; Hdt. III. 39, 122; Strabo, XIV. 637. Max. Tyr. (Teubner),

XXIX. 2; Euseb. _Chron._ Armenian vers. “mare obtinuerunt Samii,” Lat.

vers. “Dicearchiam Samii condiderunt,” both just after notice of

Polycrates’ accession. Cp. S. Reinach’s interpretation of the ring

which Polycrates cast into the sea (Hdt. III. 41; Strabo, XIV. 638;

Paus. VIII. 14. 8; Pliny, _N.H._ XXXVII. 1; Cic. _de Fin._ V. 30. 92;

Val. Max. VI. 9. 5 (ext.); Tzetz. _Chil._ VII. 121; Galen, _Protrept._

4; Eustath. _ad_ Dionys. V. 534), with which the French scholar

compares the ring with which the doge of Venice annually wedded his

mistress the sea (S. Reinach, _Rev. Arch._ ser. IV. vol. VI. (1905),

pp. 9 f.), but cp. Marshall, _Brit. Mus. Cat. Rings_, p. xxi, n. 7,

who points out that wedding rings seem unknown among the Greeks.

Footnote 369:

Hdt. III. 60.

Footnote 370:

Suid. and Phot. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος; Plut. _Pericles_, 26; Athen. XII.

540_e_; cp. Hesych. Σαμιακὸς τρόπος; Phot. Σάμαιναι.

Footnote 371:

Thuc. I. 13, III. 104.

Footnote 372:

Phot. and Suid. Πύθια καὶ Δήλια. So Zenob. _ap._ Leutsch u.

Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 165; cp. Diogenian. _ibid._ p.

311.

Footnote 373:

ἐμπορικὸν πρᾶγμα, Strabo, X. 486; cp. Pliny, _N.H._ XXXIV. 4.

Footnote 374:

See below, p. 260.

Footnote 375:

Malalas _ap._ Migne, _Bibl. Patr. Gr._ vol. 97, p. 260. So Cedren.

_Synops._ 243; _ibid._ vol. 121, p. 277.

Footnote 376:

Plass, _Tyrannis_, p. 240.

Footnote 377:

Hdt. III. 47, where observe the causes to which the war is attributed.

Footnote 378:

Hence the relevance of the long account of the Thraco-Scythian

expedition in the fourth book of Herodotus, immediately preceding the

first attack upon Persia by European Greeks, that namely of Athens and

Eretria during the Ionian revolt described in Book V.

Footnote 379:

Hdt. III. 44.

Footnote 380:

Hdt. III. 120.

Footnote 381:

Malalas, _loc. cit._

Footnote 382:

κιθαρίζειν τε καὶ ψάλλειν καὶ καπηλεύειν, Hdt. I. 155. So Justin, I.

7, iussi cauponias et ludicras artes et lenocinia exercere.

Footnote 383:

Zenob. V. 1, Λυδὸς καπηλεύει, _ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem.

Graec._ I. p. 115.

Footnote 384:

pp. 76–7.

Footnote 385:

Cp. Hdt. III. 39 with Diod. I. 95, 98.

Footnote 386:

ὑπὸ τρυφῆς τὰ πανταχόθεν συνάγειν, Athen. XII. 540_c_.

Footnote 387:

Hdt. I. 51; Athen. XII. 514 f.

Footnote 388:

Athen. XII. 540_c-d_.

Footnote 389:

Hdt. IV. 155; cp. _ibid._ 159.

Footnote 390:

Arcesilaus II is represented on a famous kylix in the Louvre as

presiding over the weighing and shipment of a cargo of silphium, and

has in that connexion been called by Michaelis a silphium merchant,

_Cent. Arch. Discov._ p. 235.

Footnote 391:

Hdt. IV. 162–4.

Footnote 392:

Hdt. III. 56. The recipients are Spartan invaders of Samos.

Footnote 393:

Archaic Milesian hects of lead plated with electrum, Brandis,

_Münzwesen_, pp. 327–8; F. Lenormant, _La Monnaie dans l’Antiq._ I. p.

225.

Footnote 394:

Suid. s.v. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος.

Footnote 395:

On Aiakes see Hdt. VI. 13, 22, 25; on the Samaina coins see Head,

_Hist. Num._^2 pp. 153, 603–4; P. Gardner, _Samos_, p. 17, Pl. I. 17,

18; Babelon, _Rev. Num._ 1894, pp. 281–2, Pl. X.; V. Sallet, _Zeit. f.

Num._ III. p. 135, V. p. 103.

Footnote 396:

Hdt. III. 60.

Footnote 397:

Fabricius, _Ath. Mitt._ IX. (1884), pp. 165 f.; _Jahrb._ IV. _Arch.

Anz._ pp. 39–40; Wiegand, _Abhand. preuss. Akad._ Phil. Hist. Class.

1911; Dennis, _Academy_, 1882, Nov. 4, pp. 335–6; Guérin, _Patmos et

Samos_, pp. 196–7. The great tunneled aqueduct that took the water

through the mountain which separates the city from the source of the

supply is still in existence.

Footnote 398:

Hdt. IV. 87, 88.

Footnote 399:

ἔργα Πολυκράτεια, Aristot. _Pol._ VIII. 1313_b_; cp. Athen. XII.

540_d_; Suet. _Calig._ 21 (regia).

Footnote 400:

Water supplies: Cypselids at Corinth (Πειρήνη), Theagenes at Megara

(the home of Eupalinus), Peisistratus at Athens (Καλλιρρόη). Temples:

Corinth, Athens (the huge Olympiaeum completed by Hadrian 700 years

later).

Footnote 401:

Clearchus _ap._ Athen. 540 f.; cp. Ps.-Plut. I. 61, s.v. Σαμίων ἄνθη,

καὶ Σαμιακὴ λαύρα _ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p.

330.

Footnote 402:

Burrows, _Discoveries in Crete_, pp. 117 f.; cp. Conway, _ibid._ pp.

227 f. The ancient derivations are interesting but not helpful: see

_Et. Mag._ s.v. παρὰ τὸ λίαν ἔχειν αὖραν· ἢ δι’ ἧς ὁ λαὸς ῥεῖ εἰς τὴν

ὁδόν.

Footnote 403:

Casaubon _ad_ Athen. XII. cap. 10.

Footnote 404:

Ps.-Plut. I. 61; cp. Athen. 541_a_, Eustath. _ad Odyss._ XXII. 128.

Footnote 405:

See _Encyc. Brit._^{11} s.v. Bazaar: “Persian (bazar, market), a

permanent market or street of shops or a group of short narrow streets

of stalls under one roof.” A similar picture is given by Radet,

_Lydie_, pp. 298–9, of the Lydian γλυκὺς ἄγκων.

Footnote 406:

See Macarius VII. 55_ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ II.

p. 207, “Samian laura: of those indulging in luxury” (ἐπὶ τῶν εἰς

τρυφὴν ἐκκεχυμένων); Ps.-Plut. I. 61_ap._ eosd. I. p. 330, “of those

indulging in extreme pleasures (ἐπὶ τῶν ὑστάταις ἡδοναῖς χρωμένων).”

Footnote 407:

It goes on to state that “Polycrates, the tyrant of luxurious Samos,

perished through his intemperate mode of life.”

Footnote 408:

ἀσχολίαν καὶ πενίαν τῶν ἀρχομένων, Aristot. _Pol._ 1313_b_.

Footnote 409:

See above, pp. 26–32.

Footnote 410:

Athen. 540_d_, μετεστέλλετο δέ, φησί, καὶ τεχνίτας ἐπὶ μισθοῖς

μεγίστοις: Hdt. III. 131.

Footnote 411:

Athen. 541_a_, ἔτι δὲ τῆς συμπάσης πόλεως ἐν ἑορταῖς τε καὶ μέθαις.

The sentence is corrupt, but probably ἔτι = furthermore, and the

subject is still Polycrates. It occurs in an extract from Clearchus

that appears to deal exclusively with the Samian tyrant. If Polycrates

is not the subject ἔτι is probably temporal, and the sentence

described a state of affairs that had persisted from the time of the

tyranny.

Footnote 412:

Diod. I. 95, “behaving with violence both to the citizens and to

strangers who sailed in to Samos.”

Footnote 413:

Athen. 602_d_, “there are some who regarded παλαῖστραι (wrestling

schools) as counter-fortifications to their own citadels and set them

on fire and demolished them, as was done by Polycrates the tyrant of

Samos.”

Footnote 414:

Hdt. III. 39 and 45.

Footnote 415:

Hdt. III. 120.

Footnote 416:

They consisted of “hired mercenaries” and “native bowmen,” Hdt. III.

45.

Footnote 417:

_Ap._ Zenob. V. 64, s.v. Πολυκράτης μητέρα νέμει in Leutsch u.

Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 146.

Footnote 418:

Cp. the story in Hdt. III. 119 of the woman who preferred to save her

brother rather than her husband, because the latter was replaceable,

but the former not.

Footnote 419:

Suid. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος.

Footnote 420:

Strabo, XIV. 638; Heraclides, _F.H.G._ II. p. 216; Zenobius, III. 90

(_ap._ Leutsch u. Schneidewin, _Paroem. Graec._ I. p. 79), and

Eustath. _ad_ _Dion. Perieg._ 534, ἕκητι Συλοσῶντος εὐρυχωρίν; Suid.

and Phot. s.v. Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος. Cp. Argos after the massacre of

Cleomenes (about 494 B.C.): “Argos was so denuded of men that the

slaves had the whole situation in their hands, ruling and

administrating until the sons of the victims grew to manhood,” Hdt.

VI. 83.

Footnote 421:

πρὸ δὲ τοῦ τυραννῆσαι κατασκευασάμενος στρωμνὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ ποτήρια

ἐπέτρεπε χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἢ γάμον ἢ μείζονας ὑποδοχὰς ποιουμένοις, Athen.

540_d_.

Footnote 422:

Cp. Tzetz. _Chil._ X. 347, τὸ παλαιὸν περὶ στρωμνὰς ἦν τῇ Μιλήτῳ φήμη.

Footnote 423:

Hdt. III. 139.

Footnote 424:

Grote, III. p. 461.

Footnote 425:

Strabo, XIV. 638.

Footnote 426:

Athen. XI. 464_a_.

Footnote 427:

Bronze, Hdt. II. 37; silver, gold, Hdt. III. 148; Boeckh, _C.I.G._

138. 7, 19, 27.

Footnote 428:

Cp. the borrowed metal vessels used for the entertainment of the

Athenian envoys to Segesta just before the Athenian expedition to

Sicily, Thuc. VI. 46.

Footnote 429:

Some ancient authorities held that Theodorus flourished more than a

century before Polycrates (Plin. _N.H._ XXXV. 43 (152); cp. Frazer,

_Paus._ IV. p. 237). Theodorus is always associated with Rhoecus and

the two names may have been borne in alternate generations by one

family of artists. This would not require the Rhoeci to have

flourished longer in Samos than the Wedgwoods have in Staffordshire.

Whether or no this explanation holds, the divergence in dates points

to the industry having flourished for a long time in the island. If

one date for Theodorus is insisted on, that of Hdt. (I. 51), which

makes him the elder contemporary of Polycrates, must be chosen.

Footnote 430:

Hdt. IV. 152.

Footnote 431:

L. Curtius, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXI. (1906), pp. 151 f.

Footnote 432:

Illustrated, _ibid._ pp. 151, 152, Pl. XIV.; _Amer. Journ. Arch._ XI.

(1907), p. 84.

Footnote 433:

_E.g._ Gardner, _Gk. Sculp._, Fig. 8.

Footnote 434:

Hence perhaps the friendship of Polycrates with Arcesilaus of Cyrene;

cp. Hdt. IV. 152, “It was from this action that the Cyreneans and

Theraeans first struck up great friendships with the Samians.”

Footnote 435:

_Ath. Mitt._ XXXI. (1906), pp. 160, 161.

Footnote 436:

Hdt. III. 39, 125.

Footnote 437:

Hdt. III. 40.

Footnote 438:

Hdt. III. 43.

Footnote 439:

Hdt. III. 43.

Footnote 440:

So E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 792; cp. above, p. 72.

Footnote 441:

Hdt. III. 120 f.

Footnote 442:

Hdt. III. 121.

Footnote 443:

πᾶσα ἡ ποίησις πλήρης ἐστι τῆς περὶ αὐτοῦ μνήμης, Strabo, XIV. 638.

Footnote 444:

Hdt. III. 55.

Footnote 445:

Hdt. VIII. 85, IX. 90.

Footnote 446:

The wealth of Polycrates was still proverbial in the days of Plato,

see _Meno_, 90_a_, and Stallbaum, _Platonis Meno_, _ad loc._

Footnote 447:

Hdt. II. 177; Plin. _N.H._ V. 11; Mela, I. 9 (60).

Footnote 448:

Hdt. II. 177.

Footnote 449:

Breasted, _Hist._^2 p. 574, apparently an inference from Herodotus’

inaccurate statement that a strict caste system prevailed among the

Egyptians: only the priests became an exclusive caste, _ibid._ p. 575.

Footnote 450:

Griffith, _Dem. Pap. Rylands_, III. p. 10.

Footnote 451:

Griffith, _Encyc. Brit._^{11}, Egypt, p. 87.

Footnote 452:

Mallet, _Prem. Étab. des Grecs en Ég._ p. 292, quoting Erman u.

Schweinfurth, _Abh. Ak. Berl._ 1885.

Footnote 453:

Diod. Sic. I. 66.

Footnote 454:

Hdt. II. 159; on technical progress in shipbuilding in seventh century

Egypt see Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 99 f.

Footnote 455:

Hdt. II. 158, IV. 42; cp. Aristot. Meteor. I. 14 (352 b); Strabo,

XVII. 804; Diod. I. 33; Tzetz. _Chil._ VII. 446. A canal connecting

the two seas appears (_pace_ Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 158) to have been

in use 700 years earlier under Seti I and Ramses II; see Petrie,

_Hist._ III. p. 13; Maspero, _Hist. Anc._^5 p. 228. Necho’s work was

apparently completed by Darius (How and Wells, _ad_ _Hdt._ II. 158).

Footnote 456:

Hdt. IV. 42 and How and Wells, _ad loc._; cp. Hdt. II. 159 on Necho’s

fleets of triremes on both the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.

Footnote 457:

_Hdt._ I.-III. p. 338.

Footnote 458:

For convenience of reference I give here a list of the rulers with

whom in this chapter we shall be concerned. The bracketed forms of the

names are Egyptian. The dates are taken from Petrie’s _History of

Egypt_. In the case of acknowledged kings of all Egypt the number of

their Dynasty is added after the date.

A. _Saite rulers._

Tnefachthus (Tafnekht) 749–721

Bocchoris or (?) Anysis (Bakenranf) 721–715 (XXIV)

Stephinates or (?) Sethon (Tafnekht II) 715–678

Nechepsus (Nakauba) 678–672

Necho I (Nekau) 672–664

Psammetichus I (Psamtek) 664–610 (XXVI)

Necho II (Nekau) 610–594 (XXVI)

Psammouthis or Psammetichus II (Psamtek) 594–589 (XXVI)

Apries (Haa ab ra, Biblical Hophra) 589–570 (XXVI)

Amasis (Aahmes) 570–526 (XXVI)

Psammetichus III (Psamtek) 526–525 (XXVI)

B. _Ethiopian rulers._

(Pianchi) 748–725 or later

Sabacon (Shabaka) 715–707 (XXV)

(Shabataka) 707–693 (XXV)

Taharqa (Biblical Tirhakah) (701–) 693–667 (XXV)

Ammeris (Amen Rud, Rud Amen, Nut Amen) 667–664 (XXV)

C. _Dates of the dynasties._

XXIV (early Saite) 721–715

XXV (Ethiopian) 715–664

XXVI (Saite) 664–525

Footnote 459:

G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 20, 27, 28; cp. Petrie, _Hist._ III. p.

299, “Niku of Mempi and Sa’a.”

Footnote 460:

II. 151.

Footnote 461:

Herodotus (II. 147) says that these kings had been set up by the

Egyptians themselves. It is generally recognized that his “dodecarchy”

is an Egyptian description of the Assyrian administration, but the

Assyrians may well have taken over a previously existing state of

things, and the dodecarchy have developed out of the Libyan

penetration of Egypt much as the heptarchy resulted from the

Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain.

Footnote 462:

Hdt. II. 152.

Footnote 463:

The Assyrian record gives twenty. Twelve may have been the number of

kings in Lower Egypt (Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 36, quoting Lenormant),

or the total number at times (Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 147), or Herodotus

may have got the number twelve from the twelve courts of the labyrinth

that he erroneously ascribes to this period (Sayce, _Hdt._ _ad loc._).

Footnote 464:

Diod. I. 66.

Footnote 465:

Diod. III. 11.

Footnote 466:

Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 39. Polyaen. VII. 3 (= Aristagoras and Theban

tradition, Gutschmid, _Philol._ 1855, p. 692) makes Psammetichus

employ Carians because an oracle had warned his rival to beware of

cocks and “the Carians were the first to put crests on their helmets.”

Here too the armour is the main thing. The Egyptian warriors (μάχιμοι)

were called Kalasiries and Hermotybies (Hdt. II. 164). According to

Sayce, _ad loc._, Kalasiries = armed with leather; but cp. How and

Wells, _ad loc._

Footnote 467:

He says Psammetichus “sent for” mercenaries from Caria and Ionia.

Footnote 468:

Diod. III. 11 quotes and praises two lost writers on Egypt,

Agatharchides of Cnidus (second century B.C.) and Artemidorus of

Ephesus (about 100 B.C.).

Footnote 469:

_E.g._ Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 152; Meyer, _Ges. Alt._ II. p. 461 (but

cp. I. p. 562); Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ pp. 37–8 (but cp. p. 41). Only

Mallet, however, sees features typical of the rulers of the period and

he quotes only Lydian and Phoenician parallels.

Footnote 470:

Strabo XVII. 801; cp. Eustath. _Comment. ad Dion. Perieg._ 823_ap._

_Geog. Gr. Min._ (Didot), II. p. 362; Strabo knew Egypt personally,

cp. II. 118.

Footnote 471:

Cp. however Pseudoscymn. 748–750 _ap. Geog. Gr. Min._ (Didot), I. p.

226, Ὀδησσός, ἣν Μιλήσιοι κτίζουσιν Ἀστυάγης ὅτ’ ἦρχε Μηδίας. This

method of dating might have its origin in some work that described the

expansion of Greece and Media previous to the great clash of 490–479.

Footnote 472:

_Rhein. Mus._ 1887, pp. 211 f.

Footnote 473:

Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 29.

Footnote 474:

II. 151–2. Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 38, cautiously quotes the Horus

myth as a parallel for this flight. Nobody now would agree with Sayce

(cp. Wiedemann, _Aeg. Ges._ p. 608) that “the story of Psammetichus’

retreat in the marshes is clearly (_sic_) borrowed from the myth of

Horus.” It is far more likely that the story of Horus borrowed from

the life of some early Egyptian ruler. Psamtek’s flight to the marshes

is as natural and well attested as that of Alfred or of Hereward, the

latter of whom is suspiciously like Horus in name as well as in

behaviour.

Footnote 475:

In Diodorus’ version of the same affair they are specifically stated

to have done so.

Footnote 476:

Diod. _loc. cit._

Footnote 477:

G. Smith, _Assurbanipal_, pp. 64, 66, 67.

Footnote 478:

Radet, _Lydie_, p. 177, translates “où l’on franchit la mer.”

Footnote 479:

Assyrian Pisamiilki: see Mallet, _Prem. Étab._ p. 49, n. 1; but cp.

Wiedemann, _Hdt._ II. 152.

Footnote 480:

Sicily, Sicilian, 10, 30, 45, 75, 80 n. 5, 112, 180 n. 4, 181, 182,