CHAPTER 1.20.

1866.

[Besides his Fullerian lectures on Ethnology at the Royal Institution

this year, Huxley published in February 1866 a paper in the "Natural

History Review," on the "Prehistoric Remains of Caithness," based upon a

quantity of remains found the previous autumn at Keiss. This, and the

article on the "Neanderthal Skull" in the "Natural History Review" for

1864, attracted some notice among foreign anthropologists. Dr. H.

Welcker writes about them; Dr. A. Ecker wants the "Prehistoric Remains"

for his new "Archiv fur Anthropologie"; the Societe d'Anthropologie de

Paris elects him a Foreign Associate.

He was asked by Dr. Fayrer to assist in a great scheme he had proposed

to the Asiatic Society (Comp. Chapter 22 ad init. and Appendix 1.), to

gather men of every tribe from India, the Malayan Peninsula, Persia,

Arabia, the Indian Archipelago, etc., for anthropological purposes. It

was well received by the Council of the Society and by the

Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal; anything Huxley could say in its favour

would be of great weight. Would he come out as Dr. Fayrer's guest?

Unable to go to Calcutta, he sent the following letter:--]

Jermyn Street, London, June 14, 1866.

My dear Fayrer,

I lose no time in replying to your second letter, and my first business

is to apologise for not having answered the first, but it reached me in

the thick of my lectures, and like a great many other things which ought

to have been done I put off replying to a more convenient season. I have

been terribly hard worked this year, and thought I was going to break

down a few weeks ago but luckily I have pulled through.

I heartily wish that there were the smallest chance of my being able to

accept your kind invitation and take part in your great scheme at

Calcutta. But it is impossible for me to leave England for more than six

weeks or two months, and that only in the autumn, a time of year when I

imagine Calcutta is not likely to be the scene of anything but cholera

patients.

As to your plan itself, I think it a most grand and useful one if it can

be properly carried out. But you do things on so grand a scale in India

that I suppose all the practical difficulties which suggest themselves

to me may be overcome.

It strikes me that it will not do to be content with a single

representative of each tribe. At least four or five will be needed to

eliminate the chances of accident, and even then much will depend upon

the discretion and judgment of the local agent who makes the suggestion.

This difficulty, however, applies chiefly if not solely to physical

ethnology. To the philologer the opportunities for comparing dialects

and checking pronunciation will be splendid, however [few] the

individual speakers of each dialect may be. The most difficult task of

all will be to prevent the assembled Savans from massacring the

"specimens" at the end of the exhibition for the sake of their skulls

and pelves!

I am really afraid that my own virtue might yield if so tempted!

Jesting apart, I heartily wish your plans success, and if there are any

more definite ways in which I can help, let me know, and I will do my

best. You will want, I should think, a physical and a philological

committee to organise schemes: (1) for systematic measuring, weighing,

and portraiture, with observation and recording of all physical

characters; and (2) for uniform registering of sounds by Roman letters

and collection of vocabularies and grammatical forms upon an uniform

system.

I should advise you to look into the Museum of the Societe

d'Anthropologie of Paris, and to put yourself in communication with M.

Paul Broca, one of its most active members, who has lately been

organising a scheme of general anthropological instructions. But don't

have anything to do with the quacks who are at the head of the

"Anthropological Society" over here. If they catch scent of what you are

about they will certainly want to hook on to you.

Once more I wish I had the chance of being able to visit your congress.

I have been lecturing on Ethnology this year [As Fullerian Professor at

the Royal Institution.], and shall be again this year, and I would give

a good deal to be able to look at the complex facts of Indian Ethnology

with my own eyes.

But as the sage observed, "what's impossible can't be," and what with

short holidays--a wife and seven children--and miles of work in arrear,

India is an impossibility for me.

You say nothing about yourself, so I trust you are well and hearty, and

all your belongings flourishing.

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

[In paleontology he published this year papers on the "Vertebrate

Remains from the Jarrow Colliery, Kilkenny;" on a new "Telerpeton from

Elgin," and on some "Dinosaurs from South Africa." The latter, and many

more afterwards, were sent over by a young man named Alfred Brown, who

had a curious history. A Quaker gentleman came across him when employed

in cleaning tools in Cirencester College, found that he was a good Greek

and Latin scholar, and got him a tutorship in a clergyman's family at

the Cape. He afterwards entered the postal service, and being inspired

with a vivid interest in geology, spent all the leave he could obtain

from his office on the Orange River in getting fossils from the

Stormberg Rocks. These, as often as he could afford to send such weighty

packages, he sent to Sir R. Murchison, to whom he had received a letter

of introduction from his official superior. Sir Roderick, writing to

Huxley, says "that he was proud of his new recruit," to whom he sent not

only welcome words of encouragement, but the no less welcome news that

the brother of his "discoverer," hearing of the facts from Professor

Woodward, offered to defray his expenses so that he could collect

regularly.

On April 2 Huxley was in Edinburgh to receive the first academic

distinction conferred upon him in Britain. He received the honorary

degree of the University in company with Tyndall and Carlyle. It was

part of the fitness of things that he should be associated in this

honour with his close friend Tyndall; but though he frequently

acknowledged his debt to Carlyle as the teacher who in his youth had

inspired him with his undying hatred of shams and humbugs of every kind,

and whom he had gratefully come to know in after days, Carlyle did not

forgive the publication of "Man's Place in Nature." Years after, near

the end of his life, my father saw him walking slowly and alone down the

opposite side of the street, and touched by his solitary appearance,

crossed over and spoke to him. The old man looked at him, and merely

remarking, "You're Huxley, aren't you? the man that says we are all

descended from monkeys," went on his way.

On July 6 he writes to tell Darwin that he has lodged a memorial of his

about the fossils at the Gallegos river, which was to be visited by the

"Nassau" [Chapter 22] exploring ship, with the hydrographer direct,

instead of sending it in to the Lords of the Admiralty, who would only

have sent it on to the hydrographer. This letter he heads "Country

orders executed with accuracy and despatch."

The following letter to Charles Kingsley explains itself:--]

Jermyn Street, April 12, 1866.

My dear Kingsley,

I shall certainly do myself the pleasure of listening to you when you

preach at the Royal Institution. I wonder if you are going to take the

line of showing up the superstitions of men of science. Their name is

legion, and the exploit would be a telling one. I would do it myself

only I think I am already sufficiently isolated and unpopular.

However, whatever you are going to do I am sure you will speak honestly

and well, and I shall come and be assistant bottleholder.

I am glad you like the working men's lectures. I suspect they are about

the best things of that line that I have done, and I only wish I had had

the sense to anticipate the run they have had here and abroad, and I

would have revised them properly.

As they stand they are terribly in the rough, from a literary point of

view.

No doubt crib-biting, nurse-biting and original sin in general are all

strictly reducible from Darwinian principles; but don't by misadventure

run against any academical facts.

Some whales have all the cerebral vertebrae free NOW, and every one of

them has the full number, seven, whether they are free or fixed. No

doubt whales had hind legs once upon a time. If when you come up to town

you go to the College of Surgeons, my friend Flower the Conservator (a

good man whom you should know), will show you the whalebone whale's

thigh bones in the grand skeleton they have recently set up. The legs,

to be sure, and the feet are gone, the battle of life having left

private Cetacea in the condition of a Chelsea pensioner.

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

[This year the British Association met at Nottingham, and Huxley was

president of Section D. In this capacity he invited Professor Haeckel to

attend the meeting, but the impending war with Austria prevented any

Prussian from leaving his country at the time, though Haeckel managed to

come over later.

Huxley did not deliver a regular opening address to the section on the

Thursday, but on the Friday made a speech, which was followed by a

discussion upon biology and its several branches, especially morphology

and its relation to physiology ("the facts concerning form are questions

of force, every form is force visible.") He lamented that the

subdivisions of the section had to meet separately as a result of

specialisation, the reason for which he found in the want of proper

scientific education in schools. And this was the fault of the

universities, for just as in the story, "Stick won't beat dog, dog won't

bite pig, and so the old woman can't get home," science would not be

taught in the schools until it is recognised by the universities.

This prepared the way for Dean Farrar's paper on science teaching in the

public schools. His experience as a master at Harrow made him strongly

oppose the existing plan of teaching all boys classical composition

whether they were suited for it or no. He wished to exchange a great

deal of Latin verse-making for elementary science.

This paper was doubly interesting to Huxley, as coming from a classical

master in a public school, and he remarked, "He felt sure that at the

present time, the important question for England was not the duration of

her coal, but the due comprehension of the truths of science, and the

labours of her scientific men."

On the practical side, however, Mr. J. Payne said the great difficulty

was the want of teachers; and suggested that if men of science were

really in earnest they would condescend to teach in the schools.

It was to a certain extent in answer to this appeal that Huxley gave his

lectures on Physiography in 1869, and instituted the course of training

for science teachers in 1871.

He concluded his work at Nottingham by a lecture to working men.

The following is in reply to Mr. Spencer who had accused himself of

losing his temper in an argument:--]

26 Abbey Place, Sunday, November 8, 1868.

My dear Spencer,

Your conscience has been treating you with the most extreme and unjust

severity.

I recollect you LOOKED rather savage at one point in our discussion, but

I do assure you that you committed no overt act of ferocity; and if you

had, I think I should have fully deserved it for joining in the

ferocious onslaught we all made upon you.

What your sins may be in this line to other folk I don't know, but so

far as I am concerned I assure you I have often said that I know no one

who takes aggravated opposition better than yourself, and that I have

not a few times been ashamed of the extent to which I have tried your

patience.

So you see that you have, what the Buddhists call a stock of accumulated

merit, envers moi--and if you should ever feel inclined to "d--n my

eyes" you can do so and have a balance left.

Seriously, my old friend, you must not think it necessary to apologise

to me about any such matters, but believe me (d--nd or und--d)

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

26 Abbey Place, November 11, 1866.

My dear Darwin,

I thank you for the new edition of the "Origin," and congratulate you on

having done with it for a while, so as to be able to go on to that book

of a portion of which I had a glimpse years ago. I hear good accounts of

your health, indeed the last was that you were so rampageous you meant

to come to London and have a spree among its dissipations. May that be

true.

I am in the thick of my work, and have only had time to glance at your

"Historical Sketch."

What an unmerciful basting you give "our mutual friend." I did not know

he had put forward any claim! and even now that I read it black and

white, I can hardly believe it.

I am glad to hear from Spencer that you are on the right (that is MY)

side in the Jamaica business. But it is wonderful how people who

commonly act together are divided about it.

My wife joins with me in kindest wishes to Mrs. Darwin and yourself.

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

You will receive an elementary physiology book, not for your reading but

for Miss Darwin's. Were you not charmed with Haeckel?

[The "Jamaica business" here alluded to was Governor Eyre's suppression

of the negro rising, in the course of which he had executed, under

martial law, a coloured leader and member of the Assembly, named Gordon.

The question of his justification in so doing stirred England

profoundly. It became the touchstone of ultimate political convictions.

Men who had little concern for ordinary politics, came forward to defend

a great constitutional principle which they conceived to be endangered.

A committee was formed to prosecute Governor Eyre on a charge of murder,

in order to vindicate the right of a prisoner to trial by due process of

law. Thereupon a counter-committee was organised for the defence of the

man who, like Cromwell, judged that the people preferred their real

security to forms, and had presumably saved the white population of

Jamaica by striking promptly at the focus of rebellion.

The "Pall Mall Gazette" of October 29, 1866, made a would-be smart

allusion to the part taken in the affair by Huxley, which evoked, in

reply, a calm statement of his reasons for joining the prosecuting

committee:--

It is amusing (says the "Pall Mall") to see how the rival committees,

the one for the prosecution and the other for the defence of Mr. Eyre,

parade the names of distinguished persons who are enrolled as

subscribers on either side. Mill is set against Carlyle, and to

counterbalance the adhesion of the Laureate to the Defence Fund, the

"Star" hastens to announce that Sir Charles Lyell and Professor Huxley

have given their support to the Jamaica Committee. Everything, of

course, depends on the ground on which the subscriptions are given. One

can readily conceive that Mr. Tennyson has been chiefly moved by a

generous indignation at the vindictive behaviour of the Jamaica

Committee. It would be curious also to know how far Sir Charles Lyell's

and Mr. Huxley's peculiar views on the development of species have

influenced them in bestowing on the negro that sympathetic recognition

which they are willing to extend even to the ape as "a man and a

brother."

The reply appeared in the "Pall Mall" of October 31:--]

Sir,

I learn from yesterday evening's "Pall Mall Gazette" that you are

curious to know whether certain "peculiar views on the development of

species," which I am said to hold in the excellent company of Sir

Charles Lyell, have led me to become a member of the Jamaica Committee.

Permit me without delay to satisfy a curiosity which does me honour. I

have been induced to join that committee neither by my "peculiar views

on the development of species," nor by any particular love for, or

admiration of the negro--still less by any miserable desire to wreak

vengeance for recent error upon a man whose early career I have often

admired; but because the course which the committee proposes to take

appears to me to be the only one by which a question of the profoundest

practical importance can be answered. That question is, Does the killing

a man in the way Mr. Gordon was killed constitute murder in the eye of

the law, or does it not?

You perceive that this question is wholly independent of two others

which are persistently confused with it, namely--was Mr. Gordon a

Jamaica Hampden or was he a psalm-singing fire-brand? and was Mr. Eyre

actuated by the highest and noblest motives, or was he under the

influence of panic-stricken rashness or worse impulses?

I do not presume to speak with authority on a legal question; but,

unless I am misinformed, English law does not permit good persons, as

such, to strangle bad persons, as such. On the contrary, I understand

that, if the most virtuous of Britons, let his place and authority be

what they may, seize and hang up the greatest scoundrel in Her Majesty's

dominions simply because he is an evil and troublesome person, an

English court of justice will certainly find that virtuous person guilty

of murder. Nor will the verdict be affected by any evidence that the

defendant acted from the best of motives, and, on the whole, did the

State a service.

Now, it MAY be that Mr. Eyre was actuated by the best of motives; it MAY

be that Jamaica is all the better for being rid of Mr. Gordon; but

nevertheless the Royal Commissioners, who were appointed to inquire into

Mr. Gordon's case, among other matters, have declared that:--

The evidence, oral and documentary, appears to us to be wholly

insufficient to establish the charge upon which the prisoner took his

trial. ("Report" page 37.)

And again that they

Cannot see in the evidence which has been adduced, any sufficient proof,

either of his (Mr. Gordon's) complicity in the outbreak at Morant Bay,

or of his having been a party to any general conspiracy against the

Government. ("Report" page 38.)

Unless the Royal Commissioners have greatly erred, therefore, the

killing of Mr. Gordon can only be defended on the ground that he was a

bad and troublesome man; in short, that although he might not be guilty,

it served him right.

I entertain so deeply-rooted an objection to this method of killing

people--the act itself appears to me to be so frightful a precedent,

that I desire to see it stigmatised by the highest authority as a crime.

And I have joined the committee which proposes to indict Mr. Eyre, in

the hope that I may hear a court of justice declare that the only

defence which can be set up (if the Royal Commissioners are right) is no

defence, and that the killing of Mr. Gordon was the greatest offence

known to the law--murder.

I remain, Sir, your obedient servant.

T.H. Huxley.

The Atehnaeum Club, October 30, 1866.

[Two letters to friends who had taken the opposite side in this burning

question show how resolutely he set himself against permitting a

difference on matters of principle to affect personal relations with his

warmest opponents.]

Jermyn Street, November 8, 1866.

My dear Kingsley,

The letter of which you have heard, containing my reasons for becoming a

member of the Jamaica Committee was addressed to the "Pall Mall Gazette"

in reply to some editorial speculations as to my reasons for so doing.

I forget the date of the number in which my letter appeared, but I will

find it out and send you a copy of the paper.

Mr. Eyre's personality in this matter is nothing to me; I know nothing

about him, and, if he is a friend of yours, I am very sorry to be

obliged to join in a movement which must be excessively unpleasant to

him.

Furthermore, when the verdict of the jury which will try him is once

given, all hostility towards him on my part will cease. So far from

wishing to see him vindictively punished, I would much rather, if it

were practicable, indict his official hat and his coat than himself.

I desire to see Mr. Eyre indicted and a verdict of guilty in a criminal

court obtained, because I have, from its commencement, carefully watched

the Gordon case; and because a new study of all the evidence which has

now been collected has confirmed my first conviction that Gordon's

execution was as bad a specimen as we have had since Jeffries' time of

political murder.

Don't suppose that I have any particular admiration for Gordon. He

belongs to a sufficiently poor type of small political agitator--and

very likely was a great nuisance to the Governor and other respectable

persons.

But that is no reason why he should be condemned, by an absurd tribunal

and with a brutal mockery of the forms of justice, for offences with

which impartial judges, after a full investigation, declare there is no

evidence to show that he was connected.

Ex-Governor Eyre seized the man, put him in the hands of the

preposterous subalterns, who pretended to try him--saw the evidence and

approved of the sentence. He is as much responsible for Gordon's death

as if he had shot him through the head with his own hand. I daresay he

did all this with the best of motives, and in a heroic vein. But if

English law will not declare that heroes have no more right to kill

people in this fashion than other folk, I shall take an early

opportunity of migrating to Texas or some other quiet place where there

is less hero-worship and more respect for justice, which is to my mind

of much more importance than hero-worship.

In point of fact, men take sides on this question, not so much by

looking at the mere facts of the case, but rather as their deepest

political convictions lead them. And the great use of the prosecution,

and one of my reasons for joining it, is that it will help a great many

people to find out what their profoundest political beliefs are.

The hero-worshippers who believe that the world is to be governed by its

great men, who are to lead the little ones, justly if they can; but if

not, unjustly drive or kick them the right way, will sympathise with Mr.

Eyre.

The other sect (to which I belong) who look upon hero-worship as no

better than any other idolatry, and upon the attitude of mind of the

hero-worshipper as essentially immoral; who think it is better for a man

to go wrong in freedom than to go right in chains; who look upon the

observance of inflexible justice as between man and man as of far

greater importance than even the preservation of social order, will

believe that Mr. Eyre has committed one of the greatest crimes of which

a person in authority can be guilty, and will strain every nerve to

obtain a declaration that their belief is in accordance with the law of

England.

People who differ on fundamentals are not likely to convert one another.

To you, as to my dear friend Tyndall, with whom I almost always act, but

who in this matter is as much opposed to me as you are, I can only say,

let us be strong enough and wise enough to fight the question out as a

matter of principle and without bitterness.

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

November 9, 1866.

My dear Tyndall,

Many thanks for the kind note which accompanied your letter to the

Jamaica Committee.

When I presented myself at Rogers' dinner last night I had not heard of

the letter, and Gassiot began poking fun at me, and declaring that your

absence was due to a quarrel between us on the unhappy subject.

I replied to the jest earnestly enough, that I hoped and believed our

old friendship was strong enough to stand any strain that might be put

on it, much as I grieved that we should be ranged in opposite camps in

this or any other cause.

That you and I have fundamentally different political principles must, I

think, have become obvious to both of us during the progress of the

American War. The fact is made still more plain by your printed letter,

the tone and spirit of which I greatly admired without being able to

recognise in it any important fact or argument which had not passed

through my mind before I joined the Jamaica Committee.

Thus there is nothing for it but for us to agree to differ, each

supporting his own side to the best of his ability, and respecting his

friend's freedom as he would his own, and doing his best to remove all

petty bitterness from that which is at bottom one of the most important

constitutional battles in which Englishmen have for many years been

engaged.

If you and I are strong enough and wise enough, we shall be able to do

this, and yet preserve that love for one another which I value as one of

the good things of my life.

If not, we shall come to grief. I mean to do my best.

Ever yours faithfully,

T.H. Huxley.

[Huxley was always of opinion that to write a good elementary text-book

required a most extensive and intimate knowledge of the subject under

discussion. Certainly the "Lessons on Elementary Physiology" which

appeared at the end of 1866 were the outcome of such knowledge, and met

with a wonderful and lasting success as a text-book. A graceful

compliment was passed upon it by Sir William Lawrence, when, in thanking

the author for the gift of the book, he wrote (January 24, 1867), "in

your modest book 'indocti discant, ament meminisse periti!'"

This was before the days of American copyright, and English books were

usually regarded as fair prey by the mass of American publishers. Among

the exceptions to this practical rule were the firm of D. Appleton &

Co., who made it a point of honour to treat foreign authors as though

they were legally entitled to some equitable rights. On their behalf an

arrangement was made for an authorised American edition of the

"Physiology" by Dr. Youmans, whose acquaintance thus made my father did

not allow to drop.

It is worth noting that by the year 1898 this little book had passed

through four editions, and been reprinted thirty-one times.]

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