CHAPTER XVIII.

FURTHER DIFFICULTIES IN PROSECUTING THE WAR.

Emigrants under Captain Morrison--Feeling among the Regular

Troops--They detest the practice of catching Negroes--Another party

Emigrate--Still further Emigration--Situation of the Exiles--Deep

depravity of the Administration--General McComb's Treaty--His

general order--Peace cheers the Nation--Citizens of Florida return

to their homes--Administration congratulates its friends--More

murders perpetrated--Planters flee to villages for

protection--Massacre of Colonel Harney's party--Indians seized at

Fort Mellon--Exiles refuse to participate in those massacres--They

would make no Treaty--Administration paralyzed--Report of Secretary

of War--Its character--Barbarous sentiments of Governor

Reid--Resolution of Legislature of Florida in favor of employing

blood-hounds--Original object in obtaining them--The effort proves

a failure--General Taylor retires from command of Army--Is

succeeded by General Armistead.

We now resume our chronological narration of events connected with the

Exiles of Florida, during the year 1838.

On the fourteenth of June, Captain Morrison arrived at New Orleans from

Tampa Bay in charge of some three hundred Indians and thirty negroes, on

their way to the West; he having been assigned to that particular duty.

These Indians and Exiles had most of them come to Fort Jupiter by advice

of the Cherokees, and surrendered under the capitulation of March, 1837.

At the time they reached New Orleans, Lieutenant Reynolds was absent

with his first emigrating party; and the thirty-one negroes left at New

Orleans were at that time in the hands of the Sheriff. Captain Morrison

felt it his duty to hasten the emigration of those whom he had in

charge, and on the sixteenth, he left that city with his prisoners for

the Indian Country without waiting the return of Lieutenant Reynolds. On

reaching Fort Gibson, he delivered them over to the officer acting as

Seminole Agent for the Western Country, and they soon rejoined their

friends who were located on the Cherokee lands.

It may not be improper to state, that, in several of our recent

chapters, we have quoted from official documents pretty freely, for the

reason that many living statesmen, as well as many who have passed to

their final rest, were deeply involved in those transactions, and we

desired to make them speak for themselves as far as the documents would

enable us to do so. But as we have narrated most of the scenes involving

individuals in transactions of such deep moral turpitude, we hope to be

more brief in our future history.

When General Taylor assumed the command of the army, there was a feeling

of deep disgust prevalent among the regular troops at the practice of

seizing and enslaving the Exiles.

We have already noticed the fact, that the citizens of Florida supposed

the war to have been commenced principally to enable them to get

possession of negroes whom they might enslave. Indeed, they appear not

to have regarded it as material, that the claimant should have

previously owned the negro. If they once obtained control of his person,

he was hurried into the interior of Georgia, Alabama, or South Carolina,

where he was sold and held as a slave. And the Florida volunteers, while

nominally in service, appear to have been far more anxious to catch

negroes than to meet the enemy in battle.

This feeling was so general among the people and troops of Florida, that

General Call, Governor of the Territory, recommended to the Secretary of

War that military expeditions should be fitted out for the purpose of

going into the Indian Country, in order to capture negroes, who, when

captured, _should be sold, and the avails of such sales applied to

defray the expenses of the war_.

It is easy to see that this feeling would lead the regular troops to

entertain great contempt for the volunteers of Florida; and a

corresponding feeling of hostility would arise on the part of such

volunteers toward the regular troops.

These feelings operated upon President Jackson in ordering the

withdrawal of General Scott; and General Jessup sought to appease this

hostility by obeying the dictates of the slave power. Indeed, whatever

appears like a violation of pledged faith, or bears the evidence of

treachery on the part of General Jessup, may probably with great justice

be attributed to the popular sentiment of the Territory. He had

assiduously captured, and delivered over to bondage, hundreds of persons

whom he had most solemnly covenanted to "_protect in their persons and

property_."

General Taylor discarded this entire policy. His first efforts were to

make the Indians and Exiles understand that he sought their emigration

to the Western Country, for the advancement of their own interest and

happiness. Owing to these circumstances there was scarcely any blood

shed in Florida while he had command. The army was no longer employed to

hunt and to chase down women and children, who had been reared in

freedom among the hommocks and everglades of that Territory.

There were yet remaining several small bands of Indians upon the

Appalachicola River, and in its vicinity. Most of the Exiles who had a

few years previously resided with these bands, had been captured by

pirates from Georgia, and taken to the interior of that State and sold,

as the reader has been already informed. Those of E-con-chattimico's and

of Blunt's and of Walker's bands were nearly all kidnapped; but of the

number of Exiles who remained with the other remnants of Indian Tribes,

resident upon the Appalachicola River, we have no reliable information.

We are left in doubt on this point, as General Taylor drew no

distinctions among his prisoners; he neither constituted himself nor his

officers a tribunal for examining the complexion or the pedigree of his

captives. He denied the right of any citizen to inspect the people

captured by the army under his command, or to interfere in any way with

the disposal of his prisoners. He repaired to the Apalachee towns with

a small force about the first of October. Neither the Indians nor Exiles

made any resistance; nor did they oppose emigration. They readily

embarked for New Orleans on their way westward. Their emigration was not

delayed in order to give planters an opportunity to examine the negroes.

Under the general term of "Apalachees," two hundred and twenty persons

were quietly emigrated to the Western Country; but, as we have already

stated, how many of them were negroes, we have no information. These

people were also delivered over to the agent, acting for the Western

Indians, and settled with their brethren upon the Cherokee lands.

General Taylor now entered upon a new system for prosecuting the war, by

establishing posts and manning them, and by assigning to each a

particular district of country, over which their scouts and patroles

were to extend their daily reconnoisances.

[Sidenote: 1839.]

Small parties of Indians and negroes occasionally came in at different

posts, and surrendered under the articles of capitulation of March,

1837; and, on the twenty-fifth of February, one hundred and ninety-six

Indians and _negroes_ were embarked at Tampa Bay for the Western

Country. But the proportion of negroes, compared with the whole number,

is not stated in any official report. General Taylor, in his

communications, speaks of them as _prisoners_, and occasionally uses the

terms "Indians and negroes".

Thus, in less than a year, General Taylor shipped more than four hundred

prisoners for the Western Country without bloodshed. These prisoners

were also delivered over to the Indian Agent of the Western Country, and

immediately reunited with their brethren already located on the Cherokee

lands. There were, at that time, a colony of more than sixteen hundred

of these people living upon the territory assigned to the Cherokees.

They were without homes, or a country of their own: whereas the

Government had constantly held out to them the assurance that, if they

emigrated West, they should have a country assigned to their _separate

use_, on which they could repose in safety.

At this point in our history, Mr. Van Buren's administration exhibited

its deepest depravity. Since the ratification of the supplemental treaty

of 1833, the Executive, through all its officers, had assured the

Indians and Exiles that they should enjoy its full benefits, by having a

territory set off to their separate use, where they could live

independent of Creek laws. Under these assurances they had received the

pledged faith of the nation, that they should be _protected_ by the

United States in their persons and property.

With these pledges, and with these expectations, a weak and friendless

people had emigrated to that western region; and when thus separated

from their friends and country, with the slave-catching vultures of the

Creek Nation watching and intending to make them their future victims,

the President deliberately refused to abide by either the treaty or the

articles of capitulation. He left them unprotected, without homes, and

without a country which they could call their own. True, many of them

had been betrayed, treacherously seized and compelled to emigrate; but

this was done in violation of the existing treaty and pledged faith of

the nation, which they were constantly assured should be faithfully

observed; and these circumstances enhanced the guilt of those who

wielded the Executive power to oppress them.

Major General McComb arrived in Florida (May 20) for the purpose of

effecting a new treaty with the Seminoles upon the basis of _permitting

them to remain in their native land_. The war had been waged with the

intent and for the purpose of compelling the Indians to emigrate West

and settle with the Creeks, and become subject to the Creek laws. It had

continued three years at a vast expenditure of treasure and of national

reputation. Many valuable lives had also been sacrificed; and, although

some two thousand Indians and Exiles had emigrated West, not one Exile

had settled in the Creek Country, or become subject to Creek laws. Some

hundreds had been enslaved and sold in Florida, Georgia, Alabama and

South Carolina; but a remnant of that people, numbering some hundreds,

yet maintained their liberties against all the machinations and efforts

of Government to reënslave them.[122]

The vast expenditure of national treasure had called forth severe

animadversion in Congress; while the entire policy of the slave power

forbid all explanation of the real cause of this war, and of the objects

for which its prosecution was continued.

Thus, while the nation was involved in a most expensive and disastrous

contest for the benefit of slavery, the House of Representatives had

adopted resolutions for suppressing all discussion and all agitation of

questions relating to that institution.

General Scott, a veteran officer of our army, had exhausted his utmost

science; had put forth all his efforts to conquer this indomitable

people; or rather to subdue the love of liberty, the independence of

thought and of feeling, which stimulated them to effort; but he had

failed. The power of our army, aided by deception, fraud and perfidy,

had been tried in vain. General Jessup, the most successful officer who

had commanded in Florida, had advised peace upon the precise terms which

the allies demanded at the commencement of the war; and General McComb,

Commander-in-Chief of the army of the United States, was now

commissioned to negotiate peace on those terms. But the first difficulty

was to obtain a hearing with the chiefs who remained in Florida, in

order to enter upon negotiations touching a pacification. To effect this

object, recourse was had to a negro, one of the Exiles who knew General

Taylor, and in whom General Taylor confided. At the request of General

McComb, this man was dispatched with a friendly message to several

chiefs, requesting them to come into the American Camp for the purpose

of negotiation. His mission proved successful. A Council of several

chiefs, and some forty head men and warriors, was convened at Fort King,

on the sixteenth of May, 1839, and the terms of peace agreed upon; but

no treaty appears to have been drawn up in form. On the eighteenth of

May, General McComb, at Fort King, his head-quarters, issued the

following general orders:

"HEAD QUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,}

_Fort King, Florida_, May 18, 1839. }

"The Major General, commanding in chief, has the satisfaction of

announcing to the army in Florida, to the authorities of the

Territory, and to the citizens generally, that he has this day

terminated the war with the Seminole Indians by an agreement

entered into with Chitto-Tustenuggee, principal chief of the

Seminoles and successor to Arpeika, commonly called Sam. Jones,

brought to this post by Lieutenant Colonel Harney, 2d Dragoons,

from the southern part of the peninsula. The terms of the agreement

are--that hostilities immediately cease between the parties; that

the troops of the United States and the Seminole and Mickasukie

chiefs and warriors, now at a distance, be made acquainted with the

fact, that peace exists, and that all hostilities are forthwith to

cease on both sides--the Seminoles and Mickasukies agreeing to

retire into a district of country in Florida, below Pease Creek,

the boundaries of which are as follows: viz, beginning at the most

southern point of land between Charlotte Harbor and the Sanybel or

Cooloosahatchee River, opposite to Sanybel Island; thence into

Charlotte Harbor by the southern pass between Pine Island and that

point along the eastern shore of said harbor to Toalkchopko or

Pease Creek; thence up said creek to its source; thence easterly to

the northern point of Lake Istokopoga; thence along the eastern

outlet of said lake, called Istokopoga Creek, to the Kissimee

River; thence southerly down the Kissimee to Lake Okeechobee;

thence south through said lake to Ecahlahatohee or Shark River;

thence down said river westwardly to its mouth; thence along the

seashore northwardly to the place of beginning; that sixty days be

allowed the Indians, north and east of that boundary, to remove

their families and effects into said district, where they are to

remain until further arrangements are made under the protection of

the troops of the United States, who are to see that they are not

molested by intruders, citizens or foreigners; and that said

Indians do not pass the limits assigned them, except to visit the

posts, which will be hereafter indicated to them. All persons are,

therefore, forbidden to enter the district assigned to the Indians

without written permission of some commanding officer of a military

post."

"By command of the General: ALEXANDER McCOMB,

_Major General Commanding_.

EDMOND SHRIVER,

Captain and A. A. General."

The country now again rejoiced at what the people regarded as the

restoration of peace. By the terms agreed upon, the Indians retained as

large a territory in proportion to the number left in Florida as was

held by them at the commencement of the war.

The people of Florida had originally petitioned General Jackson for the

forcible removal of the Indians, because they would not seize and bring

in their fugitive slaves. They had protested against peace upon any

terms that should leave the negroes, whom they claimed, in the Indian

Country. These citizens of Florida had long since been driven from their

homes and firesides by the enemy whom they so much despised; and they

now desired peace. The Indians and Exiles were also anxious to cultivate

corn and potatoes for the coming winter, and were glad to be able to do

so in peace.

Thus, the people of Florida, as they supposed, in perfect safety,

returned to their plantations, and resumed their former habits of life.

And the political party in possession of the Government, congratulated

themselves and the country upon the fortunate conclusion of a war which

had involved them in difficulties that were inexplicable.

But this quiet continued for a short time only. Early in July, travelers

and express-riders were killed by small parties of Indians; plantations

were attacked and the occupants murdered; buildings burned and crops

destroyed; families fled from their homes, leaving all their property,

in order to assemble in villages in such numbers as to insure safety to

their persons; and the Florida War again raged with accumulated horrors.

As an illustration of the manner in which it was carried on, we quote

the following:

"ASSISTANT ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, ARMY OF THE SOUTH,}

_Fort Brooke, East Florida_, July 29, 1839. }

"SIR: It becomes my painful duty to inform you of the assassination

of the greater part of Lieutenant Colonel Harney's detachment, by

the Indians, on the morning of the 23d instant, on the

Coloosahatchee River, where they had gone, in accordance with the

treaty at Fort King, to establish a trading-house. The party

consisted of about twenty-eight men, armed with Colt's rifles; they

were encamped on the river, _but unprotected by defenses of any

kind_, and, it is said, without sentinels. The Indians, in large

force, made the attack before the dawn of day, and before reveillé;

and it is supposed that thirteen of the men were killed, among whom

were Major Dalham and Mr. Morgan, sutlers. The remainder, with

Colonel Harney, escaped, several of them severely wounded. It was a

complete surprise. The Commanding General, therefore, directs that

you instantly take measures to place the defenses at Fort Mellon in

the most complete state of repair, and be ready at all times to

repel attack, should one be made. No portion of your command will,

in future, be suffered to leave the garrison except under a strong

escort. The detachment will be immediately withdrawn. Should Fort

Mellon prove unhealthy, and the surgeon recommend its abandonment,

you are authorized to transfer the garrison, and reinforce some of

the neighboring posts.

"I am, Sir,

GEO. H. GRIFFIN,

_Assistant Adjutant General_.

Lieutenant W. K. HANSON,

Commanding at Fort Mellon."

The Indians killed ten men belonging to the military service, and eight

citizens, employed by the sutlers; while Colonel Harney and fourteen

others escaped. The Indians obtained fourteen rifles, six carbines, some

three or four kegs of powder, and about three thousand dollars worth of

goods.

Lieutenant Hanson, commanding at Fort Mellon, on receiving the order

which we have quoted, seized some thirty Indians at that time visiting

Fort Mellon, and sent them immediately to Charleston, South Carolina;

whence they were embarked for the Indian Country, west of Arkansas,

where they joined their brethren, who still resided upon the Cherokee

Territory.

In these transactions, the Exiles who remained in Florida appear to have

taken no part, at least so far as we are informed. They labored to

obtain the treaty of peace; but such was the treachery with which they

had been treated, that they would not subject themselves to the power of

the white people, and were not of course present at the treaty; nor were

they recognized by General McComb as a party to the treaty, or in any

way interested in its provisions. Indeed, we are led to believe that

General McComb adopted the policy on which General Taylor usually

practiced, of recognizing no distinctions among prisoners or enemies.

The Administration appeared to be paralyzed under this new demonstration

of the power and madness of the Seminoles. At the commencement of the

war, some officers had estimated the whole number of Seminoles at

fifteen hundred, and the negroes as low as four hundred. They had now

sent some two thousand Indians and negroes to the Western Country; and

yet those left in Florida, renewed the war with all the savage barbarity

which had characterized the Seminoles in the days of their greatest

power. Indeed, they exhibited no signs of humiliation.

The Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, a South Carolinian, probably exerted

more influence with the President in regard to this war than any other

officer of Government. His predecessor, General Cass, had treated the

Exiles as mere chattels, having "no rights." He had advised the

employment of Creek Indians, giving them such negroes as they might

capture; he had officially approved the contract made with them by

General Jessup. After he left the office, his successor, Mr. Poinsett,

approved the order purchasing some ninety of them on account of

Government. He had advised Watson to purchase them; had done all in his

power to consign them to slavery in Georgia. He was, however,

constrained to make an official report upon the state of this war, at

the opening of the first session of the Twenty-sixth Congress, which

assembled on the first Monday of December, 1839.

That report, when considered in connection with the events which gave

character to the Florida War, constitutes a most extraordinary paper.

Notwithstanding all the difficulties which he had encountered in his

efforts to enslave the Exiles, to prevent at least ninety of them from

going West, and the complaints of the Seminoles who had emigrated to the

Western Country, at finding themselves destitute of homes and of

territory on which to settle, he made no allusion to their troubles; nor

did he give any intimation of the difficulties arising on account of the

Exiles; nor did he even intimate that such a class of people existed in

Florida.

[Sidenote: 1840.]

He declared the result of General McComb's negotiation had been the loss

of many valuable lives. "Our people (said he) fell a sacrifice to their

confidence in the good faith and promises of the Indians, and were

entrapped and murdered with all the circumstances of cruelty and

treachery which distinguish Indian warfare. * * * The experience of the

last summer brings with it the painful conviction, that the war must be

prosecuted until Florida is freed from these ruthless savages. Their

late, cruel and treacherous conduct is too well known to require a

repetition of the revolting recital; it has been such as is calculated

to deprive them of the sympathy of the humane, and convince 'the most

peaceable of the necessity of _subduing them by force_."

It appeared necessary to raise the cry of treachery and cruelty against

the Indians and Exiles. They had no friend who was acquainted with the

facts, that could call attention of the nation to the treachery which

had been practiced on them by the order, and with the approval, of the

Secretary of War. No man was able to say how many fathers and mothers

and children were, by the influence of that officer, consigned to a fate

far more cruel than that which awaited the men, under Colonel Harney, at

Coloosahatchee.

In his report the Secretary most truly remarked: "If the Indians of

Florida had a country to retire to, they would have been driven out of

the Territory long ago; but they are hemmed in by the sea, and must

defend themselves to the uttermost, or surrender to be transported

beyond it." And he might well have added: _When they shall be thus

transported, they will have no country--no home_. Indeed, the whole

report shows that he relied on physical force to effect an extermination

of the Indians and their allies; he looked not to justice, nor to the

power of truth, for carrying out the designs of the Executive.

Men in power appear to forget that justice sits enthroned above all

human greatness; that it is omnipotent, and will execute its appropriate

work upon mankind. Thus, while the people of Florida and Georgia had

provoked the war, by kidnapping and enslaving colored men and women, to

whom they had no more claim than they had to the people of England;

while they had sent their petition to General Jackson, asking him to

compel the Indians to seize and bring in their negroes, and had

protested against the peace negotiated by General Jessup, in 1837;--Mr.

Reid, Governor of Florida, in an official Message to the Territorial

Legislature, in December, 1839, used language so characteristic of those

who supported the Florida War, that we feel it just to him and his

coadjutors to give the following extract:

"The efforts of the General and Territorial Governments to quell the

Indian disturbances which have prevailed through four long years, have

been unavailing, and it would seem that the prophecy of the most

sagacious leader of the Indians will be more than fulfilled; the close

of the fifth year will still find us struggling in a contest remarkable

for magnanimity, forbearance and credulity on the one side, and ferocity

and bad faith on the other. We are waging a war with beasts of prey;

the tactics that belong to civilized nations are but shackles and

fetters in its prosecution; we must fight 'fire with fire;' the white

man must, in a great measure, adopt the mode of warfare pursued by the

red man, and we can only hope for success by continually harrassing and

pursuing the enemy. If we drive him from hommock to hommock, from swamp

to swamp, and penetrate the recesses where his women and children are;

if, in self-defense, we show as little mercy to him as he has shown to

us, the anxiety and surprise produced by such operations will not fail,

it is believed, to produce prosperous results. It is high time that

sickly sentimentality should cease. 'Lo, the poor Indian!' is the

exclamation of the fanatic, pseudo-philanthropist; 'Lo, the poor white

man!' is the ejaculation which all will utter who have witnessed the

inhuman butchery of women and children, and the massacres that have

drenched the Territory in blood.

"In the future prosecution of the war, it is important that a generous

confidence should be reposed in the General Government. It may be that

mistakes and errors have been committed on all hands; but the peculiar

adaptation of the country to the cowardly system of the foe, and its

inaptitude to the operations of a regular army; the varying and often

contradictory views and opinions of the best informed of our citizens,

and the embarrassments which these cases must have produced to the

authorities at Washington, furnish to the impartial mind some excuse, at

least, for the failures which have hitherto occurred. It is our duty to

be less mindful of the past than the future. Convinced that the present

incumbent of the Presidential Chair regards with sincere and intense

interest the afflictions we endure; relying upon the patriotism, talent

and sound judgment of the distinguished Carolinian who presides over the

Department of War, and confident in the wisdom of Congress, let us

prepare to second, with every nerve, the measures which may be devised

for our relief. Feeling as we do the immediate pressure of

circumstances, let us exert, to the extremest point, all our powers to

rid us of the evil by which we are oppressed. Let us, by a conciliatory

course, endeavor to allay any unkindnesses of feeling which may exist

between the United States army and the militia of Florida, and by union

of sentiment among ourselves, advance the happy period when the

Territory shall enjoy what she so much needs--a long season of peace and

tranquillity."

Perhaps no vice is more general among mankind than a desire to represent

ourselves, and our country and government, to mankind and to posterity

as just and wise, whatever real truth may dictate. Surely, if General

Jessup's official reports be regarded as correct, the people of Florida

should have been the last of all who were concerned in that war, to

claim the virtue of magnanimity or forbearance, or to charge the

Seminoles or Exiles with ferocity or bad faith. The expression that "_it

is high time that sickly sentimentality should cease_," manifests the

ideas which he entertained of strict, equal and impartial justice to all

men.

This message was an appropriate introduction to the legislative action

which immediately succeeded its publication. It was that legislative

body which first gave official sanction to the policy of obtaining

blood-hounds from Cuba to aid our troops in the prosecution of this war.

Of this atrocious and barbarous policy much has been said and written,

and its authorship charged upon various men and officers of Government.

At the time of the transaction, it was represented that the blood-hounds

were obtained for the purpose of trailing the Indians, and historians

have so stated;[123] but for various reasons, we are constrained to

believe they were obtained for the purpose of trailing _negroes_. It was

well known that these animals were trained to pursue _negroes_, and

_only_ negroes. They would no more follow the track of a white man than

they would that of a horse or an ox. It was the peculiar scent of the

negro that they had been trained and accustomed to follow. No man

concerned in obtaining these animals, could have been ignorant that they

had, in all probability, never seen an Indian, or smelt the track of

any son of the forest.

Every slaveholder well understood the habits of those ferocious dogs,

and the manner of training them, and could not have supposed them

capable of being rendered useful in capturing Indians. The people of

Florida appear to have been stimulated in the commencement and

continuance of this war solely by a desire to _obtain slaves_, rather

than to _fight Indians_; and while acting as militia or as individuals,

they were far more efficient in capturing negroes and claiming those

captured by other troops than in facing them on the field of battle. Nor

can we resist the conviction, that catching _negroes_ constituted, in

the mind of General Jessup, the object for which those animals were to

be obtained. Such was evidently his purpose when he wrote Colonel

Harney, as quoted in a former chapter, "If you see Powell (Osceola),

tell him that I intend to send exploring and surveying parties into

every part of the country during the summer; and that I shall send out

and take _all the negroes who belong to white people, and he must_ not

allow the Indians or Indian negroes to mix with them. Tell him I am

sending to Cuba for blood-hounds to trail them, and I intend to hang

every one of them who does not come in."

We cannot close our eyes to the fact, that General Jessup intended the

blood-hounds to be used in catching "the negroes belonging to the white

people," as he said. Those white people were mostly slaveholders of

Florida; those who proposed in the legislative assembly of that

territory the obtaining of the animals, and adopted a resolution

authorizing their purchase. They did not wait for the President to act,

nor for the "Secretary of War," whom the Governor of Florida

characterized as "that distinguished _Carolinian_" on whose judgment and

patriotism the people of Florida so much relied.[124]

By resolution, Colonel Fitzpatrick was "authorized to proceed to

Havana, and procure a kennel of blood-hounds, noted for tracking and

pursuing negroes." He was fortunate in his mission. He not only obtained

the animals, but he accomplished the journey, and reached St. Augustine

as early as the sixth of January, 1840, with a reinforcement for the

army of the United States of thirty-three blood-hounds well trained to

the work of catching negroes. They cost precisely one hundred and

fifty-one dollars seventy-two cents, each, when landed in Florida. He

also procured five Spaniards who were accustomed to using the animals in

capturing negroes; and as the dogs had been trained to the Spanish

language, they would have been useless under the control of persons who

could only speak the dialect of our own country.

The very general error that existed throughout the country, at the time

of this transaction, arose from a misapprehension of the facts. There

had been much said in regard to these blood-hounds before they were

actually obtained. When the report of the War Department, under the

resolution of the House of Representatives of the twenty-eighth of

January, 1839, was published, containing the letter of General Jessup

addressed to Colonel Harney, which we have quoted, many members of

Congress appeared indignant at what they regarded as a stain upon our

national honor in obtaining and employing blood-hounds to act in concert

with our troops and our Indian allies in this war. Party feelings ran

high, and southern members of Congress, who were acting with the Whig

party, were willing to seize upon any circumstance that would reflect

discreditably upon the then existing Administration.

On the twenty-seventh day of December, 1839, the Hon. Henry A. Wise, a

member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, addressed a letter

to the Secretary of War, inquiring as to facts relating to the

employment of blood-hounds in aid of our troops.[125]

To this letter Mr. Poinsett, the Secretary of War, replied on the

thirtieth of December, as follows:

"WAR DEPARTMENT, December 20, 1839.

"SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of

the twenty-seventh instant, inquiring into the truth of the

assertion made by the public papers, that the Government had

determined to use blood-hounds in the war against the Florida

Indians; and beg to assure you it will give me great pleasure to

give you all the information on this subject in possession of the

Department.

"From the time I first entered upon the duties of the War

Department, I continued to receive letters from officers commanding

in Florida, as well as from the most enlightened citizens in that

Territory, urging the employment of blood-hounds as the most

efficient means of terminating the atrocities daily perpetrated by

the Indians on the settlers in that Territory. To these proposals

no answer was given, until in the month of August, 1838, while at

the Virginia Springs, there was referred to me, from the

Department, a letter, addressed to the Adjutant General by the

officer commanding the forces in Florida (General Taylor), to the

following effect:

"HEAD QUARTERS ARMY OF THE SOUTH,}

_Fort Brooke_, July 28, 1838. }

"SIR: I have the honor to inclose you a communication this moment

received, on the subject of procuring blood-hounds from the Island

of Cuba to aid the army in its operations against the hostiles in

Florida. I am decidedly in favor of the measure, and beg leave to

urge it as the only means of ridding the country of the Indians,

who are now broken up into small parties that take shelter in

swamps and hommocks, making it impossible for us to follow or

overtake them without the aid of such auxiliaries. Should this

measure meet the approbation of the Department, and the necessary

authority be granted, I will open a correspondence with Mr.

Evertson on the subject, through Major Hunt, Assistant Quarter

Master at Savannah, and will authorize him, if it can be done on

reasonable terms, to employ a few dogs with persons who understand

their management.

"I wish it distinctly understood, that my object in employing dogs

is only to ascertain where the Indians can be found, not to worry

them.

"I have the honor to be, sir,

Your obedient servant,

Z. TAYLOR,

_Brev. Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Commanding_.

General R. JONES,

Washington, D. C."

"On this letter I indorsed the following decision, which was

communicated to General Taylor: 'I have always been of opinion that dogs

_ought_ to be employed in this warfare to protect the army from

surprises and ambuscades, and to track the Indian to his lurking place;

but supposed if the General believed them to be necessary, he would not

hesitate to take measures to secure them. The cold-blooded and inhuman

murders lately perpetrated upon helpless women and children by these

ruthless savages, render it expedient that every possible means should

be resorted to, in order to protect the people of Florida, and to enable

the United States forces to follow and capture or destroy the savage and

unrelenting foe. General Taylor is therefore authorized to procure such

number of dogs as he may judge necessary: it being expressly understood

that they are to be employed to track and discover the Indians, not to

worry or destroy them.'

"This is the only action or correspondence, on the part of the

Department, that has ever taken place in relation to the matter. The

General took no measures to carry into effect his own recommendation,

and this Department has never since renewed the subject. I continue,

however, to entertain the opinion expressed in the above decision. I do

not believe that description of dog, called the blood-hound, necessary

to prevent surprise or track the Indian murderer; but still I think that

every cabin, every military post, and every detachment, should be

attended by dogs. That precaution might have saved Dade's command from

massacre, and by giving timely warning have prevented many of the cruel

murders which have been committed by the Indians in middle Florida. The

only successful pursuit of Indian murderers that I know of, was, on a

late occasion, when the pursuers were aided by the sagacity of their

dogs. These savages had approached a cabin of peaceful and industrious

settlers so stealthily, that the first notice of their presence was

given by a volley from their rifles, thrust between the logs of the

house; and the work of death was finished by tomahawking the women,

after tearing from them their infant children, and dashing their brains

out against the door posts.

"Are these ruthless savages to escape and repeat such scenes of blood,

because they can elude our fellow citizens in Florida, and our regular

soldiers, and baffle their unaided efforts to overtake or discover them?

On a late occasion, three of our estimable citizens were killed in the

immediate neighborhood of St. Augustine, and one officer of

distinguished merit mortally wounded. It is in evidence, that these

murders were committed by two Indians, who, after shooting down the

father and beating out the son's brains with the butts of their rifles,

upon hearing the approach of the volunteers, retired a few yards into

the woods and secreted themselves, until the troops returned to town

with the dead bodies of those who had been thus inhumanly and wantonly

butchered.

"It is to be regretted that this corps had not been accompanied with one

or two hunters, who, with their dogs, might have tracked the

blood-stained footsteps of those Indians; have restored to liberty the

captives they were dragging away with them, and have prevented them from

ever again repeating such atrocities; nor could the severest casuist

object to our fellow citizens in Florida resorting to such measures, in

order to protect the lives of their women and children."

"Very respectfully,

Your most obedient servant,

J. R. POINSETT.

Hon. HENRY A. WISE,

House of Representatives."

It is no part of our present duties to comment on the code of morals

which the Secretary of War had adopted. He undoubtedly felt, that

neither the Indians nor negroes "possessed any rights which white men

were bound to respect." He was not, he could not, have been ignorant of

the cold-blooded massacre of nearly three hundred Exiles and Indians at

Blount's Fort, in 1816; nor of the manner in which the present war had

been brought on; nor of the objects for which it was prosecuted; nor

does it appear possible that he, a large slaveholder of South Carolina,

could have expected these blood-hounds would follow the trail of

Indians. But we must bear in mind that he had been exceedingly vexed

with the indomitable resistance of the Exiles. They appeared perfectly

determined not to be enslaved, and that determination had given him much

trouble; and he must have foreseen the defeat of his party in the next

Presidential contest, should all these facts become known to the public.

With these feelings, he was prepared to apply almost any epithets to the

Indians, as the friends and allies of a people to whose real character

he dared not publicly allude, although they were occasioning the

Administration so much trouble.

Having shown that no blood-hounds had been previously employed, he

proceeded to argue the propriety of employing them in future, by

adopting the policy proposed by the Legislature of Florida, who, as we

have already seen, had taken measures to obtain them some twenty days

prior to the date of this communication.

The Secretary of War thus exonerated himself and the Federal Executive

from the responsibility of employing blood-hounds, on the thirtieth of

December; and the animals arrived in Florida, under charge of Colonel

Fitzpatrick, just one week _subsequently_ to that date.

One feature was most obvious, in the commencement and prosecution of

this war: we allude to the very respectful, almost obsequious obedience

of the Executive to the popular feeling in favor of slavery, in every

part of the country where that institution existed. This war had been

commenced at the instance of the people of Florida. General Jessup

attempted to change the articles of capitulation which he had signed,

when the people of Florida protested against peace, unless attended by a

restoration of slaves; and now, when the popular voice of the nation had

paralyzed the Executive arm in regard to obtaining blood-hounds, the

people of Florida, in their Legislature, took up the subject and carried

the policy into practice, so far as to obtain the animals; but that

would be of no use unless they could be employed by the army of the

United States. Preparatory to this adoption of the purchase made by the

Legislature of Florida, Mr. Poinsett had argued the propriety of their

employment, in his letter to Mr. Wise; and twenty-six days afterwards,

he wrote General Taylor as follows:

"WAR DEPARTMENT, Jan'y 26, 1840.

"SIR: It is understood by the Department, although not officially

informed of the fact, that the authorities of the Territory have

imported a pack of blood-hounds from the Island of Cuba. And I

think it proper to direct, in the event of those dogs being

employed by any officer or officers under your command, that their

use be confined altogether to tracking the Indians; and in order to

insure this, and to prevent the possibility of their injuring any

person whatever, that they be muzzled and held with a leash while

following the track of the enemy.

"Very respectfully,

Your most obedient servant,

J. R. POINSETT.

Brig. Gen'l Z. TAYLOR,

Com'd'g Army of the South, Florida."

From the commencement of this war, the officers of our army had found it

necessary to employ persons who could communicate with the Indians in

their own tongue. This was usually done through negroes, who could

safely approach both Exiles and Indians; they were, in fact, the only

class of persons who could safely go from our posts to those of the

enemy. No Indians could do it unless by arrangement made through those

negroes; inasmuch as Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws were employed to

act with our troops in hunting down the Seminoles, who shot those

Creeks, Choctaws and Chickasaws, when opportunity permitted, with just

as little ceremony as they did white men.

When those negroes visited the Seminoles, they were supposed to convey

to them as accurate intelligence in regard to our troops, as they

brought back respecting the enemy's forces; they were, therefore,

supposed to have put their brethren, the Exiles, upon their guard in

respect to the blood-hounds. Understanding perfectly the nature and

_education_ of those animals, it does not appear very extraordinary to

us that the Exiles remained for a time in the interior, where neither

blood-hounds nor civilized troops were accustomed to penetrate. This

policy of the Exiles rendered useless the whole expenditure of money and

honor, made in the purchase of blood-hounds and Spaniards, with a view

to their capture.

But the animals had been obtained, and authority given to our officers

to employ them. The Spaniards attended them. The dogs were attached to

different regiments, and fed liberally on bloody meat; young calves were

provided, and driven with each scouting party, to supply food for them.

The Spaniards were supplied with a sufficient number of assistants to

keep the dogs in their leashes. Thus provided, several parties, composed

of regular troops, militia, Indians, Spaniards, dogs and calves, started

for the interior. Their marches continued in some instances for days

before they found even the track of an enemy; but when they found

foot-prints of Indians, and the dogs were looked to with confidence to

lead on the warlike host, while some more humble officer, following the

canine leaders, Spaniards and Indians, was expected to bear aloft the

glorious stars and stripes, as they engaged in deadly conflict with the

wily foe;--lo! just at that moment, when all hearts were palpitating;

while hope was at its height; when the stern resolve clothed each brow

with the dark scowl of battle, the dogs were blithe and frolicsome, but

paid no more attention to the tracks of the Indians than to those of the

ponies on which they sometimes rode.

This grand experiment for closing the Florida War was now pronounced a

_dead failure_; and the use of dogs, and calves, and Spaniards, was

discarded; and the whole affair served no other purpose than to bring

odium upon the Administration, and ridicule upon the officers who

proposed the employment of blood-hounds to act as allies of the American

army.

General Taylor, having had command of the army in Florida nearly two

years, and the sickly season having commenced, requested to be relieved

from that responsible station. His request was granted, and he left

Florida for his plantation in Louisiana. Brevet Brigadier General

Armistead, by order of the War Department, assumed the position from

which General Taylor retired.

The Exiles of Florida or, The crimes committed by our government against the Maroons, who fled from South Carolina and other slave states, seeking protection under Spanish laws. · 第 18 / 23 章