His Credit is this:--

"That sche woundered how any durst presume to command her in that

realme, whiche neaded not to be conquest by any force, considering

that it was allready conqueissed by marriage; that Frenche men

could nott be justlie called strangearis, seing that thei war

naturalized; and thairfoir that sche wald neather maik that Toun

patent, neather yitt send any man away, bot as sche thocht

expedient. Sche accused the Duik of violating his promeise: Sche

maid long protestatioun of her love towardis the commoun-wealth of

Scotland; and in the end commanded, that under pane of treassone,

all assistaris to the Duke and unto us, should departe from the

toune of Edinburgh."[995]

This answer receaved, credite heard, preconceaved malice sufficientlie

espyed, consultatioun was tacken what was expedient to be done. And for

the first it was concluded, that the Herauld should be stayed till

farder determinatioun should be tacken.

[SN: THE ORDOUR OF THE SUSPENSIOUN OF THE QUEIN REGENT, FROM

AUTHORITIE WITHIN SCOTLAND.]

The haill Nobilitie, Baronis, and Broughes, then present, wer commanded

to convene in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the same xxj day of October,

for deliberatioun of these materis. Whare the hole caus being exponed by

the Lord Ruthven, the questioun was proponed, "Whetther sche that so

contempteouslie refuissed the most humill requeist of the borne

Counsallouris of the realm, being also bott a Regent, whose pretenses

threatned the boundage of the hole commoun-wealth, awght to be sufferred

so tyrannouslie to impyre above tham?" And because that this questioun

had nott bene befoir disputed in open assemblie, it was thoght

expedient that the judgement of the Preachearis should be required; who

being called and instructed in the caise, Johne Willok, who befoir had

susteaned the burthen of the Churche in Edinburgh, commanded[996] to

speik, maid discourse, as followeth, affirmyng:--

[SN: THE DISCOURSE OF JOHNE WILLOCK.]

"First, That albeit Magistratis be Goddes ordinance, having of him

power and authoritie, yitt is not thair power so largelie extended,

but that is bounded and limited by God in his word.

"And Secundarlie, That as subjectis ar commanded to obey thair

magistratis, so ar magistratis commanded to geve some dewitie to

the subjectis; so that God by his word, hes prescribed the office

of the one and of the other.

"Thridlie, That albeit God hath appointed magistratis his

lievtennentis on earth, and hes honored thame with his awin title,

calling thame goddis, that yitt he did never so establess any, but

that for just causses thei mycht have bene depryved.

"Fourtlie, That in deposing of Princes, and those that had bene in

authoritie, God did nott alwyise use his immediate poware; but

sometymes he used other meanis whiche his wisedome thocht good and

justice approved, as by Asa he removed Maacha his awin mother from

honour and authoritie, whiche befoir sche had brooked; by Jehu he

destroyed Joram, and the haill posteritie of Achab; and by diverse

otheris he had deposed from authoritie those whome befoir he had

establesshed by his awin worde." [SN: The causes.] And heirupoun

concluded he, "That since the Quene Regent denyed her cheaf dewitie

to the subjectis of this realme, whiche was to minister justice

unto thame indifferentlie, to preserve thair liberties from

invasioun of strangearis, and to suffer thame have Godis word

freelie and openlie preached amanges thame; seing, moreover, that

the Quene Regent wes ane open and obstinat idolatress, a vehement

manteanare of all superstitioun and idolatrie; and, finallie, that

sche utterlie dispysed the counsall and requeistis of the

Nobilitie, he could see no reassone why they, the borne

Counsallouris, Nobilitie, and Baronis of the realme, mycht nott

justlie deprive her from all regiment and authoritie amanges

thame."

[SN: The judgement of Johne Knox, in the dispositioun of the Quein

Regent.]

Heirefter was the judgement of Johne Knox required, who, approving the

sentence of his Brother, added,--

"First, That the iniquitie of the Quene Regent, and mysordour owght

in nowyis to withdraw neather our heartis, neather yitt the heartis

of other subjectis, from the obedience dew unto our Soveranis.

"Secundarly, That and yf we deposed the said Quene Regent rather of

malice and privat invy, than for the preservatioun of the

commoun-wealth, and for that her synnes appeared incurable, that we

should nott escheap Godis just punishment, howsoever that sche had

deserved rejectioun from honouris.

"And Thridlie, He required that no suche sentence should be

pronunced against her, bott that upoun her knawin and oppen

reapentance, and upoun her conversioun to the commoun-wealth, and

submissioun to the Nobilitie, place should be granted unto her of

regresse to the same honouris from the whiche, for just causses,

sche justlie might be deprived."

The votes of everie man particularlie by him self required, and everie

man commanded to speik, as he wald ansure to God, what his conscience

judged in that mater, thair was none found, amonges the hole number, who

did nott, by his awin toung consent to her deprivatioun. Thairefter was

her process[997] committed to writt, and registrat, as followeth:--

[SN: THE ENORMITIES COMMITTED BY THE QUEIN REGENT.]

"At Edinburgh, the twenty one day of October 1559. The Nobilitie,

Baronis, and Broughes convenit to advise upoun the affairis of the

commoun-weall, and to ayde, supporte, and succour the samyn,

perceaving and lamenting the interprysed destructioun of thair said

commoun-weall, and overthrow of the libertie of thair native

cuntree, be the meanes of the Quene Regent, and certane strangearis

her Prevey Counsallouris, plane contrarie oure Soveranes Lord and

Ladyis mynd, and direct against the counsall of the Nobilitie, to

proceid by litill and litill evin unto the uttermost, sa that the

urgent necessitie of the commoun-weall may suffer na langare delay,

and earnestlie craves our supporte: Seing heirfoir that the said

Quene Regent, (abusing and owir passing our Soveranes Lord and

Ladyis commissioun, gevin and granted to her,) hes in all her

proceidingis, persewit the Baronis and Broughes within this realme,

with weapones and armour of strangearis, butt ony process or ordour

of law, thei being oure Soverane Lord and Ladyis trew liegis, and

never called nor convict in any cryme be ony judgement lauchfull;

as first at Sanct Johnestoun, in the moneyth of Maij, sche

assembled her army against the towne and inhabitantis thairof,

never called nor convict in any cryme, for that thei professed trew

wirschip of God, conforme to his moist sacrat worde; and lyikwyis

in the moneyth of Junij last, without any lauchfull ordour or

calling going befoir, invaded the persones of syndre Noble men and

Baronis with force of armes convenit at Sanctandrois, onlie for

caus of religioun, as is notoriouslie knawin, thei never being

callit nor convict in ony cryme: Attour layed garnisonis the same

moneth upoun the inhabitantis of the said toun of Sanct Johnestoun,

oppressing the liberties of the Quenis trew lieges; for feir of

whiche her garnisones, ane great parte of the inhabitantis thairof,

fled of the towne, and durst nott resorte agane unto thair housses

and heretages, whill thei war restored be armes, thei

notwithstanding never being called nor convict in any cryme. And

farder, that samyn tyme did thrust in upoun the headis of the

inhabitantis of the said towne Provest and Baillies, against all

ordour of electioun; as laitlie, in this last moneth of September,

sche had done in the townes of Edinburgh and Jedburgh, and diverse

utheris plaices, in manifest[998] oppressioun of our liberties.

Last of all, declairing her evill mynd toward the Nobilitie,

commountie,[999] and haill natioun, hes brocht in strangearis, and

dalie pretendis to bring in grettar force of the samyn; pretending

ane manifest conqueast of our native rowmes and countree, as the

deid it self declaires: in sa far as sche heaving brocht in the

saidis strangearis, but ony advise of the said Counsall and

Nobilitie, and contrair thair expresse mynd send to her Grace in

writt, hes plaicet and planted her saidis strangearis in ane of the

principall townis and portis of the realme, sending continewallie

for grettar forces, willing thairby to suppress the commoun-weall,

and libertie of our native countree, to mak us and our posteritie

slaves to strangearis for ever: Whiche, as it is intollerable in

commoun-wealthis and free cuntreis, sa is it verray prejudiciall to

our Soverane Ladye, and her airis quhatsumever, in caise our

Soverane Lord deceise butt airis of hir Grace's persone; and to

perfurneise hir wicked interpises,[1000] consavit (as appeiris) of

inveterat malice against our cuntree and natioun, causes (but any

consent or advise of the Counsall and Nobilitie) cunzie

layit-money, sa base, and of sick quantitie, that the hole realme

shalbe depauperat, and all traffique with forane nationis evertit

thairby; And attour, her Grace places and manteanes, contrair the

pleasour of the Counsall of this realme, are strangear in ane of

the greattest offices of credite within this realme, that is, in

keaping of the Great Seall[1001] thairof, quhairintill great

parrellis may be ingenerat to the commoun-weall and libertie

thairof: [SN: HIR DOUGHTER FOLLOWED THE SAME; FOR TO DAVY WAS

DELIVERED THE GREATT SEALL.[1002]] And farder, laitlie send the

said Great Seall furth of this realme be the said strangeare,

contrair the advise of the said Counsall, to what effect God

knawis; and hes ellis be his meanes alterat the auld law and

consuetude of our realme, ever observit in the graces and pardonis

granted be our Soveranes to all thair liegis being repentand of

thair offenses committed against thair Hienes or the liegis of the

realme; and hes introducit a new captiouse styill and forme of the

saidis pardonis and remissionis, attending to the practise of

France, tending thairby to draw the saidis liegis of this realme,

be process of tyme, in a deceavable snair; and farder, sall creipe

in the haill subversioun and alteratioun of the remanent lawis of

this realme, in contrair the contentis of the Appointment of

Marriage; and als peace being accordit amanges the Princes,

reteanes the great armye of strangearis after command send be the

King of France to reteyre the same, maiking excuise that thei war

reteaned for suppressing of the attemptatis of the liegis of this

realme, albeit the haill subjectis thairof, of all estaitis, is

and ever hes bene reddy to give all debtfull obedience to thair

Soveranis, and thair lawchfull ministeris, proceiding, be Godis

ordinance: And the said armye of strangearis not being payed of

waiges, was layed be her Grace upoun the neckis of the poore

communitie of our native countree, who was compelled be force to

defraude tham selfis, thair wyffis, and barnes, of that poore

substance quhilk thei mycht conqueiss with the sweit of thair

browis, to satisfie thair hungar and necessiteis, and quyte the

samyn to susteane the idill bellies of thir strangearis. Throw the

whiche in all partis raise sick havye lamentatioun, and complaint

of the communitie, accusing the Nobilitie and Counsall of thair

slewth, that as the same oppressioun we dowbt nott hes entered in

befoir the justice-seat of God, sa hes it movit our heartis to

rewth and compassioun. And for redressing of the samyn, with other

great offenses committed against the publict weall of this realme,

we have convened hear, as said is; and as oft tymes of befoir, hes

maist humblie, and with all reverence, desyred and required the

said Quene Regent, to redress the saidis enormities, and

especiallie to remove her strangearis from the neckis of the poore

communitie, and to desist fra interprysing or fortificatioun of

strenthis within this realme, against the express will of the

Nobilitie and Counsall of the same: Yitt we being convened the mair

stark for feir of her strangearis, whome we saw presume na other

thing bot with armes to persew our lyves and possessiounis, besoght

hir Grace to remove the feare of the samyn, and mak the Towne

patent to all our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis; the same on

nawyise wald her Grace grant unto; but when some of our cumpany in

peciable maner went to view the said towne, thair wes boyth great

and small munitioun schot furth at thame. And seing thairfoir that

neather access was granted to be used, nor yitt her Grace wald

joyne her self to us, to consult upoun the effairis of our

commoun-weall, as we that be borne Counsallouris to the same, be

the ancient lawis of the realme; but fearing the judgement of the

Counsall wald reforme, as necessitie requyred, the foirsaid

enormities, sche refuisses all maner of assistance with us, and be

force and violence intendis to suppresse the liberties of our

commoun-weall, and of us the favoraris of the samyn: WE, thairfoir,

sa mony of the Nobilitie, Barones, and Provest of Burrowes, as ar

tweichet with the cair of the commoun-weall, (unto the whiche we

acknowledge our self nott onlie borne, bot alswa sworne

protectouris and defendaris, against all and whatsomever invaidaris

of the same,) and moved be the foirsaidis proceidingis notorious,

and with the lamentable complaynt of oppressioun of our communitie,

our fallow memberis of the samyn: perceaving farder, that the

present necessitie of our commoun-weill may suffer na delay, being

convenit (as said is) presentlie in Edinburgh, for supporte of our

commoun-weall, and ryplie consulted and advisit, taking the fear of

God befoir our eyis, for the causses foirsaidis, whiche ar

notorious, with one consent and commoun vote, ilk man in ordour his

judgement being required, In name and authoritie of our Soverane

Lord and Lady, Suspendis the said Commissioun granted be our saidis

Soveranis to the said Quene Dowager; dischargeing her of all

administratioun or authoritie sche hes or may have thairby, unto

the nixt Parliament to be sett be our advise and consent; and that

becaus the said Quene, be the foirsaidis faltis notorious,

declairis hir self ennemye to our commoun-weall, abusing the power

of the said authoritie, to the destructioun of the samyn. And

lyikwyise, we discharge all members of her said authoritie fra

thinfurth; and that na cunze be cunzeit fra thinfurth without

expresse consent of the said Counsall and Nobilitie, conforme to

the lawis of this realme, whiche we manteane: And ordanis this to

be notifeid and proclamed be Officiaris of Armes, in all head

Burghis within the realme of Scotland. In witnes of the whiche,

our commoun consent and free vote, we have subscrivit this present

Act of Suspensioun with our handis, day, yeare, and place

foirsaidis."

[(_Sic subscribitur_,)

BY US, THE NOBILITY AND COMMOUNS OF THE PROTESTANTS

OF THE CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.][1003]

After that this our Act of Suspensioun was by sound of trumpett divulgat

at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herauld with this

answer:--

"PLEIS YOUR GRACE,

"We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of

Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill

mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie

of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our

dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended

your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace

may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, your

proceidingis[1004] ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis

will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the

hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott

acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones

and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we

acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005] or lauchfull Magistrat unto

us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis

commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie

reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie

of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this

our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with

hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006] at libertie, whairin

ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007] your soldiouris and

strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother

to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your

persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008] for the necessitie

of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of

the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir.

Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said

towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick

be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all

Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we

thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the

realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the

mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should

rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and

thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the

reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our

humill service to your Grace, we committ your Hienes to the

eternall protectioun of God.

"At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009] of October 1559.

"Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010]

The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of

trumpet, in forme as followeth:--

"I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and

of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and

Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei

departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris,

and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis

liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or

that other,[1011] that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for

that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up

within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other,

our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa

shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik

slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis

pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that

uther, to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in

our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik

the same free within the space of xij houris."

[SN: TREASSON AMONGIS THE COUNSALL.]

Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great slawchtter.

Preparatioun of scailles[1012] and ledderis was maid for the assault,

whiche was concluded by commoun consent of the Nobilitie and Barones.

The scailles war appointed to be maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that

preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a little greve the Preachearis,

and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared not openlie to say,

"That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be

prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt

of God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for

suche preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris

and unto preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie

trubled all that[1013] tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges

us) gave occasioun to the Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott

suffer suche contempt of his worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be

unpunished." The Quene had amangis us her assured espiallis, who did not

onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait, bot also what was our

counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin company war

vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our

secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James

Balfour,[1014] was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist

secreat thing was devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis

whiche war thocht[1015] to have bene knawin but to a verray few.

[SN: THE DUCK AND HIS FREINDIS FEIRFULL.]

By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes frustrat, bot

also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin and changed. The Dukis

freindis geve unto him suche terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled;

and by his fear war trubled many otheris. [SN: THE UNGODLIE SOLDIOURIS.]

The men of warr (for the maist parte wer men without God or honestie)

made a mutiney, becaus thai lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had

done the same in Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun,

"That thei wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up

the Messe agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland

men, and slew one of the principall children of his chalmer; who

notwithstanding behaved him self so moderatlie, and so studiouse to

pacifie that tumult, that many woundered alsweill of his prudent

counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his cumpany. The

ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in thair

mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016] and uther Noble

men, who cohorted thame to quyetness. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS

PRACTISES.] All these trubles war practised by the Quene, and putt in

executioun by the tratouris amangis our selff; who, albeit they then

lurked, and yitt ar not manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God

shall utter thame to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To

pacifie the men of warr, a collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer

poore, and some wer nigardis and avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient

sowme be obteined. [SN: THE FACT OF THE COUNSALL.] It was thocht

expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie Noble man should

cunzie his silver work to supplie the present necessitie; and thairthrow

David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017] and utheris who befoir had charge of

the Cunzie-house,[1018] did promeise thair faythfull lawbouris. [SN: THE

TREASOUN OF JOHNE HEART.] Bot when the mater come to the verray point,

the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall away, and tuk

with thame the instrumentis apt for thair purpose. Whetther this was

done by the falsheid and feablenes of the said Johnne, or the practising

of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no hoip amangis our selfis

that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was concluded, by a

few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff Saidlair, and

Schir James Croftis,[1019] then having charge at Berwik, should be

tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that

urgent necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun

directed unto thame in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our

counsall was disclosed to the Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell,

(as him selff confessed,) to wait upoun the returnyng of the said Lard,

as that he did with all diligence; and so being assuredlie informed by

what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell foirsett[1020] his way, and

cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that he was evill

wounded in the heid;[1021] for nether could he gett his led horse, nor

yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand

crownis of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James

moist lovinglie had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to

our earis, oure dolour was dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the

money, as for the tynsall of the gentilman, whome we suspected to have

bene slane, or at the least that he should be delivered to the Quenis

handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane, the Lord James,

the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen, took

purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in

Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had

reteared him self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact

treassonable, becaus that thrie dayis befoir he had send his especiall

servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to Edinburgh, to purchese of

the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak us; whiche we

granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he should

neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he

should writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or

not. [SN: THE ERLE BOTHWELL FALS IN PROMEISE, AND HIS TREASONABLE FACT.]

He gave us farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the

Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this meantyme, he

crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the noble man foirsaid.

Albeit that the departure and counsall of the Erle of Arrane and Lord

James, with thair cumpany foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt

was the Erle Bothwell,[1022] then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and

so eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the

Capitane of his house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang

persuyte,) confessed and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght

redress, soght rather his saiftie and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun

and haitrent thei committed his house to the custody of a capitane, to

witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all soldiouris thair left, was

gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found within the said

hous of Crychttoun,[1023] (which war putt in inventorie in presence of

the Lordis,) should be keipt till that the Erle Bothwell should geve

answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment

was granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the

sone.

In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day

that thei departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and

towne of Dundye, togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the

toune of Edinburgh, and caryed with thame some great ordinance to

schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace, the Erle of Glencarne, and the

rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing, whair thei continewed

to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane named[1024]

Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent, and

that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great

expeditioun came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid. [SN: THE

FIRST DEFAIR[1025] OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The towne of Dundye, with a

few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair ordinance as

haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and feable soldiouris, who

fled without strok offered or gevin, thei war compelled to give back,

and so to leave the ordinance to the ennemyis, who did farder persew the

fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the Cannogaite, and to the fute of

Leyth Wynd. [SN: THE CRUELTIE OF THE FRENCHE.] Thair crewelty then began

to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the women and

childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, then did the strang

man, who maid resistance.

It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some

treassoun. For when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for

releve of thair brethren, whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and

at least we mycht have saved the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait

from danger; for we wer anis merched fordwarte with bold curage, but

then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased amonges our selfis, (God will

discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That the hole Frenche

cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis." What clamor and

misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse with

multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to

have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the

enteress of the Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun;

the wicked and malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the

Justice Clerk, Schir Johne Bannatyne[1026] was,) fledd without mercye:

With great difficultie could thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte.

Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027] cryed with a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye

have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the clamour of our fray,

followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no great

nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thair _infantes perdues_.[1028] For

in that meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance. [SN:

THE ERLE OF ERGYLE.] The Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that

stopped the fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened

efter that it was schoot. [SN: LORD ROBERT STEWART.] Bott in verray

deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,[1029] Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first

that isched out. After him followed many upoun the backis of the

Frenche. At last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor

was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse,

and tooke some spuilzie from the poores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a

Papist and dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a

woman gevin sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of

ten. Certane wer tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and]

Maister Charles Geddes, servitour to the Maister of Maxwell.

[SN: THE CASTELL SCHOT ONE SHOTT.]

The Castell[1030] that day schot ane schott at the Frenche, declairing

thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; bott he suddanelie

repented of weall-doing. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS REJOSING, AND

UNWOMANLIE BEHAVIOUR.] The Queyn glad of victorye, sat upoun the

ramparte to salute and welcome hir victorious suddartis.[1031] One

brought a kirtill, one uther ane pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane;

and of invy more then womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye

your ware? _Je pense_[1032] _que vous l'aves achete sans argent._"[1033]

This was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the truble

of the poore subjectis of this realme.

[SN: THE COUNSALL OF THE MAISTER OF MAXWELL.]

The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun of this

our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any restitutioun; and so

within two dayis after was his house spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis

of ony great importance, his evidentis and certane clothing excepted.

Frome that day back, the curage of many was dejected. With great

difficultie could men be reteaned in the towne; yea, some of the

greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to leave the

interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a

verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The

Maister of Maxwell,[1034] a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger,

desyrit moist gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane

to the terrour of the ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame

selfis with thair ordinance and baneris displeyed in ordour. But the

wittis of men being dasched, no counsall could prevaill. Thus we

continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till Mononday the

fyft of November,[1035] never two or thrie abyding ferme in one opinioun

the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis

practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair

maliciouse craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused

two godlie and fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and

Cesfurd,[1036] who ones had glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to

withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis: The same thei did to the Erle

Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never planelie joyne. Thei

intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in caise we war

persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less pestiferous

against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and his

discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to

thair malice."

[SN: THE LAST DISCOMFITURE UPOUN MONUNDAY.]

Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037] of November, did the Frenche ische out of

Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038] of the victuallis whiche should have

cumed to us. We being trubled amanges our selfis, and, as said is,

devided in opinionis, wer neather circumspect when thei did ische,

neather yitt did we follow with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for

men that wald have sought our advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie

be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of Arrane, Lord James, and a

certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man then followed, and maid

suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to retear somewhat

effrayedlie. The rest that ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger of

thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and

Lord James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect,

did compell the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney,

that eyther thei must neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche

men, (and that under the mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei

must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow cure.[1039] For our men warr

approched ney[1040] to Restalrig. The one parte of the Frenche wer upoun

the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome Leyth to

Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten neather

cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir

to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the

formare cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne,

befoir that we could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have

cutted us of from the entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as

appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the Lard of Grange and Alexander

Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed boith thair horsemen and

thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us, perceaving that we

reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the nomber of

thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us

having the myre of Restalrig[1041] betuix us and thame, so that in no

wise we could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042]

so that in nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed

upoun our taillis, and slew diverse; our awin[1043] horsemen over-rode

our futemen; and so be reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair

was no resistance maid. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, in great

danger, lyghted amanges the footmen, exhorting thame to have some

respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair brethren, whome, by thair

fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall of thair deth.

Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed with

certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was

first schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris

wounded him in diverse partis to the death.[1044] And yit, as it war by

the power of God, he was brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit

most plane wordis, he gave confessioun of his fayth, testifeing, "That

he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy, purchassed to him by the bloode of

Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented, that it pleased God to maik

him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in the defence of so

just a cause." [SN: THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER HALYBURTOUN, CAPITANE.]

And thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter,

(we dowt nott,) in that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter

that we war defait.[1045] Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four

or thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of

Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George

Luvell of Dundie,[1046] and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar,

Lieutennent to Capitane Mowet.[1047] Capitane David Murray had his horse

slane, and him self hurte[1048] in the leg.

[SN: HOW AND WHY WILLIAM MAITLAND LEFT LEYTH.]

Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow Evin,[1049]

Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050] Secreattar to the Quene,

perceaving him self not onlye to be suspected as one that favored our

parte, bot also to stand in danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane

amangis sa ungodlie a cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in

questioun, he spaired not to speik his conscience; whiche libertie of

toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did heyghlie disdane.

Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a mornyng, and

randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who cuming to

us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair

was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have

reteaned the Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair

eyis the dangearis that myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot

fear and dolour had so seazed[1051] the hartis of all, that thei could

admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, offered to

abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with thame. Bott men did so

steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame. Yea, some of the

greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd. [SN: THE LORD

ERSKYN DECLAIRED HIM SELF ENNEMYE TO THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The Capitane of

the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto us no favouris. But

said, "He most neidis declair himself freind to those that war able to

supporte and defend him." Whiche answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052]

discoraged those that befoir had determined to have biddin the

uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell

wald have stand[1053] thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie

man took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within

the towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to

spew furth the vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte.

The godly, alsweall those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the

towne, wer so trubled, that some of thame wald have preferred death to

lyve, at Godis pleasur. For avoiding of danger, it was concludit that

thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid provisioun for his

ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left to the

cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that

whiche appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy. [SN: THE DISPYTE OF

THE PAPISTIS OF EDINBURGH.] The dispytfull toungis of the wicked raylled

upoun us, calling us traytouris and heretiques: everie ane provoked

other to cast stanes at us. One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane

other, "Fye, give advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come,

and we shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques."

And thus, as the sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the

cogitationis and formar determinationis of many heartis then reveilled.

[SN: THE WORST IS NOT YIT COME TO OUR ENNEMYES.] For we wald never have

belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen could have wisshed our

destructioun so unmercifullie, and have so rejosed in our adversitie:

God move thair heartis to repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose

caus we susteane sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell

strangearis, in whose handis thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We

stayed nott till that we came to Striveling, whiche we did the day efter

that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that thair

consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt remeady in so desperat

a mater.

[SN: THE SERMOUN OF JOHNE KNOX, IN STRYVELING, IN THE GREATEST OF

OUR TRUBLES.]

The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054] Johnne Knox

preached, (Johne Willock was departed to England, as befoir he had

appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 versicules of the

Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in the persoune of the afflicted people

of God, speaketh thus:[1055] The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the

God of hostis, how long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy

people. 5. Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to

us tearis to drynk in great measure. 6. Thow hest maid us a stryf unto

our nychtbouris, and our ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame

selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us agane: maik thy face to schyne, and

we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a vine out of Egypte: thow hes

cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056] &c.

[SN: THE ARGUMENT OF THE 80. PSALME.]

This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war foirseing

our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not obscurelie speik,

butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was assured of trubles

suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted all men to prayeris. He

entreated the three first versicles in Edinburgh, to the conforte of

many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme, affermeing for his

judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the spreitt of

prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie

after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience

of Juda; for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim,

Benjamin, and Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt,

becaus that thei came first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair

awin inheritance, whill that Juda yitt possessed the kingdome. He

confessed that justlie thei war punished for idolatrie committed. But he

affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair remaned some trew

wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis send,

alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of

deliverance, and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame.

[SN: THE DIVISIOUN.]

He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In the

ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the lamentable

complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. Thare prayer was,

"That God should convert and turne thame; that he should maik his face

to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair formar

dignitie." The groundis and fundationis of thair prayeris ware, 1. That

God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had

tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin

his habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome

bondage and thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with

many notable benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these

notis:--

First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any

externall appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome

God becumis not onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more

seveirlie intreated, then those nationis whair verray ignorance and

contempt of God reigneth.

Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any

people by his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who,

albeit thei suffered for a tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the

end thei fand conforte, and felt in verray experience, that Godis

promisses ar nott in vane.

Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy

Ghost, befoir thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame

that God, by whose Spreit the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the

same in the myddis of thair calamities.

The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in

Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In

the expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered

his chosin flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to

appeiring destructioun; to witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of

Godis indignatioun; that thei may knaw how litill strenth is in thair

selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the generationis following,

alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis people, as of the

mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far other

meanes then man can espye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall

thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired,

How dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that

God turned away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis

then to comprehend and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun:

whiche temptatioun no flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie

Spreit of God interpone the self suddanelie.

The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear

his prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that

temptatioun, he planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by

the secreat power of Goddis Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit

that he appeared to contempt thair prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the

sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a maner evin to feght with

God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with his Angell. Butt

the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis hand,

do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie

commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei

seik at the Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God.

In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature

of ouris not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth

victorye; and thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun

should be brocht to the knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that,

puffed up with vane confidence, he maik ane idoll of his awin strenth,

as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie disput upoun the nature of

the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie rejosed when God

did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour, becaus the

reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the

wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and

rejosing of the warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith

to suddane destructioun, as the ryatouse banquetting of Balthasar

declaireth. Applying these headis to the tyme and personis, (he said,)

yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us the same injureis that

presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear intollerable;

suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that

those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie

complane of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us

have ofter then ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and

heard the travaill and trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057] But whiche

of us, eather in reading or hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did

so discend in to oure selfis that we felt the bitterness of thair

passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht us to some

experience in our awin personis.

[SN: _SPECIALIS APPLICATIO_]

But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be more

propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche plainnes as

God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day confounded, oure

ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and yitt thei

remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to be

the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our

synnes and formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I

spack more generalie then necessitie required: for when the synnes of

men ar rebucked in generall, seldome it is that man discendeth within

him self, accusing and dampnyng in him self that whiche most displeaseth

God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a cause, whiche befoir God is no

cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis, feghting against the tribe

of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of fourtie thowsand

men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we fynd nott

that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes

the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei

dowted that to have bene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had

commanded: for thei ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our

brethren, the sonnes of Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident,

that thei supposed that the caus of thair overthrow and discomfeit was,

becaus thei had lifted the sword against thair brethren and naturall

countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment of God that wes gevin

unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that caise. And yitt, no

dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God gave thame

so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send thame,

by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis.

[SN: LETT SCOTLAND YITT TACK HEAD.] Suche as do weall mark the

historye and the estait of that people, may easilie see the caus why God

wes offended. All the haill people had declyned from God; idolatrie was

manteaned by the commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text

sayeth, "Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis." In

this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto

him self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of

Gibeah, died under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed

the heartis of the hole people to taik vengeance upoun that

abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended not; but in this thei failled,

that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked, without any

reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and

defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude,

and the other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin

strenth, and thought thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose,

without any invocatioun of the name of God. Bot after that thei had

twise provin the vanitie of thair awin strenth, thei fasted and prayed,

and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a more favorable answer, ane

assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be amangis us, albeit

suddanelie we do nott espye it. And to the end that everie man may the

bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of

men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have

susteaned the commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those

whiche laitlie be joyned to our fallowschip. In the one and in the

other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found that God should thus have

humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the first hearing,

yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his

conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my

sentence. Lett us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in

this battell. When we war a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes,

when we had neather Erle nor Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we

called upoun God; we tooke him for our protectour, defence, and onlie

refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of multitude, of our strenth,

nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect to the equitie of

our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye. Butt

since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my

Lord Duik[1058] his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us,

thair was nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth

spearis: this man hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this

Erle be ouris, no man in suche a boundis will truble us." And thus the

best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent hand to be our defence,

hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt whairin yit hathe

my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be that, as we

haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair

awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059] I see a cause most just, why

the Duik and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of

thair brethren. I have nott yit forgottin what was the dolour and

anguishe of my awin hearte, when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and

Edinburgh Crages, those crewell murtheraris, that now hath putt us to

this dishonour, threatned our present destructioun: my Lord Duik his

Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes, wes to thame a great

conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and authoritie did

more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea,

without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with

the Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis

Grace hath unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those

murtheraris unjustlie persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath

reapented of that innocent bloode of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche

was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that so he hath done, (as I hear

that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis and Brethren of the

Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit his

freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis

whiche we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And

thairfoir hath God justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this

confusioun at ones: us, for that we putt our trust and confidence in

man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill in thair awin hearttis how

bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk befoir thame.

[SN: _CONCLUSIO._] Restis that boith thei and we turne to the

Eternall oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may

raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse deliverance,

to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no more

dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned

into joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye

to the Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye

thei war repulsed and doung back. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS AND

GREATEST ENNEMYIS WITNESS.] Yea, whatsoever shall become of us and of

our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that this caus, (in dyspite of

Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is the

eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill,

howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague

some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for warldlye

respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest

children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather

shall the one nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it

shall triumphe.

* * * * *

This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to

amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the

myndis of men began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after

dennare, the Lordis passed to Counsall,[1060] unto the whiche the said

Johnne Knox was called to mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for

other preachearis war nane with us at that tyme.) In the end it was

concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061] foirsaid should pas to Londoun

to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and Counsall, and that

the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene day of

December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in

Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie

declaired.

ENDIS THE SECOUND BOOKE OF THE HISTORYE OF THE PROGRESSE OF RELIGIOUN

WITHIN SCOTLAND.[1062]

_Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar

brought evin to the deape of the dongeoun._

The Works of John Knox, Volume 1 (of 6) · 第 156 / 202 题