In the following account of the earlier Syriac versions, the Editor has
received the most valuable help from the Rev. G. H. Gwilliam, B.D., Fellow
of Hertford College, who is editing the Peshitto Gospels for the
University of Oxford. And upon the Harkleian version, he is indebted for
important assistance to the Rev. H. Deane, late Fellow of St. John’s
College, whose labours have been unfortunately stopped by failure in
eyesight.
1. The Peshitto.
The Aramaean or Syriac (preserved to this day as their sacred tongue by
several Eastern Churches) is an important branch of the great Semitic
family of languages, and as early as Jacob’s age existed distinct from the
Hebrew (Gen. xxxi. 47). As we now find it in books, it was spoken in the
north of Syria and in Upper Mesopotamia about Edessa, and survives to this
day in the vernacular of the plateau to the north of Mardin and
Nisibis(3). It is a more copious, flexible, and elegant language than the
old Hebrew (which ceased to be vernacular at the Babylonish captivity) had
ever the means of becoming, and is so intimately akin to the Chaldee as
spoken at Babylon, and throughout Syria, that the latter was popularly
known by its name (2 Kings xviii. 26; Isa. xxxvi. 11; Dan. ii. 4)(4). As
the Gospel took firm root at Antioch within a few years after the Lord’s
Ascension (Acts xi. 19-27; xiii. 1, &c.), we might deem it probable that
its tidings soon spread from the Greek capital into the native interior,
even though we utterly rejected the venerable tradition of Thaddaeus’
mission to Abgarus, toparch of Edessa, as well as the fable of that
monarch’s intercourse with Christ while yet on earth (Eusebius, Eccl.
Hist., i. 13; ii. 1). At all events we are sure that Christianity
flourished in these regions at a very early period; it is even possible
that the Syriac Scriptures were seen by Hegesippus in the second century
(Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iv. 22); they were familiarly used and claimed as
his national version by the eminent Ephraem of Edessa in the fourth. Thus
the universal belief of later ages, and the very nature of the case, seem
to render it unquestionable that the Syrian Church was possessed of a
translation, both of the Old and New Testament, which it used habitually,
and for public worship exclusively, from the second century of our era
downwards: as early as A.D. 170 ὁ Σύρος is cited by Melito on Gen. xxii.
13 (Mill, Proleg. § 1239)(5). And the sad history of that distracted
Church can leave no room to doubt what that version was. In the middle of
the fifth century, the third and fourth general Councils at Ephesus and
Chalcedon proved the immediate occasions of dividing the Syrian Christians
into three, and eventually into yet more, hostile communions. These
grievous divisions have now subsisted for fourteen hundred years, and
though the bitterness of controversy has abated, the estrangement of the
rival Churches is as complete and hopeless as ever(6). Yet the same
translation of Holy Scripture is read alike in the public assemblies of
the Nestorians among the fastnesses of Koordistan, of the Monophysites who
are scattered over the plains of Syria, of the Christians of St. Thomas
along the coast of Malabar, and of the Maronites on the mountain-terraces
of Lebanon. Even though these last acknowledged the supremacy of Rome in
the twelfth century, and certain Nestorians of Chaldaea in the eighteenth,
both societies claimed at the time, and enjoy to this day, the free use of
their Syriac translation of Holy Scripture. Manuscripts too, obtained from
each of these rival communions, have flowed from time to time into the
libraries of the West, yet they all exhibit a text in every important
respect the same; all are without the Apocalypse and four of the Catholic
Epistles, which latter we know to have been wanting in the Syriac in the
sixth century (Cosmas Indicopleustes apud Montfaucon, “Collectio Nova
Patrum et Script. Graec.,” Tom. ii. p. 292), a defect, we may observe in
passing, which alone is no slight proof of the high antiquity of the
version that omits them; all correspond with whatever we know from other
sources of that translation which, in contrast with one more recent, was
termed “old” (ܩܕܡܑ or ܑܡܕܩ) by Thomas of Harkel A.D. 616, and “Peshitto”
(ܦܫܝܬܬܐ or ܐܬܬܝܫܦ) the “Simple,” by the great Monophysite doctor, Gregory
Bar-Hebraeus [1226-86]. Literary history can hardly afford a more powerful
case than has been established for the identity of the version of the
Syriac now called the _Peshitto_ with that used by the Eastern Church,
long before the great schism had its beginning in the native land of the
blessed Gospel.
The first printed edition of this most venerable monument of the Christian
faith was published in quarto at Vienna in the year 1555 (some copies are
re-dated 1562), at the expense of the Emperor Ferdinand I, on the
recommendation and with the active aid of his Chancellor, Albert
Widmanstadt, an accomplished person, whose travelling name in Italy was
John Lucretius. It was undertaken at the instance of Moses of Mardin,
legate from the Monophysite Patriarch Ignatius to Pope Julius III
(1550-55), who seems to have brought with him a manuscript, the text
whereof was of the Jacobite family, although written at Mosul, for
publication in the West. Widmanstadt contributed a second manuscript of
his own, though it does not appear whether either or both contained the
whole New Testament. This beautiful book, the different portions of which
have separate dedications, was edited by Widmanstadt, by Moses, and by W.
Postell jointly, in an elegant type of the modern Syriac character, the
vowel and diacritic points, especially the _linea occultans_, being
frequently dropped, with subscriptions and titles indicating the Jacobite
Church Lessons in the older, or Estrangelo, letter. It omits, as was
natural and right, those books which the Peshitto does not contain: viz.
the second Epistle of Peter, the second and third of John, that of Jude
and the Apocalypse, together with the disputed passage John vii. 53-viii.
11, and the doubtful, or more than doubtful, clauses in Matt. xxvii. 35;
Acts viii. 37; xv. 34; xxviii. 29; 1 John v. 7, 8. It omits Luke xxii. 17,
18, _see_ Chap. XII on the passage. This _editio princeps_ of the Peshitto
New Testament, though now become very scarce (one half of its thousand
copies having been sent into Syria), is held in high and deserved repute,
as its text is apparently based on manuscript authority alone.
Immanuel Tremellius [1510-80], a converted Jew (the proselyte, first of
Cardinal Pole, then of Peter Martyr), and Professor of Divinity at
Heidelberg, published the second edition in folio in 1569, containing the
New Testament in Hebrew type, with a literal Latin version, accompanied by
the Greek text and Beza’s translation of it, having a Chaldee and Syriac
grammar annexed. Tremellius used several manuscripts, especially one at
Heidelberg, and made from them and his own conjecture many changes, that
were not always improvements, in the text; besides admitting some
grammatical forms which are Chaldee rather than Syriac. His Latin version
has been used as their basis by later editors, down to the time of Schaaf.
Tremellius’ and Beza’s Latin versions were reprinted together in London,
without their respective originals, in 1592. Subsequent editions of the
Peshitto New Testament were those of the folio Antwerp or Royal Spanish
Polyglott of Plantin (1571-73), in Hebrew and Syriac type, revised from a
copy written about A.D. 1200, which Postell had brought from the East: two
other editions of Plantin in Hebrew type without points (1574, 8vo; 1575,
18mo), the second containing various readings extracted by Francis
Rapheleng from a Cologne manuscript for his own reprints of 1575 and
subsequently of 1583: the smaller Paris edition, also in unpointed Hebrew
letters, 1584, 4to, by Guy Le Fevre de la Boderie, who prepared the Syriac
portion of the Antwerp Polyglott in 1571: that of Elias Hutter, in two
folio volumes (Nuremberg, 1599-1600), in Hebrew characters; this editor
venturing to supply in Syriac of his own making the single passages
wanting in the _editio princeps_ of Widmanstadt, and the spurious Epistle
to the Laodiceans. Martin Trost’s edition (Anhalt-Cöthen, 1621, 4to), in
Syriac characters, with vowel-points, a list of various readings, and a
Latin translation, is superior to Hutter’s.
The magnificent Paris Polyglott (fol. 1645) is the first which gives us
the Old Testament portion of the Peshitto, though in an incomplete state.
The Maronite Gabriel Sionita, who superintended this part of the
Polyglott, made several changes in the system of vowel punctuation,
possibly from analogy rather than from manuscript authority, but certainly
for the better. He inserted as integral portions of the Peshitto the
version of the four missing Catholic Epistles, which had been published in
1630 by our illustrious oriental scholar, Edward Pococke, from a
manuscript in the Bodleian (Orient. 119)(7): and another of the
Apocalypse, edited at Leyden in 1627 by Louis De Dieu, from a manuscript,
since examined by Tregelles, in the University Library there (Scaliger MS.
18), and from one sent him by Archbishop Ussher, which is now in the
Library of Trinity College, Dublin (B. 5. 16). Of the two, the version of
the Catholic Epistles seems decidedly the older, and both bear much
resemblance to the later Syriac or Harkleian translation, but neither have
claim to be regarded as portions of the original Peshitto, to which,
however, they have been appended ever since.
Bp. Walton’s, or the London Polyglott (fol. 1654-7), affords us little
more than a reprint of Sionita’s Syriac text, with Trost’s various
readings appended, but interpolates the text yet further by inserting John
vii. 53-viii. 11. This passage, which is the “Pericope de adultera,” is
found in Archbishop Ussher’s copy, dated A.D. 1627, and made from a
Maronite MS. of much esteem at Kenobin under Mt. Lebanon; also in Brit.
Mus. 14,470, in Cod. Barsalibaei at New College, Oxford, and in the Paris
Nat. Library xxii, of which the two last copies are Harkleian, and the one
in the British Museum is Peshitto(8). We are left to conjecture as to the
real date and origin of these translations, except that as far as the
Harkleian is concerned, Dr. Gwynn has shown that according to the Paris
and Brit. Mus. MSS. they are claimed for Paul, a contemporary of Thomas of
Harkel.
Giles Gutbier published at Hamburg (8vo, 1664) an edition containing all
the interpolated matter, and 1 John v. 7, 8 in addition, from Tremellius’
own version, which he inserted in _his_ margin. Gutbier used two
manuscripts, by one of which, belonging to Constantine L’Empereur, he
corrected Sionita’s system of punctuation. A glossary, notes, and various
readings are annexed. The Sulzbach edition 12mo, 1684, seems a mere
reprint of Plantin’s; nor does that published in Rome in 1713 for the use
of the Maronites, though grounded upon manuscript authority, appear to
have much critical value.
A collation of the various readings in all the preceding editions,
excepting those of 1684 and 1713, is affixed to the Syriac N. T. of J.
Leusden and Ch. Schaaf (4to, Leyden, 1708-9: with a new title-page 1717).
It extends over one hundred pages, and, though most of the changes noted
are very insignificant, is tolerably accurate and of considerable value.
This edition contains the Latin version of Tremellius not too thoroughly
revised, and is usually accompanied with an admirable “Lexicon Syriacum
Concordantiale” of the Peshitto New Testament. Its worth, however, is
considerably lessened by a fancy of Leusden for pointing the vowels
according to the rules of Chaldee rather than of Syriac grammar: after his
death, indeed, and from Luke xviii. 27 onwards, this grave mistake was
corrected by Schaaf(9). Of modern editions the most convenient, or
certainly the most accessible to English students, are the N. T. which
Professor Lee prepared in 1816 for the British and Foreign Bible Society
with the Eastern Church Lessons noted in Syriac, and that of Wm.
Greenfield [d. 1831], both in Bagster’s Polyglott of 1828, and in a small
and separate form; the latter editor aims at representing Widmanstadt’s
text distinct from the subsequent additions derived from other sources.
Lee’s edition was grounded on a collation of three fresh manuscripts,
besides the application of other matter previously available for the
revision of the text; but the materials on which he founded his
conclusions have never been printed, although their learned collector once
intended to do so, and many years afterwards consented to lend them to
Scrivener for that purpose; a promise which his death in 1848 ultimately
hindered him from redeeming. An edition of the Gospels printed in 1829 by
the British and Foreign Bible Society for the Nestorian Christians was
based on a single manuscript brought from Mosul by Dr. Wolff. Besides
these, two editions have been published by the American Bible Society, at
Oroomia, Persia, in 1846, and at New York (a reprint of the former) in
1878(10).
From the foregoing statement it will plainly appear that no edition of the
Peshitto Syriac has yet been published with that critical care on the part
of editors which its antiquity and importance so urgently demand. It is
therefore a matter of deep satisfaction that the work commenced by the
late Philip Pusey has been brought near conclusion by the Rev. G. H.
Gwilliam, for the University of Oxford. Mr. Gwilliam has informed the
editor that the Peshitto “Tetraevangelium” will be the first part
published, and will exhibit in its _apparatus criticus_ readings taken
from forty manuscripts, some of which have been collated throughout,
others in parts. From the account given in the third volume of “Studia
Biblica et Ecclesiastica,” we learn that the authorities on which he bases
his text in this elaborate edition are as follows:—
1. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,479 [A.D. 534], the fourteen Epistles of St.
Paul, Hebrews being always included by the Syrians.
2. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,459 [A.D. 530, last letter illegible], SS.
Luke and John. Possibly older than the last.
3. Rome, Vatican [A.D. 548]. A Tetraevangelium, written at Edessa.
4. Florence, Laurentian Library [A.D. 586].
5. Brit. Mus. 14,460 [A.D. 600]. A Nestorian Estrangelo, written
in the district of Naarda, near Bagdad.
6. Brit. Mus. 14,471 [A.D. 615]. Another Nestorian MS. of the
Gospels, written at Nisibis.
7. Cod. Guelpherbytanus [A.D. 634]. Written in the convent of Beth
Chela, near Damascus.
8. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,448 [A.D. 699-700]. A Nestorian MS. Whole of
New Testament as received in the Syrian Church.
9. Brit. Mus. Add. 7157 [A.D. 768]. Written at Beth Kuka.
10. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,459 [about A.D. 450], SS. Matthew and Mark.
11. Brit. Mus. Add. 17,117 [about A.D. 450].
12. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,470 [v-vi]. Whole of Peshitto New
Testament. The Pericope de Adultera has been added as stated
above, p. 10.
13. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,453 [v-vi]. A Tetraevangelium.
14. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,476 [v-vi]. Paul.
15. Brit. Mus. Add. 14,480 [v-vi]. Paul.
16. Cod. Crawfordianus I [vi]. A very handsome Tetraevangelium,
and in excellent preservation.
17. Codd. Dawkinsiani III, XXVII, in the Bodleian Library.
18. Partial collations of many other MSS. in the British Museum.
19. The editions published by the American Bible Society, which
were, at least to some extent, revised on the authority of ancient
Nestorian copies.
20. The evidence of the Syriac Massorah of both the Nestorian and
the Jacobite (Karkaphensian) recensions.
It is necessary to mention briefly this remarkable wealth of evidence,
probably to be largely increased by future investigations, in which the
Peshitto presents no inconsiderable parallel to the vast amount of
authorities on which the Greek Text of the New Testament depends, because
people are apt to underrate the grand position of the Peshitto version,
when comparing it with the Curetonian Syriac, of which the sole evidence
consists only of two codices, if the newly-discovered one turns out to be
what was anticipated.
It is not easy to determine why the name of _Peshitto_, “Simple,”
“Common,” should have been given to the oldest Syriac version of
Scripture, to distinguish it from others that were subsequently made(11).
In comparison with the Harkleian it is the very reverse of a close
rendering of the original. Perhaps the title refers to its common and
popular use(12). We shall presently submit to the reader a few extracts
from it, contrasted with the same passages in other Syriac versions; for
the present we can but assent to the ripe judgement of Michaelis, who,
after thirty years’ study of its contents, declared that he could consult
no translation with so much confidence in cases of difficulty and
doubt(13).
2. The Curetonian Syriac.
The volume which contained the greater part of the Curetonian portions of
the Gospels was brought by Archdeacon Tattam in 1842 from the Monastery of
St. Mary Deipara in the Nitrian Desert (p. 140). Eighty leaves and a half
were picked out by Dr. Cureton, then one of the officers in the Manuscript
department of the British Museum, from a mass of other matter which had
been bound up with them by unlearned possessors, and comprise the
Additional MS. 14,451 of the Library they adorn, and two more reached
England in 1847. They are in quarto, with two columns on a page, in a bold
hand and the Estrangelo or old Syriac character, on vellum originally very
white, the single points for stops, some titles, &c. being in red ink;
there are no marks of Church Lessons by the first hand, which Cureton (a
most competent judge) assigned to the middle of the fifth century. The
fragments contain Matt. i. 1-viii. 22; x. 32-xxiii. 25; Mark xvi. 17-20;
John i. 1-42; iii. 5-vii. 37; (but many words in iii. 6-iv. 6 are
illegible); xiv. 10-12; 15-19; 21-23; 26-29; Luke ii. 48-iii. 16; vii.
33-xv. 21; xvii. 23-xxiv. 44, or 1786 verses, so arranged that St. Mark’s
Gospel is here immediately followed by St. John’s. Three more leaves of
this version (part, perhaps, of the same MS.) were found among the Syriac
MSS. procured by Dr. Sachau, and now at Berlin (Royal Libr. Orient. quart.
528). They contain Luke xv. 22-xvi. 12; xvii. 1-23; John vii. 37-52; viii.
12-19. They were published by Roediger (Monatsbericht, Berlin Royal
Academy of Sciences, July, 1872), and were privately printed by the late
Professor Wright to range with Cureton’s volume. Within the last year the
discovery has been announced of another Curetonian MS., which was found in
the Library of the Convent on Mount Sinai by Mrs. Lewis. An edition of it
is now in progress, but will not be published soon enough for notice in
this work. The Syriac text of the London MS. was printed in fine
Estrangelo type in 1848, and freely imparted to such scholars as might
need its help; but it was not till 1858 that the work was published(14),
with a very literal translation into rather bald English, a beautiful and
exact facsimile (Luke xv. 11-13; 16-19) by Mrs. Cureton, and a Preface
(pp. xcv), full of interesting and indeed startling matter. Dr. Cureton
went so far as to persuade himself that he had discovered in these Syriac
fragments a text of St. Matthew’s Gospel that “to a great extent, has
retained the identical terms and expressions which the Apostle himself
employed; and that we have here, in our Lord’s discourses, _to a great
extent_ the very same words as the Divine Author of our holy religion
Himself uttered in proclaiming the glad tidings of salvation in the Hebrew
dialect ...” (p. xciii): that here in fact we have to a great extent the
original of that Hebrew Gospel of St. Matthew of which the canonical Greek
Gospel is but a translation. It is beside our present purpose to examine
in detail the arguments of Dr. Cureton on this head(15), and it would be
the less necessary in any case, since they seem to have convinced no one
save himself: but the place his version occupies with reference to the
Peshitto is a question upon which there has been and still prevails a
controversy which largely concerns the issue between contending schools of
textual critics(16).
Any one who shall compare the verses we have cited from them in parallel
columns (pp. 38-40) will readily admit that the translations have a common
origin, whatever that may be; many other passages, though not perhaps of
equal length, might be named where the resemblance is closer still; where
for twenty words together the Peshitto and the Curetonian shall be
positively identical, although the Syriac idiom would admit other words
and another order just as naturally as that actually employed. Nor will
this conclusion be shaken by the not less manifest fact that throughout
many passages the diversity is so great that no one, with those places
alone before him, would be led to suspect any connexion between the two
versions; for resemblances in such a case furnish a positive proof, not to
be weakened by the mere negative presumption supplied by divergencies. Add
to this the consideration that the Greek manuscripts from which either
version was made or corrected (as the case may prove) were materially
different in their character; the Peshitto for the most part favouring
Cod. A(17), the Curetonian taking part with Cod. D, or with the Old Latin,
or often standing quite alone, unsupported by any critical authority
whatever; and the reader is then in possession of the whole case, from
whose perplexities we have to unravel our decision, which of these two
recensions best exhibits the text of the Holy Gospels as received from the
second century downwards by the Syrian Church.
We must not dissemble the fact that Cureton’s view of the superior
antiquity of the Curetonian to the Peshitto has been adopted by many
eminent scholars. So for example Dr. Hort, who was obliged to account for
the relation of the two by a baseless supposition of an imaginary
recension at Edessa or Nisibis when the Peshitto was drawn up as a Syrian
“Vulgate” (The New Testament in Greek, pp. 135-7). So with more strength
of argument Dr. Nestle in “Real Encyclopedie für protestanche Theologie en
Kirche(18).”
1. Now it is obvious to remark, in the first place, that the Peshitto has
the advantage of _possession_, and that too of fourteen centuries
standing. The mere fact that the Syriac manuscripts of the rival sects,
whether modern or as old as the seventh century, agree with each other in
the most important points, and at least to a large extent with the
citations from Ephraem and Aphraates, as will be shown, seems to bring the
Peshitto text, substantially in the same state as we have it at present,
up to the fourth century of our era. Of this version, again, there are
many codices, of different ages and widely diffused; of the Curetonian
there is indeed one, of the fifth century, so far as the verdict of a most
accomplished judge can determine so delicate a question: yet surely this
is not to be much preferred, in respect to antiquity, to those ancient
copies of the Peshitto which we have enumerated on pp. 10, 11, and which
include a MS. of the fifth century, several others nearly as ancient, and
two which are dated in the sixth century, the Florentine of A.D. 586, and
the Vatican of A.D. 548. Another “Curetonian” MS., lately discovered, is
still under examination, and we have, as yet, no adequate account of it.
From the Peshitto, as the authorized version of the Oriental Church, there
are many quotations in Syriac books from the fourth century downwards; Dr.
Cureton, perhaps the profoundest Syriac scholar of his day in England,
failed to allege any _second_ citation from the Gospels by a native writer
which might serve to keep in countenance the statement of Dionysius
Barsalibi, late in the twelfth century, that “there is found occasionally
a Syriac copy made out of the Hebrew, which inserts the three kings in the
genealogy” (Matt. i. 8)(19). With every wish to give to this respectable
old writer, and to others who bear testimony to the same reading, the
consideration that is fairly their due, we can hardly fail to see that the
weight of evidence enormously preponderates in the opposite scale.
2. It will probably be admitted that in external proof Cureton’s theory is
not strong, while yet the internal character of the version may be deemed
by many powerfully to favour his view. Negligent or licentious renderings
(and the Curetonian Syriac is pretty full of them) cannot but lessen a
version’s usefulness as an instrument of criticism, by increasing our
difficulty of reproducing the precise words of the original which the
translator had before him; but in another point of view these very faults
may still form the main strength of Dr. Cureton’s case. It is, no doubt, a
grave suggestion, that the more polished, accurate, faithful, and
grammatical of the two versions—and the Peshitto richly deserves all this
praise—is more likely to have been produced by a careful and gradual
revision of one much its inferior in these respects, than the worse to
have originated in the mere corruption of the better (Cureton, Pref. p.
lxxxi). _A priori_, we readily confess that probability inclines this way;
but it is a probability which needs the confirmation of facts, and by
adverse facts may be utterly set aside. Cureton’s remark that “upon the
comparison of several of the oldest copies now in the British Museum of
that very text of the Gospels which has been generally received as the
Peshitto, the more ancient the manuscripts be, the more nearly do they
correspond with the text of these Syriac fragments” (Pref. p. lxxiii), is
confirmed by other, and subsequent, labourers in the same field. The
received text of the Peshitto was printed from MSS. of a late type. It was
the opinion of P. E. Pusey (whose name has already been mentioned in these
pages) that a revision of the Peshitto text was made in the eighth
century. The oldest Syriac Massoretic MS. which we possess is dated A. GR.
1210 = A.D. 899(20), but a copy of the Gospels (Add. 14,448), the date of
which appears to be A. H. 80 = A.D. 699-700, contains a text which
approximates to the type of the printed Peshitto, but exhibits marginal
notes in a later hand, referring, however, chiefly to pronunciation and
accentuation. There is no evidence that any formal revision took place;
but it would appear certain that as questions of orthography, of grammar,
and of pronunciation were fixed by the decisions of the Massoretes and
grammarians, the faults (as they were deemed) of the older readings were
emended by scribes. Hence it is, that if we open a codex of the Peshitto
Gospels of about the date of the Codex Curetonianus, we find many
resemblances of the kind indicated by Cureton, between the fifth century
Peshitto text and the Curetonian text, because both belong to an early,
and perhaps less accurate era of transcription(21). But the resemblances
only extend to matters of grammar and spelling. In more important
readings, the fifth century form of the Peshitto does not approximate to
the Curetonian text. This was clearly seen by Pusey, as a result of the
collation of a large number of Peshitto MSS. He found that the text of the
oldest of them was substantially the same as that which is printed in the
Polyglotts. The grammar may have been improved, but the translation was
not revised. This argument has been elaborated in two volumes of the
Oxford “Studia Biblica,” in part by the use of Philip Pusey’s materials,
in part by independent researches. In vol. i, paper viii, “A Syriac
Biblical MS. of the fifth century,” the readings which appear to be
peculiar to that MS. (about seventy in number, for it only contains SS.
Matthew and Mark) are set out(22). Of these twenty-two can be compared
with the Curetonian; and it is found that only _three_ approximate more
nearly than the printed Peshitto to the text which, it is contended, is
older than the Peshitto. Further on(23) a stronger argument is adduced;
for it is shown that in eleven passages, where the fifth century codex has
a different reading from the printed Peshitto, the Curetonian, instead of
agreeing with the ancient text (as _ex hypothesi_ it ought) approximates
to the printed Peshitto, and sometimes agrees with it. In vol. ii, paper
iii, “The materials for the criticism of the Peshitto New Testament,”
other evidence is adduced in support of the same conclusions. St. Matt. v.
31-48 is given, with _varr. lectt._ derived from twenty distinct
authorities, so as to place before the reader the Peshitto in its best and
most ancient form. The same passage is set out in the Curetonian form. The
various readings in the Peshitto in the eighteen verses amount to at least
thirty-one; but the majority are the merest minutiae of spelling and
pronunciation. Only one deserves serious attention; and even that, more
for accuracy than in relation to the sense of the context; so little has
the Syriac New Testament been altered, or corrupted, in the course of ages
of transcription. Again, when comparison is made with the Curetonian,
while twenty-eight variations from the best form of the Peshitto occur in
the above passage, only four find any support in an old Peshitto MS., and
but one of the four is of any interest. In addition to these there is one
place where the Curetonian agrees with the oldest Peshitto MSS., against
the printed Peshitto text. It is plain then that, as far as the enquiry
has yet been pursued, the peculiar readings of the Curetonian cannot be
traced backwards through the form of text in the oldest Peshitto MSS. If
such a revision of the Peshitto, as Dr. Hort’s theory postulates, ever
took place, it must have been made at a very remote period in the history
of Syriac Christian literature; and the new text must have been
substituted for the old by measures so drastic that the old (as far as we
know) survives only in one Nitrian and (as we are told) in one Sinaitic
MS. But this is not only improbable in itself, but is contrary to the
analogy supplied by the Latin versions.
Those who contend for the superior antiquity of the Curetonian rely in
great part on the character of the quotations in the two great Syriac
writers, Aphraates and Mar-Ephraem, who flourished in the century
preceding the era in which our oldest Peshitto MSS. were transcribed(24).
Both writers abound in quotations from the New Testament, but many of them
are very free, or mere adaptations. A large number in St. Ephraem are
certainly from the Peshitto. Wright, in his edition of Aphraates, was
inclined to attribute that writer’s quotations to the same source. This
has been traversed by others, who contend that the quotations in Aphraates
more nearly resemble the Curetonian, or the text of Tatian’s Diatessaron,
as far as we know it. The question of the source of St. Ephraem’s
quotations has been fully discussed in “Studia Biblica,” iii, paper iv, by
Rev. F. H. Woods, who has also taken some notice of those in Aphraates.
Mr. Woods holds, as do others (though, as we think, on insufficient
evidence) that the text of the Peshitto was not fully settled in the days
of Aphraates and Ephraem. His conclusion is that it is quite clear, that
Ephraem, in the main, used the Peshitto text (op. cit., p. 107), but as
regards Aphraates, he holds that the quotations approximate more closely
to the Curetonian. Yet Dr. Zahn, and many others, think that Aphraates
used the Diatessaron. The statement of these differences of opinion is
enough in itself to show that the source of quotations in these ancient
Syriac books is not always easy to determine. Hence it follows that
arguments based on the writings of Aphraates and Ephraem are precarious.
Moreover, a variation from the Peshitto does not necessarily indicate the
employment of another version. The variation might be derived from a Greek
text; for there was constant intercourse between Greek and Syrian
Christians, and many of the latter were well acquainted with Greek.
While we seek in vain amongst the readings of MSS., and the writings of
Syriac authors, for any satisfactory explanation of the origin of the
Curetonian, the work itself may perhaps reveal something of its nature, if
not of its history. We have already seen(25) that in the opinion of
certain textual critics the history of the Latin Vulgate must have its
counterpart in the history of the Bible of Edessa. The origin of Jerome’s
translation is well known. It is supposed that the Peshitto grew in like
manner out of an earlier translation. It is contended that the
_Ur-Peshitto_ is represented to us by the text of the Curetonian; and the
two texts have been compared in order to establish this relation. In so
doing, no sufficient account has been taken of the phenomena presented by
the differences between the Peshitto and the Curetonian. When it is argued
that in some of those differences the Peshitto text bears marks of
emendation, of the improving touch of a later hand, we answer(26), that in
others there are as evident marks in the Curetonian of alteration and
corruption. Indeed, to so large an extent do these prevail, that there are
good grounds for the suspicion which has been entertained that the
Curetonian (at least as exhibited by the editor from his MS.) is itself
the later version. In order to give effect to this argument, it would be
necessary to show the entire extant Curetonian text, side by side with the
corresponding portions of the Peshitto; otherwise it is scarcely possible
to realize (i) how manifestly the Curetonian is an attempt to improve upon
the Peshitto text; and (ii) how frequently (as a later composition) it
demands an acquaintance with the Gospels on the part of the reader; and
(iii) how it is pervaded by views of Gospel history, which belong to the
Church rather than to the sacred text. But even the short passages, which
we have printed as specimens, afford illustrations of the argument.
1. In St. Matthew xii. 1-4, where the Peshitto exhibits the Textus
Receptus, saying that the disciples were hungry, and began to pluck ears
of corn and to eat, the Curetonian improves upon the Peshitto thus:—“and
the disciples were hungry and began to pluck ears of corn, _and break them
in their hands_, and eat”—introducing words borrowed from St. Luke(27).
2. (α) But in the next verse of the passage, where the words “on the
sabbath” are absolutely required in order to make the Pharisees’ question
intelligible to the first readers of St. Matthew, the Curetonian must
needs draw on the common knowledge of educated readers by exhibiting the
question thus:—“Why are thy disciples doing what is not lawful to do?” Of
course the Peshitto is here an “improvement” on the Curetonian, in reading
the words “on the Sabbath”; but that does not affect our argument. Would a
primitive version, intended for first converts, have left the reader
ignorant what the action objected to might be? whether to pluck ears in
another man’s field, or to rub out grain on the Sabbath? But a later
editor, who revised the text for some purpose (it matters not, at present,
for what purpose), might consider the explanatory words superfluous.
(β) In like manner in ver. 4, “the bread of the table of the Lord,” a
simple phrase, which every one could understand, has become in the
Curetonian “face-bread,” an expression which demands knowledge of the
earlier Scriptures on the part of the reader, and displays the erudition
of the editor, as do his emendations in the list of names in the first
chapter of St. Matthew(28).
3. The other passage which we print (St. Mark xvi. 17-29) will illustrate
our third criticism. The Curetonian is, “Our Lord Jesus then, after He had
_commanded_ His disciples, _was exalted_ to heaven, and sat on the right
hand of God.” The simpler Peshitto phrase runs thus, “Jesus our Lord then,
after He had _spoken with them, ascended_ to heaven, and sat on the right
hand of God.” The two slight touches of improvement in the Curetonian are
evident, and belong to that aspect of the record which finds expression in
the Creeds, and in the obedience of the Church. A similar touch appears in
the Curetonian addition to ver. 17—them that believe _on me_.
Again in Matt. v. 32 we read (with all authorities), “Whosoever shall put
away his wife, except for the cause of fornication,” &c.; so the Peshitto;
but the Curetonian substitutes _adultery_, and thereby sanctions, not the
precept delivered by our Lord, but the interpretation almost universally
placed upon it. Now either the Curetonian has alone preserved the true
text, or the Curetonian is an emended version. The first supposition is
unreasonable; the latter is alone suitable to this and to many other
passages.
Not less curious is the addition in ver. 41, “Whosoever shall compel thee
to go a mile, go with him _two others_.” The Curetonian (with D and some
Latin copies) make our Lord say, “Go _three_ miles.” If we cannot admit
that this is the true text, then it is an emendation; for it is no
accidental change.
But there is a distinct group of emendations which vividly illustrates our
contention, that the Curetonian form of Syriac text is pervaded by views
of Gospel history which belong rather to the Church than to the sacred
records. While fully accepting the Catholic dogma of the perpetual
virginity of the Blessed Virgin, we must grant that it is in the nature of
a pious opinion, which Christian sentiment recognized as true, but which
is not explicitly stated in the New Testament. Hence we view with grave
suspicion a class of emendations which are obviously framed to confute the
heresy of the Helvidians. Such a class is found in St. Matt. i. In ver.
16, Pesh., “Joseph _the husband of Mary_;” Cur., “Joseph _to whom was
espoused Mary the Virgin_.” Ver. 19, Pesh., “Joseph _her husband_, being a
just man;” Cur., “Joseph, because he was a righteous man.” Ver. 20, Pesh.,
“Fear not to take unto thee Mary _thy wife_;” Cur., “Mary _thy espoused_.”
Ver. 24, Pesh., “Joseph ... took unto him _his wife_;” Cur., “took
_Mary_.” The Curetonian translator, for dogmatic purposes, makes four
distinct and separate omissions, in three of which he stands
unsupported—of the word _husband_ in two places, of the word _wife_ in two
others. These are emendations of a deliberate and peculiar kind. We cannot
account for all these vagaries by remarking that the Curetonian has often
the support of the so-called _Western_ family of text(29). We must face
the question whether the MS. of an ancient version, which exhibits such
singular phenomena on its first page, is worthy to be set above that
version, which is the common heritage of the whole Syriac Church, and
which appears to be the basis of the Curetonian itself. To determine the
place of a document in our Apparatus Criticus, we must know something of
its history. Of the history of the Curetonian version we know nothing. Its
internal character inspires grave doubts of its trustworthiness. We note
its peculiarities with interest; but we do not yet see our way to yield
much deference to its authority. The Peshitto bears witness to that form
of text, which was received in very ancient times in the Syriac Church.
The Curetonian, like the Palestinian, is interesting as showing what
readings were accepted locally, or by individual editors(30).
3. The Harkleian or Philoxenian Syriac.
Of the history of the Harkleian Syriac version, which embraces the whole
New Testament except the Apocalypse, we possess more exact information,
though some points of difficulty may still remain unsolved. Moses of Aghel
in Mesopotamia, who translated into Syriac certain works of the
Alexandrian Cyril about A.D. 550, describes a version of the “New
Testament and Psalter made in Syriac by Polycarp, Rural-Bishop(31) (rest
his soul!), for Xenaias of Mabug,” &c. This Xenaias or Philoxenus, from
whom the original translation takes its name, was Monophysite Bishop of
Mabug (Hierapolis) in Eastern Syria (488-518), and doubtless wished to
provide for his countrymen a more literal translation from the Greek than
the Peshitto aims at being. His scheme may perhaps have been injudicious,
but it is a poor token of the presence of that quality which “thinketh no
evil,” to assert, without the slightest grounds for the suspicion, “More
probable it is that his object was of a less commendable character; and
that he meant the version in some way to subserve the advancement of his
party(32).” Dr. Davidson will have learnt by this time, that one may lie
under the imputation of heresy, without being of necessity a bigot or a
dunce.
Our next account of the work is even more definite. At the end of the
manuscripts of the Gospels from which the printed text is derived, we read
a subscription by the first hand, importing that “this book of the four
holy Gospels was translated out of the Greek into Syriac with great
diligence and labour ... first in the city of Mabug, in the year of
Alexander of Macedon 819 (A.D. 508), in the days of the pious Mar
Philoxenus, confessor, Bishop of that city. Afterwards it was collated
with much diligence by me, the poor Thomas, by the help of two [_or_
three] approved and accurate Greek Manuscripts in Antonia, of the great
city of Alexandria, in the holy monastery of the Antonians. It was again
written out and collated in the aforesaid place in the year of the same
Alexander 927 (A.D. 616), Indiction iv. How much toil I spent upon it and
its companions the Lord alone knoweth ... &c.” It is plain that by “its
companions” the other parts of the N. T. are meant, for a similar
subscription (specifying but one manuscript) is annexed to the Catholic
Epistles.
That the labour of Thomas (surnamed from Harkel, his native place, and
like Philoxenus, subsequently Monophysite Bishop of Mabug) was confined to
the collation of the manuscripts he names, and whose various readings,
usually in Greek characters, with occasional exegetical notes, stand in
the margin of all copies but one at Florence, is not a probable opinion.
It is likely that he added the asterisks and obeli which abound in the
version(33) and G. H. Bernstein (De Charklensi N. T. transl. Syriac.
Commentatio, Breslau, 1837) believes that he so modified the text itself,
that it remains in the state in which Polycarp left it only in one codex
now at Rome, which he collated for a few chapters of St. John.
We have been reminded by Tregelles, who was always ready to give every one
his due, that our own Pococke in 1630, in the Preface to his edition of
the Catholic Epistles not included in the Peshitto, both quotes an extract
from Dionysius Barsalibi, Bishop of Amida (Diarbekr), who flourished in
the twelfth century, which mentions this version, and even shows some
acquaintance with its peculiar character. Although again brought to notice
in the comprehensive “Bibliotheca Orientalis” (1719-28) of the elder J. S.
Assemani [1687-1768], the Harkleian attracted no attention until 1730, in
which year Samuel Palmer sent from Diarbekr to Dr. Gloucester Ridley four
Syriac manuscripts, two of which proved to belong to this translation,
both containing the Gospels, one of them being the only extant copy of the
Acts and all the Epistles. Fortunately Ridley [1702-1774] was a man of
some learning and acuteness, or these precious codices might have lain
disregarded as other copies of the same version had long done in Italy; so
that though he did not choose to incur the risk of publishing them in
full, he communicated his discovery to Wetstein, who came to England once
more, in 1746, for the purpose of collating them for his edition of the N.
T., then soon to appear: he could spare, however, but fourteen days for
the task, which was far too short a time, the rather as the Estrangelo
character, in which the manuscripts were written, was new to him. In 1761
Ridley produced his very careful and valuable tract, De Syriacarum N. F.
Versionum Indole atque Usu Dissertatio, and on his death his manuscripts
went to New College, of which society he had been a Fellow. The care of
publishing them was then undertaken by the Delegates of the Oxford Press,
who selected for their editor Joseph White [1746-1814], then Fellow of
Wadham College and Professor of Arabic, afterwards Canon of Christ Church;
who, though now, I fear, chiefly remembered for the most foolish action of
his life, was an industrious, able, and genuine scholar. Under his care
the Gospels appeared in two vols. 4to, 1778(34) with a Latin version and
satisfactory Prolegomena; the Acts and Catholic Epp. in 1799, the Pauline
in 1803. Meanwhile Storr (Observat. super N. T. vers. Syr., 1772) and
Adler (N. T. Version. Syr., 1789) had examined and described seven or
eight continental codices of the Gospels in this version, some of which
are thought superior to White’s(35).
The characteristic feature of the Harkleian is its excessive closeness to
the original: it is probably the most servile version of Scripture ever
made. Specimens of it will appear on pp. 38-40, by the side of those from
other translations, which will abundantly justify this statement. The
Peshitto is beyond doubt taken as its basis, and is violently changed in
order to force it into rigorous conformity with the very letter of the
Greek. In the twenty verses of Matt. xxviii we note seventy-six such
alterations: three of them seem to concern various readings (vers. 2-18;
and 5 _marg._); six are inversions in the order; about five are
substitutions of words for others that may have grown obsolete: the rest
are of the most frivolous description, the definite state of nouns being
placed for the absolute, or vice versa; the Greek article represented by
the Syriac pronoun; the inseparable pronominal affixes (that delicate
peculiarity of the Aramaean dialects) retrenched or discarded; the most
unmeaning changes made in the tenses of verbs, and the lesser particles.
Its very defects, however, as being servilely accurate, give it weight as
a textual authority: there can be no hesitation about the readings of the
copies from which such a book was made. While those employed for the
version itself in the sixth century resembled more nearly our modern
printed editions, the three or more codices used by Thomas at Alexandria
must have been nearly akin to Cod. D (especially in the Acts), and, next
to D, support BL, 1, 33, 69. “Taken altogether,” is Dr. Hort’s comment,
“this is one of the most confused texts preserved: but it may be rendered
more intelligible by fresh collations and better editing, even if they
should fail to distinguish the work of Thomas of Harkel from that of his
predecessor Polycarpus” (Introd., p. 156).
The number of MSS. of this Harkleian version is far greater than it was
supposed to have been. The important discovery of the Mohl MS., now in the
possession of the Cambridge University Library, brings down the Epistle to
the Hebrews to the conclusion, so that we now possess the Pauline Epistles
complete in this revision.
The following account of the MSS. of the Harkleian, consists in his own
words of what Mr. Deane has seen himself, many of which he has collated.
The letters are those by which he intended to have designated these MSS.
had his sight enabled him to complete his revision.
A. Cod. Mus. Brit. Add. 14,469. Saec. x (Wright’s Catalogue cxx).
Very important.
B. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7163. Saec. ix. x (Forshall’s Catalogue
xix). Very important.
C. Cod. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. “Cod. Or. 130.” Saec. xii.
D. Cod. Bibl. Coll. Nov. Oxon. 333. Perhaps not so important as R.
F. Cod. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Dawk. 50.
G. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7164. Saec. xii (Forshall’s Catalogue xx).
H. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7165. Saec. xiii (Forshall’s Catalogue
xxi). In this MS. the two first lines of each page are for the
most part obliterated by damp.
K. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7166. Saec. xv. xvi (Forshall’s Catalogue
xxii).
L. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7167. Saec. xv. xvi.
Q. Cod. Mus. Brit. Add. 17,124. Saec. xiii (No. 65 Wright’s
Catalogue).
R. Cod. Bibl. Coll. Nov. Oxon. 334.
S. Cod. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Orient. 361. Saec. xiv.
T. Cod. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Poc. 316.
U. Cod. Mus. Brit. Rich 7167. Saec. xv. xvi. Fragments on St.
Matthew only.
V. Cod. Mohl. Cambridge University Library. Saec. xii.
The last of these would probably be the text from which any new edition
would be printed. It is a most remarkable MS., executed with great care,
and by a good Syrian scholar. Students should observe especially the
curious diacritic point by which he designates the Nom. pendens. “I have
not seen,” Mr. Deane adds, “that elsewhere, though doubtless it
exists(36).”
4. The Palestinian or Jerusalem Syriac.
There are extant several scattered fragments of the Old and New
Testaments, in a form of Syriac entirely distinct from the versions
already described. These fragments are all in one dialect, and are
apparently parts of a single version. The most considerable portion is an
Evangelistarium which was discovered virtually by Adler, who collated,
described, and copied a portion of it (Matt. xxvii. 3-32) for that great
work in a small compass, his “N. T. Versiones Syriacae” (1789): S. E.
Assemani the nephew had merely inserted it in his Vatican Catalogue
(1756). It is a partial Lectionary of the Gospels in the Vatican (MS. Syr.
19), on 196 quarto thick vellum leaves, written in two columns in a rude
hand, the rubric notes of Church Lessons in _Carshunic_, i.e. Arabic in
Syriac letters, with many mistakes. From a subscription, we learn that the
scribe was Elias, a presbyter of Abydos, who wrote it in the Monastery of
the Abbat Moses at Antioch, in the year of Alexander 1341, or A.D. 1030.
Adler gives a poor facsimile (Matt. xxvii. 12-22): the character is
peculiar, and all diacritic points (even that distinguishing _dolath_ from
_rish_), as well as many other changes, are thought to be by a later hand.
Tregelles confirms Assemani’s statement, which Adler had disputed, that
the first six leaves, showing traces of Greek writing buried beneath the
Syriac, proceeded from another scribe. The remarkable point, however,
about this version (which seems to be made from the Greek, and is quite
independent of the Peshitto) is the peculiar dialect it exhibits, and
which has suggested its name. Its grammatical forms are far less Syriac
than Chaldee, which latter it resembles even in that characteristic
particular, the prefixing of _yud_, not _nun_, to the third person
masculine of the future of verbs(37); and many of the words it employs can
be illustrated only from the Chaldee portions of the Old Testament, or
from the Jerusalem, or Palestinian, Targum and Talmud(38). Adler’s account
of the translation and its copyist is not very flattering, “satis constat
dialectum esse incultam et inconcinnam ... orthographiam autem vagam,
inconstantem, arbitrariam, et ab imperito librario rescribendo et
corrigendo denuo impeditam” (Vers. Syr., p. 149). As it is mentioned by no
Syriac writer, it was probably used but in a few remote churches of
Lebanon or Galilee: but though (to employ the words of Porter) “in
elegance far surpassed by the Peshitto; in closeness of adherence to the
original by the Philoxenian” (Principles of Textual Criticism, Belfast,
1848, p. 356); it has its value, and that not inconsiderable, as a witness
to the state of the text at the time it was turned into Syriac; whether,
with Adler, we regard it as derived from a complete version of the Gospels
made not later than the sixth century, or with Tischendorf refer it to the
fifth(39). Tregelles (who examined the codex at Rome) wrongly judged it a
mere translation of some Greek Evangelistarium of a more recent date. Of
all the Syriac books, this copy and Barsalibi’s recension of the Harkleian
alone contain John vii. 53-viii. 11; the Lectionary giving it as the
Proper Lesson for Oct. 8, St. Pelagia’s day. In general its readings much
resemble those of Codd. BD, siding with B eighty-five times, with D
seventy-nine, in the portions published by Adler; but with D _alone_
eleven times, with B alone but three.
The information afforded by Adler respecting this remarkable document gave
rise to a natural wish that the whole manuscript should be carefully
edited by some respectable scholar. This has now been done by Count
Francis Miniscalchi Erizzo, who in 1861-4 published at Verona in two
quarto volumes “Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum ex Codice Vaticano
Palaestino deprompsit, edidit, Latinè vertit, Prolegomenis ac Glossario
adornavit Comes F. M. E.” This elaborate work, for such it is, although
its execution fails on the whole to satisfy critics of the calibre of Land
and the Abbé Martin, ends with a list of those chapters and verses of the
Gospels (according to the notation of the Latin Vulgate), which the
manuscript contains in full. Tischendorf, in the eighth edition of his
Greek Testament, enriched his notes with the various readings these Church
Lessons exhibit; their critical character being much the same as Adler’s
slight specimen had given us reason to expect(40). The Lectionary closely
resembles that of the Greek Church, the slight differences in the
beginnings and endings of the Lessons scarcely exceeding those subsisting
between different Greek copies, as noticed in our Synaxarion. It contains
the Sunday and week-day Gospels for the first eight weeks beginning at
Easter (with a few verses lost in two places of Week VIII); the Saturday
and Sunday Gospels only for the rest of the year; the Lessons for the Holy
Week, complete as detailed in Vol. I. 85, with two or three slight
exceptions; and the eleven Gospels of the Resurrection. In the Menology or
Calendar of Immoveable Feasts, there is a greater amount of variation in
regard to the Saints’ Days kept, as indeed we might have looked for
beforehand. We subjoin a list of those whose Gospels are given at length
in the manuscript, together with the portions of Scripture appointed for
each day, in order that this curious Syriac service-book may be compared
with that of the Greeks.
September 1. Simaan Alepinus Stylites. 3. Commemoratio patris
nostri Anthioma, John x. 7-16. 4. Babul et puerorum et sanctorum
qui cum eo, Luke x. 1-12. 5. Zacharias, father of the Baptist,
Matt, xxiii. 29-39. 6. Eudoxio, Mark xii. 28-37. 8. Birthday of
the Virgin, _Matins_, Luke i. 39-56. _Ad Missam_, as p. 87. Sunday
before Elevation of the Cross, as p. 87. 14. Elevation of the
Cross, John xi. 53; xix. 6-35. 15. Nikita, Matt. x. 16-22. 16.
Eufemia, p. 87, note 2. 20. Eustathios et sociorum ejus, Luke xxi.
12-19. 21. Jonah the Prophet, Luke xi. 29-33. 30. Gregory the
Armenian(41), Matt. xxiv. 42-51.
October 3. Dionosios the Bishop, Matt. xiii. 45-54. Blagia (p. 87,
note 3), John viii. 1-11. 18. Luke, as p. 87. 21. Patris nostri
Ilarion, Luke vi. 17-23. 25. SS. Scriptorum Marciano et Martorio,
Luke xii. 2-12. 26. Demetrius et commemoratio terrae motus, Matt.
viii. 23-27.
November 1. SS. Thaumaturgorum Kezma et Damian, Matt. x. 1-8.
December 4. Barbara, Mark v. 24-34. 20. Ignathios, as p. 88. 22.
Anastasia, Mark xii. 28-44. “Dominica ante Nativitatem, et patrum
(compare p. 88). In nocte Nativitatis, as p. 88. 25. Christmas
Day, sanctorum,” Matt. i. 1-17. 24. Ad mat. Nativitatis, Matt. i.
18-25 as p. 88. 26. Commemoratio dominae Mart. Mariam, as p. 88.
28. Jacob, frater Domini(42), Mark vi. 1-5 (p. 88).
January 1. Circumcision, as p. 88. 3. Matt. iii. 1, 5-11. Saturday
and Sunday “ante missam aquae,” as p. 88. 5. Nocte missae aquae,
p. 88. 6. Missa aquae (both Lessons), as p. 88. 7. Commemoration
of John the Baptist, as p. 88. Saturday and Sunday post missam
aquae, as p. 88. 8. Luke iii. 19-22. 10. John x. 39-42. 11. Luke
xx. 1-8. Theodosis, Luke vi. 17-23. 15. Juhanna Tentorii, Matt.
iv. 25; v. 1-12. 28. Patris nostri Efrem, Matt. v. 14-19.
February 2. Ingressus Domini Jesu Christi in templum, as p. 88.
24. Finding of the Head of John the Baptist, _ad Mat._ as p. 88:
_ad Missam_, Matt. xi. 2-15.
March 9. Martyrii xl martyrum Sebastis, Matt. xx. 1-16. 25.
Annuntiationis Deiparae, _ad Missam_, as p. 88.
April 1. Mariam Aegyptiacae, Luke vii. 36-50 (compare p. 88, note
2).
May 8. Evan. Juhanna fil. Zebdiai(43), as p. 88.
June 14. Proph. Elisha, Luke iv. 22-30(44). 24. Birth of John the
Baptist, as p. 88. 29. Peter, as p. 88. 30. The Twelve Apostles,
Matt. ix. 36-x. 8.
July 22. Mariam Magdalanis, Luke viii. 1-3.
August 1. Amkabian Ascemonith, et filiorum suorum, Matt. x. 16-22.
6. Apparitio Domini nostri Jesu Christi in Monte Thabur, Luke ix.
28-36; Matt. xvii. 1-9; 10-22. 29. Beheading of John the Baptist,
as p. 88.
_Appendix._ Sanctae Christianae, Matt. xxv. 1-13 (_see_ Sept. 24,
p. 88). Justorum, Matt. xi. 27-30. Dominica xi, Matt. xv. 21-28.
This last (_of the Canaanites_, p. 88) had been omitted in its
usual place, and two lessons inserted about the same place, which
are not in the Greek, viz. “Jejunio sancto Banscira fer. 4, vesp.
Mark xi. 22-25,” and “fer. 6, vesp. John xv. 1-12.”
A new edition of Adler’s Evangelistarium was projected by the late Dr. P.
A. de Lagarde, who made a fresh collation of the MS. shortly before his
death. The results have been published in a posthumous work entitled
“Bibliothecae Syriacae a Paulo de Lagarde collectae,” 1892. The latter
part contains the Evangelistarium, with the text set out in the order of
the Gospels, instead of that of the Church Lessons, and notes are added on
the readings of the MS. and its correctors, and on the edition of
Miniscalchi Erizzo.
Another edition has been announced by Mrs. Lewis(45), the text to
be taken from two Lectionaries, which she has recently discovered
in the Library of the Convent on Mount Sinai, with a collation of
the readings of the Vatican MS.
Some fragments of other MSS. of the same Evangelistarium are
preserved in the British Museum (Add. 14,450, fol. 14, and 14,664,
foll. 17, 20, 21), and in the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg.
They have been published by Professor Land in “Anecdota Syriaca,”
tom, iv, 1875, with a fragment of Acts (xiv. 6-13), in the St.
Petersburg Library.
Mr. J. Rendel Harris has published in “Biblical Fragments from Mount
Sinai” a leaf containing Gal. ii. 3-5, 12-14; iii. 17, 18, 24-28.
The same library is said to contain other remains of Palestinian
literature, patristic translations as well as biblical fragments.
In the Bodleian Library are four fragments, Col. iv. 12-18; 1 Thess. i.
1-3; iv. 3-15; 2 Tim. i. 10-ii. 7; Titus i. 11-ii. 5, an edition of which
has been accomplished by the Rev. G. H. Gwilliam(46).
5. The Karkaphensian or Syriac Massorah.
Assemani (Biblioth. Orient., tom. ii. p. 283), on the authority of Gregory
Bar-Hebraeus, mentions what has been supposed to have been a Syriac
“version” of the N. T., other than the Peshitto and Harkleian, which was
named “Karkaphensian” (ܩܪܩܦܢܬܐ or ܐܬܢܦܩܪܩ), whether, as he thought,
because it was used by Syrians of the _mountains_, or from _Carcuf_, a
city of Mesopotamia. Adler (Vers. Syr., p. 33) was inclined to believe
that Bar-Hebraeus meant rather a revised manuscript than a separate
translation. Cardinal Wiseman, in the course of those youthful studies
which gave such seemly, precocious, deceitful promise (Horae Syriacae,
Rom. 1828), discovered in the Vatican (MS. Syr. 152) a Syriac manuscript
of readings from both Testaments, with the several portions of the New
standing in the following order; Acts, James, 1 Peter, 1 John, the
fourteen Epistles of St. Paul, and then the Gospels, these being the only
books contained in the true Peshitto. In the margin also are placed by the
first hand many readings indicated by the abbreviation ܛܘ (or ܘܛ) [with a
line over the last letter], the title of some scribe or teacher(47). The
codex is on thick yellow vellum, in large folio, with the two columns so
usual in Syriac writing; the ink, especially the points in vermilion, has
often grown pale, and it has been carefully retouched by a later hand; the
original document being all the work of one scribe: some of the marginal
notes refer to various readings. There are several long and tedious
subscriptions in the volume, whereof one states that the copy was written
“in the year of the Greeks 1291 (A.D. 980) in the [Monophysite] monastery
of Aaron on [mount] Sigara, in the jurisdiction of Calisura, in the days
of the Patriarchs John and Menna, by David a deacon of Urin in the
jurisdiction of Gera” [Γέρρα, near Beroea or Aleppo]. It may be remarked
that Assemani has inserted a letter in the “Bibliotheca Orientalis” from
John the Monophysite Patriarch [of Antioch] to his brother Patriarch,
Menna of Alexandria. This manuscript, of which Wiseman gives a rather rude
facsimile, is deemed by him of great importance in tracing the history of
the Syriac vowel-points. Other Karkaphensian manuscripts have been
examined since Wiseman’s time; and all, whether containing more, or less,
of the actual text, agree in the parts which are common, with, however,
some independent readings. We subjoin Matt. i. 19 in four texts, wherein
the close connexion of the Karkaphensian and the Nestorian recension with
the Peshitto is very manifest.
CURETONIAN.
ܝܩܣܦܝ ܕܝܢ ܡܬܠ ܕܔܪܐ ܚܘܐ
ܛܛ ܐ ܨܛ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܦܪܣܚܘ ܥܡܪܝܡ
ܘܐܬܪܠܗ ܗܘܐ ܕܟܝܘܫܐܐܝܬ ܢܪܠܠܚܘ܀
NESTORIAN MASSORAH. Cod. Add. Brit. Mus. 12,138.
ܝܘܣܦ ܕ ܝܢ ܟܠܠܗ ܒܐܢܐ ܗܘܐ
ܘܐܐ ܨܒܐ ܕ ܢܦܪܣܝܗ ܘܐܬܕܠܝܘ (sic)
ܗܘܐ ܕ ܡܠܛܫܝܪܬ ܢܫܪܝܗ ܀
HARKLEIAN—from _White_.
ܝܘܣܦ ܕ ܝܢ ܗܘ ܓܟܪܐ ܕ ܚܠܗ ܕ ܒܐܢܐ
ܐܬܘܗܝܗܘܐ܃ ܘܐܐ ܨܒܐܗܘܐ ܕ ܢܦܪ ܣܞܡ܃
ܐܬܝܫܒ ܕ ܟܛܘܫܝܐ ܢܫܪܝܗ ܀
* Marg. παραδειγματίσαι.
JACOBITE MASSORAH (“KARKAPHENSIAN”). Cod. Add. Brit. Mus. 12,178.
ܝܘܣܦ ܕ ܝܢ ܟܙܠܗ ܒܐܢܐ ܗܘܐ
ܘܐܐ ܨܟܐ ܕ ܢܦܪܣܝܗ ܘܐܬܪܠܝ ܗܘܐ
ܕ ܡܠܛܫܝܪܬ ܢܫܪܗ ܀
PESHITTO TEXT—from the MSS.
ܝܘܣܦ ܝܢ ܟܙܠܗ ܒܐܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܝܘܣܦ ܕ ܫܢ ܒܠܠܗ ܒܐܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܠ ܀
The reader must not be misled by this specimen to infer that the
Karkaphensian always coincides with the Peshitto. It is not a continuous
text, but only those verses or passages are quoted where some word or
words occur concerning which some annotation is required in reference to
orthography or pronunciation. Whole verses or parts of verses are often
omitted(48).
Very recently, since the last illness of Dr. Scrivener had commenced, the
results of a wider examination of Syriac MSS. in different Libraries have
been made more generally known by Mr. Gwilliam’s Essay in the third volume
of “Studia Biblica(49).” According to the investigations of the leading
Syriac scholars, it appears that the Karkaphensian is not a distinct
version, but a kind of Massorah—the attempt to preserve the best
traditions of the orthography and pronunciation of the more important or
difficult words of the Syriac Vernacular Bible. This Massoretic teaching
differs from the Hebrew Massorah, in that whilst the latter supplies us
with all that we know of the form of the Jewish Scriptures(50), the Syriac
Massorah is younger than our oldest copies of the Syriac Bible. The
following are Syriac Massoretic MSS.:—
1. Cod. Add. B. M. 12,138, a Nestorian work, written A.D. 899 at
Harran.
2. Cod. Vaticanus 152, A.D. 980 (Wiseman, as above).
3. Cod. Add. B. M. 12,178, a Jacobite work of the ninth or tenth
century.
4. Cod. Barberinus, described by Bianchini in “Evangeliarium
Quadruplex,” 1748, and afterwards by Wiseman, A.D. 1089 or 1093.
5. Cod. Add. B. M. 7183, also a Jacobite Massoretic work of the
early part of the twelfth century.
6. In the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, a Massoretic MS.
7. M. l’Abbé Martin mentions another, A.D. 1015, in the Cathedral
of Mosul.
Thus the Massorah is extant in two forms, corresponding to the two
branches of the Syrian Church. But only one MS. is Nestorian (Cod. Add.
12,138), whilst all except that one are Jacobite.
The name Karkaphensian is connected with the Jacobite Massorah, and
signifies the kind of text which was favoured in the Scriptorium of the
Skull Convent(51). Allusions to the Skull Convent are found; the adjective
itself occurs in St. Matt. xxvii. 33, and the parallel passages, as a
translation of κρανίου. It is known that grammatical and philological
studies were pursued by Jacob of Edessa (d. A.D. 710), probably by Joseph
Huzita, rector of the school at Nisibis (vi); and a tract attached to Add.
12,178 suggests a connexion between these criticisms and the labours of
one “Thomas the Deacon(52).”
We have now traced the history of the several Syriac versions, so far at
least as to afford the reader some general idea of their relative
importance as materials for the correction of the sacred text. We will
next give parallel renderings of Matt. xii. 1-4; Mark xvi. 17-20 from the
Peshitto, the Curetonian, and the Harkleian, the only versions known in
full; for Matt. xxvii. 3-8, in the room of the Curetonian, which is here
lost, we have substituted the Jerusalem Syriac, and have retained
throughout Thomas’ marginal notes to the Harkleian, its asterisks and
obeli. We have been compelled to employ the common Syriac type, though
every manuscript of respectable antiquity is written in the Estrangelo
character. Even from these slight specimens the servile strictness of the
Harkleian, and some leading characteristics of the other versions, will
readily be apprehended by an attentive student (e.g. of the Curetonian in
Matt. xii. 1; 4; Mark xvi. 18; 20).
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
We hoped to include in this account some description of the MS. lately
discovered by Mrs. Lewis in the Monastery of St. Catherine, at Mount
Sinai, and brought in copy last spring to Cambridge. It is now undergoing
the careful and skilful examination which the character of the
accomplished assistants of Mrs. Lewis ensures, and it is impossible at
present to anticipate the verdict upon it which those scholars may
recommend, and which may be finally adopted by the learned world at large.
The photographic illustration of a page, which has been made public(53),
does not suggest that the MS. possesses any very remarkable antiquity. But
it is due to our argument upon the mutual relations of the Peshitto and
the Curetonian to remark, that the Curetonian will even then rest upon
only two MSS., one of them being a palimpsest, in face of the numerous
supports of the Peshitto, and that even if the Curetonian be proved, as
seems improbable, to date from somewhat further back than we have
supposed, the claim of the Peshitto to production in the early part of the
second century, and to a superior antiquity, will not thereby be removed.
Syriac Versions. Matthew XII. 1-4.
PESHITTO
(1) ܟܗܘ ܙܟܢܐ : ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܝܫܘܙ
ܟܫܟܬܐ ܒܬ ܙܪܥܐ ܘܬܠܡܕܪܘܗܝ
ܩܦܢܘ : ܘܫܪܝܘ ܡܠܓܢ ܫܟܠ ܘܐܩܠܝܢ
(2) ܦܪܝܫܐ ܕܝܢ ܩܫ ܝܥܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܐܡܪܝܢ
ܠܗ . ܗܐ ܬܠܡܝܫܟ ܥܟܫܝܢ ܡܝܡ
ܕܠ ܫܠܝܛ ܠܡܥܟܝ ܟܫܟܬܐ . (3) ܗܘ
ܕܝܢ ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ . ܠ ܩܪܝܬܘܢ ܡܢܐ
ܥܟܕ ܕܘܝܕ ܩܕ ܩܦܢ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܥܡܗ :
(4) ܐܝܩܢܐ ܥܠ ܠܒܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ :
: ܘܠܚܡܐ ܕܦܬܘܪܗ ܕܡܪܝܐ ܐܩܠ
ܗܘ ܕܐ ܫܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܡܐܩܠ .
ܘܠ ܠܝܠܝܢ ܕܥܡܗ . ܐܠܐ ܐܢ ܠܩܗܢܐ
ܟܠܚܘܕ ⁘
CURETONIAN.
(1) ܘܟܗܘ ܙ ܟܢܐ : ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܝܫܘܥ
ܟܫܟܬܐ ܒܝܬ ܙܪܥܐ . ܘܬܠܡܝܪܘܗܝ
ܩܦܢܘ . ܘܫܪܝܘ ܡܠܓܢ ܫܟܠ ܘܦܪܩܢ
ܟܐܝܕܝܗܘܢ ܘܐܩܠܝܢ . (2) ܩܕ ܝܥܘ
ܐܢܘܢ ܦܪܝܫܐ ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ . ܡܢܐ
ܥܟܝܢ ܬܠܡܝܪܝܟ ܡܪܡ ܕܠܐ ܫܠܝܛ
ܠܡܥܟܕ . (3) ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢܠ
ܩܪܝܬܘܢ ܡܢܐ ܥܟܕ ܕܘܝܪ ܩܪܩܦܢ
ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܥܡܗ . (4) ܐܝܩܢܐ ܥܠ
ܠܒܬܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ . ܘܐܟܠ ܡܢ ܠܚܡ
ܐܦܐ . ܕܠ ܠܗ ܫܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ ܠܡܐܩܠ
ܐܦܠ ܠܝܠܝܢ ܕܥܡܗ . ܐܠ ܐܢ ܠܩܗܢܐ
⁘ ܟܠܚܘܕ
HARKLEIAN.
(1) ܟܗܘ ܙܟܢܐ : ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ
ܝܫܘܥ ܟܫܟܬܐ ܒܕ ܕܬ ܙܪܥܐ.
ܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܕܝܢ ܩܦܢܘ : ܘܫܪܝܘ
ܡܠܓܢ ܫܟܠ ܘܐܩܠܝܢ . (2) ܦܪܝܫܐ
ܕܝܢ ܩܕ ܝܥܐ ܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ . ܗܐ
ܐܠܡܝܕܝܟ ܥܟܕܝܢ ܗܘ ܡܐ ܕܠ ܫܠܝܛ
ܠܡܥܟܕ ܟܫܟܬܐ . (3) ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܐܡܪ
ܠܗܘܢ . ܠ ܩܪܝܬܘܢ ܡܢܐ ܥܟܪ ܕܘܝܕ .
ܩܕ ܩܦܢ ܘܗܠܝܢ ܕܥܡܗ : (4) ܐܝܩܢܐ
ܥܠ ܠܒܬܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ : ܘܠܚܡܐ
ܗܘܘ ܩܕܡ ܐܠܗܐ . ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ ܕܣܝܡܝܢ
ܕܣܝܡܘܬ ܩܕܡܐ ܐܩܠ : ܗܠܝܢ ܕܠ
ܫܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܡܐܩܠ ܘܠ
ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܠܡܗ : ܐܠ ܐܢ ܠܩܗܢܐ
ܟܠܚܘܕܝܗܘܢ ⁘
Parallel Renderings. Matthew XXVII. 3-8
PESHITTO.
(3) ܗܝܕܝܢ ܝܗܘܕܐ ܡܫܠܡܢܐ : ܩܕ
ܚܐ ܕܐܬܚܝܒ ܝܫܘܥ ܐܬܬܘܝ . ܘܐܙܠ
ܐܗܦܟ ܗܠܝܢ ܬܠܬܝܢ ܕܩܣܦܐ ܠܪܟܝ
ܟܗܨܐ ܘܠܘܫܫܐ . (4) ܘܐܡܪ . ܚܛܬ
ܕܐܫܠܡܬ ܕܡܐ ܙܩܝܐ . ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ ܐܡܪܘ
ܠܗ . ܠܢ ܡܐ ܠܢ . ܐܢܬ ܝܪܥ ܐܢܬ
(5) ܘܫܪܝܗܝ ܟܣܦܐ ܟܗܝܩܠ ܘܫܢܝ .
ܘܐܙܠ ܚܢܩ ܢܦܫܗ . (6) ܪܒܝ ܩܡܢܐ
ܕܝܢܫܘܠܘܗܝ ܠܩܣܦܐ ܘܐܡܪܘ . ܠ
ܫܠܝܛ ܕܢܪܡܝܘܗܝ ܒܬ ܩܘܪܟܢܐ .
ܡܛܠ ܕܛܡܝ ܕܡܐܗܘ . (7) ܘܢܣܟܘ
ܡܠܩܐ : ܘܙܟܢܘ ܒܗ ܐܓܘܪܣܗ ܕܦܚܪܐ
ܠܒܬ ܩܟܘܪܐ ܕܐܟܣܢܝܐ . (8) ܡܛܠ
ܗܢܐ ܐܬܩܪܝ ܐܓܘܪܣܐ ܗܘ : ܩܝܪܝܬܐ
ܕܕܡܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ ⁘
JERUSALEM SYRIAC.
ܘܒܬܗ ܩܝܪܘܣܐ ܟܩܢ ܩܕ ܝܡܐ
ܝܗܘܕܣ ܕܡܣܪ ܝܬܗ ܕܐܬܚܝܒ ܬܗܐ ⁘
ܘܐܬܪܒ ܬܠܬܝܢ ܕܩܣܦܐ ܠܪܝܫܐ ܟܗܢܝܐ
(ܕܟܡܢܝܐ s.m.) ܘܩܫܝܫܐ . (4) ܘܐܡܪ
ܐܣܩܠܬ ܕܡ ܣܪܬ ܐܕܡ ? ܕܝܩ ⁘ ܐܕܡ
(? ܕܝܩ s.m.) ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝ ܐܡܪܘ ܡܐ
ܥܠܝܢܗ ܐܬ ܬܝܡܐ (5) ܘܫܕܐ ܩܣܦܐ
ܟܢܘܣܐ ܘܐܙܠ ܝܢܩܓܪܡܗ ⁘ (6) ܪܝܫܐ
ܩܗܢܝܐ ܕܝ ܢܣܟܘ ܩܣܦܐ ܘܐܡܪܘܠ
ܫܠܝܛ ܕܢܪܡܐ ܝܬܗ ܟܩܘܪܟܢܐ ⁘
ܠܓܠ ܕܗܘ ܕܡܝܢ ܕܐܕܡ (7) ܢܣܟܘ
ܕܝ ܡܝܠܟ (ܡܝܠܟܐ _sic s.m._) ܘܙܟܢܘ
ܒܗܘܢ ܛܘܪܗ ܕܦܚܪܐ ܠܡܘܟܘܪܐ
ܠܩܣܢܚ ⁘ (8) ܠܩܝ ܢ ܐܬܘܪܝ ܛܘܪܐ ܗܐܘ
ܝܘܠ ܐܕܡܐ ܥ ܪ ܡܛܐ ܠܝܘܡܕܝܢ ⁘
HARKLEIAN.
(3) ܗܝܪܝܢ ܩܪ ܚܢܐ ܝܗܘܕܐ ܗܘ
ܕܐܫܠܡܗ ܕܐܬܪܝܒ : ܩܪ ܐܬܬܘܝ :
ܐܗܦܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܬܠܬܢ ܩܣܦܐ ܠܪܝܫܝ
ܩܗܢܐ ܘܠܘܫܝܫܐ (4) ܩܕ ܐܗܪ :
ܝܛܬ ܕܐܫܠܡܬ ܕܡܐ ܙܒܝܐ . ܗܢܘܢ
ܕܢ ܐܡܪܘ . ܡܢܐ ܠܘܬܢ . ܐܢܬ ܬܚܢܐ .
(5) ܘܩܕ ܫܕܝ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܩܣܦܐ ܟܗܝܩܠ :
ܫܢܝ ܘܐܙܠ ܚܢܩ ܗܘܠܗ .
ܪܝܫܝ ܩܗܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܩܕ ܫܘܠܘ ܐܢܘܢ
ܠܩܣܦܐ ܐܡܪܘ : ܠ ܫܠܝܛ ܠܡܪܡܝܘ
ܒܬ ܩܘܪܟ ܐܢܐܢ : ܡܛܠ ܕܛܝܡܐ ܕܕܡܐ
ܐܢܬܝܗܘܢ . (7) ܩܕ ܕܝܢ ܡܠܩܐ ܢܣܟܘ :
ܙܟܥܘ ܡܥܗܘܢ ܐܓܘܪܣܐ (5) ܕܦܚܪܝܐ
ܠܒܬ ܩܟܘܪܐ ܝܕܐܩܣܢܝܐ . (8) ܡܛܠ
ܗܕܐ ܐܬܩܪܝ ܗܘ ܐܓܘܪܣܐ ܗܘ :
ܐܓܘܪܣܐ ܕܕܡܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ ⁘
Syriac Versions. Mark XVI. 17-20
PESHITTO.
(17) ܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܝܠܝܢ ܕܡܗܝܡܢܝܢ
ܗܠܝܢ ܢܘܦܢ . ܟܫܡܝ ܫܐܕܐ
ܢܦܩܘܢ ܘܟܠܫܢܐ ܚܪܬܐ ܢܡܠܠܘܢ .
(18) ܘܚܘܘܬܐ ܢܫܘܠܘܢ . ܘܐܢ ܣܡܐ
ܕܡܘܬܐ ܢܫܬܘܢ ܠ ܢܗܪ ܐܢܘܢ . ܘܐܝܕܝܗܘܢ
ܢܣܝܡܘ ܢܥܠ ܩܪܝܗܐ ܘܢܬܚܠܡܘܢ .
(19) ܝܫܘܥ ܕܝܢ ܡܪܢ : ܡܢ ܟܬܪ
ܕܡܠܠ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܠܫܡܝܐ ܣܠܩ
ܘܝܬܒ ܡܢ ܝܡܝܢܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ . (20) ܗܢܘܢ
ܕܝܢ ܢܦܩܘ ܘܐܩܪܙܘ ܟܩܠ ܕܘܩܐ . ܘܡܪܢ
ܡܥܕܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ : ܘܡܫܪ ܡܠܝܗܘܢ
ܒܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܥܟܕܝܢ ܗܘܘ⁘
CURETONIAN.
(17) ܕܡܗܝܡܢܝܢ ܟܝ . ܗܠܝ ܢ
ܒܫܡܝ ܕܝܘܐ ܢܦܘܘܢ . ܟܠܫܢܐ ܚܕܬܐ
ܢܡܠܠܘܢ . (18) ܚܘܘܬܐ ܢܫܘܠܘܢ
ܒܐܪܕܝܗܘܢ ܘܐܢ ܡܪܡ ܣܡܐ ܕܡܘܬܐ
ܢܫܬܘܢ ܠ ܢܩܐ ܐܢܘܢ . ܐܠ ܩܪܗܐ
ܢܣܝܡܘܢ ܐܝܕܝܗܘܢ ܘܢܬܚܠܡܘܢ
(19) ܡܪܢ ܕܝܢ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܢ ܟܬܪ ܕܦܘܝ
ܠܬܠܡܝܪܘܗܝ ܐܬܥܠܝ ܠܫܡܝܠ .
ܘܝܬܒ ܡܢ ܝܡܝܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ . (20) ܗܢܘܢ
ܕܝܢ ܢܦܘܘ ܘܐܩܪܙܘ ܟܩܘܠ ܕܘܒܐ . ܟܕ
ܡܪܝܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܟܩܠ . ܘܡܠܬܗܘܢ
ܡܫܪ ܗܘܐ ܒܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܥܟܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ⁘
HARKLEIAN.
(17) ܐܬܘ ܬܐܕܝܢ ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܡܗܝܡܢܝܢ
ܗܠܝܢ ܢܘܦܢ . ܟܫܡܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܕܝܘܐ
ܢܦܩܘܢ . ܒܠܫܢܐ ܚܪܬܐ ܢܡܠܠܘܢ .
(18) ܘܒܐܝܪܝܐ ܚܘܘܬܐ ܢܫܘܠܘܢ .
ܘܐܢ ܣܡܐ ܡܡܝܬܢܐ ܡܪܡ ܢܫܬܘܢ
ܠ ܢܩܐ ܐܢܘܢ . ܥܠ ܩܪܝܗܐ ܐܝܕܝܐ
ܢܣܝܡܘܢ : ܘܛܒܐܝܬ ܢܗܘܘܢ ⁘ (19) ܗܘ
ܡܢ ܗܩܝܠ ܡܪܝܐ ܝܫܘܥ : ܟܬܪ
ܕܡܠܠ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܣܬܠܩ ܠܫܡܝܐ ܘܝܬܒ
ܡܢ ܝܡܝܢܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ⁘ (20) ܗܢܘܢ
ܕܝܢ ܩܪ ܢܦܘܘ ܐܩܪܙܘ ܟܩܠ ܕܘܩܬܐ
ܩܪ ܡܪܝܐ ܡܥܪܕ ܗܘܐ ܘܠܡܠܬܐ ܡܫܕܪ
ܗܘܐ : ܟܝܕ ܐܬܘܬܐ ܗܢܝܢ ܕܢܦܘܢ ܗܘܝ ⁘