to Rome, according to his vow. When workmen were assembled for this
purpose, he offered sacrifice, and prayed to the goddess to look kindly
on his efforts, and to graciously take up her abode among the gods of
Rome. It is said that the statue answered that it wished to do so, and
approved of his proceedings. But Livy tells us that Camillus offered his
prayers while touching the statue, and that some of the bystanders said,
"She consents, and is willing to come." However, those who insist on the
supernatural form of the story have one great argument in their favour,
in the marvellous fortune of Rome, which never could from such small
beginnings have reached, such a pitch of glory and power without many
direct manifestations of the favour of Heaven. Moreover, other
appearances of the same kind are to be compared with it, such as that
statues have often been known to sweat, have been heard to groan, and
have even turned away and shut their eyes, as has been related by many
historians before our own time. And I have heard of many miraculous
occurrences even at the present day, resting on evidence which cannot be
lightly impugned. However, the weakness of human nature makes it equally
dangerous to put too much faith in such matters or to entirely
disbelieve them, as the one leads to superstition and folly, and the
other to neglect and contempt of the gods. Our best course is caution,
and the "golden mean."
VII. Camillus, either because he was elated by the magnificence of his
exploit in having taken a city as large as Rome after a ten years'
siege, or else because he had been so flattered by his admirers that his
pride overcame his sober judgment, conducted his triumph with great
ostentation, especially in driving through Rome in a chariot, drawn by
four white horses, which never was done by any general before or since,
for this carriage is thought to be sacred to Jupiter, the king and
father of the gods. The citizens, unaccustomed to splendour, were
displeased with him for this, and their dislike was increased by his
opposition to the law for a redistribution of the people. The tribunes
proposed that the Senate and people should be divided into two parts,
one of which should stay at Rome and the other remove to the captured
city, because they would be more powerful if they possessed two great
cities, instead of one, and held the land in common, still remaining one
nation. The lower classes, which were numerous and poor, eagerly took up
the scheme, and continually clamoured round the speakers at the rostra,
demanding to have it put to the vote. But the Senate and the nobles
thought that it was not a redistribution, but the absolute destruction
of Rome which the tribunes were demanding, and in their anger rallied
round Camillus. He, fearing to have a contest on the matter, kept
putting off the people and inventing reasons for delay, so as to prevent
the law being brought forward to be voted upon. This increased his
unpopularity; but the greatest and most obvious reason for the dislike
which the people bore him arose from his demand for the tenth part of
the spoils; very naturally, though perhaps he scarcely deserved it. On
his way to Veii it seems he had made a vow, that if he took the city he
would dedicate the tenth part of the spoil to Apollo. But when the city
was taken and plundered, he either was unwilling to interfere with his
countrymen, or else forgot his vow, and allowed them to enrich
themselves with the booty. Afterwards, when he had laid down his
dictatorship, he brought the matter before the Senate, and the
soothsayers declared that the victims for sacrifice showed, when
inspected, that the gods were angry and must be propitiated.
VIII. The Senate decreed, not that the plunder should be given up, for
that would have been scarcely possible to carry out, but that those who
had taken any should be put on their oath, and contribute a tenth part
of its value. This measure bore very hardly upon the soldiers, poor
hard-working men, who were now compelled to repay so large a proportion
of what they had earned and spent. Camillus was clamorously assailed by
them, and, having no better excuse to put forward, made the
extraordinary statement that he had forgotten his vow when the city was
plundered. The people angrily said that he had vowed to offer up a tithe
of the enemy's property, but that he really was taking a tithe from the
citizens instead. However, all the contributions were made, and it was
determined that with them a golden bowl should be made and sent to
Apollo at Delphi. There was a scarcity of gold in the city, and while
the government were deliberating how it was to be obtained, the matrons
held a meeting among themselves, and offered their golden ornaments to
make the offering, which came to eight talents' weight of gold. The
Senate rewarded them by permitting them to have a funeral oration
pronounced over their graves the same as men; for hitherto it had not
been customary at Rome to make any speeches at the funerals of women.
They also chose three of the noblest citizens to travel with the
offering, and sent them in a well-manned ship of war, splendidly
equipped. Both storms and calms at sea are said to be dangerous, and
they chanced on this occasion to come very near destruction, and
miraculously escaped, for in a calm off the Aeolian Islands they were
assailed by Liparian triremes, who took them for pirates. At their
earnest entreaty these people forbore to run down their vessel, but took
it in tow and brought it into their harbour, where they treated it as a
piratical craft, and put up the crew and the property on board for sale
by public auction. With great difficulty, by the goodness and influence
of one man, Timesitheos, a general, they obtained their release, and
were allowed to proceed. Timesitheos even launched some ships of his
own, with which he escorted them to Delphi, where he also took part in
the ceremony of consecration. In return for his services, as was only
just, he received special honours at Rome.
IX. The tribunes of the people again began to agitate about the
redistribution of land and occupation of Veii, but a war with the
Faliscans gave the leading men a seasonable opportunity to elect
magistrates after their own hearts for the coming year. Camillus was
appointed military tribune, with five others, as it was thought that the
State required a general of tried experience. At the decree of the
Senate, Camillus raised a force and invaded the Faliscan territory. He
now besieged Falerii, a strong city well provided with all munitions of
war, which he considered it would be a work of no small time and labour
to take; but he was desirous of employing the people in a long siege, to
prevent their having leisure for factious proceedings at home. This was
ever the policy of the Romans, to work off the elements of internal
strife in attacks on their neighbours.
X. The Faliscans thought so little of the siege, from the strength of
their defences, that, except when on duty on the walls, they used to
walk about their city in their ordinary dress, and their children were
sent regularly to school, and used to be taken by their master to walk
and take exercise outside the walls. For the Faliscans, like the Greeks,
had one common school, as they wished all their children to be brought
up together. The schoolmaster determined to betray these boys to the
enemy, and led them outside the walls for exercise every day, and then
led them back again. By this means he gradually accustomed them to going
out as if there was no danger, until finally he took all the boys and
handed them over to the Roman pickets, bidding them bring him to
Camillus. When he was brought before him he said that he was a
schoolmaster, that he preferred the favour of Camillus to his duty, and
that he came to hand over to him the city of Falerii in the persons of
these boys.
Camillus was very much shocked. He said that war is indeed harsh, and is
carried on by savage and unrighteous means, but yet there are laws of
war which are observed by good men, and one ought not so much to strive
for victory, as to forego advantages gained by wicked and villainous
means: thus a truly great general ought to succeed by his own warlike
virtues, not by the baseness of others.
Having spoken thus, he ordered his slaves to tear the schoolmaster's
clothes, tie his hands behind his back, and give the boys sticks and
scourges with which to drive him back to the city. The Faliscans had
just discovered the treachery of their schoolmaster, and, as may be
expected, the whole city was filled with mourning at such a calamity,
men and women together running in confusion to the gates and walls of
the city, when the boys drove in their schoolmaster with blows and
insults, calling Camillus their saviour, their father, and their god.
Not only those who were parents, but all the citizens were struck with
admiration at the goodness of Camillus. They at once assembled, and
despatched ambassadors, putting themselves unreservedly in his hands.
These men Camillus sent on to Rome, where they stated before the Senate,
that the Romans, by preferring justice to conquest, had taught them to
prefer submission to freedom, although they did not think that they fell
short of the Romans in strength so much as in virtue. The Senate
referred the ambassadors to Camillus for their first answer; and he,
after receiving a contribution in money, and having made a treaty of
alliance with the Faliscans, drew off his forces.
XI. But the soldiers, who had been looking forward to plundering
Falerii, when they returned to Rome empty handed, abused Camillus to the
other citizens, saying that he was a hater of the people, and grudged
poor men a chance of enriching themselves. When the tribunes
reintroduced the proposal of redistribution of the land, and removing
half the city to Veii, Camillus openly, without caring how unpopular he
became, opposed the measure. The people, sorely against their will, gave
up the measure, but hated Camillus so fiercely that even his domestic
afflictions (for he had just lost one of his two sons by sickness) could
not move them to pity. Being of a kind and loving nature, he was
dreadfully cast down at this misfortune, and spent all his time within
doors mourning with the women of his family, while his enemies were
preparing an impeachment against him.
XII. His accuser was Lucius Apuleius, and the charge brought against him
was embezzlement of the spoils of Etruria. He was even said to have in
his possession some brazen gates which were taken in that country. The
people were much excited against him, and it was clear that, whatever
the charge against him might be, they would condemn him. Consequently he
assembled his friends and comrades, who were a great number in all, and
begged them not to permit him to be ruined by false accusations, and
made a laughing-stock to his enemies. But when his friends, after
consulting together, answered that they did not think that they could
prevent his being condemned, but that they would assist him to pay any
fine that might be imposed, he, unable to bear such treatment,
determined in a rage to leave Rome and go into exile. He embraced his
wife and son, and walked from his house silently as far as the gate of
the city. There he turned back, and, stretching out his hands towards
the Capitol, prayed to the gods that, if he was driven out of Rome
unjustly by the insolence and hatred of the people, the Romans might
soon repent of their conduct to him, and appear before the world begging
him to return, and longing for their Camillus back again.
XIII. Like Achilles, he thus cursed his countrymen and left them. His
cause was undefended, and in his absence he was condemned to pay a fine
of fifteen thousand _ases_, which in Greek money is fifteen hundred
_drachmas_, for the _as_ was the Roman coin at that time, and
consequently ten copper _ases_ were called a _denarius_.
Every Roman believes that the prayers of Camillus were quickly heard by
Justice, and that a terrible retribution was exacted for his wrongs,
which filled all men's mouths at that time; so terrible a fate befell
Rome, with such destruction, danger, and disgrace, whether it arose from
mere chance, or whether it be the office of some god to punish those who
requite virtue with ingratitude.
XIV. The first omen of impending evil was the death of Julius the
Censor; for the Romans reverence the office of censor, and account it
sacred. Another omen was that, a short time before Camillus went into
exile, one Marcus Caedicius, a man of no particular note, and not even a
senator, but a thoroughly respectable man, communicated a matter of some
importance to the tribunes of the people. He said that the night before
he had been walking along what is called the New Road, when some one
called him by name. He turned round and could see no one, but heard a
voice louder than man's say, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, tell the government
early in the morning that in a short time they may expect the Gauls."
When the tribunes of the people heard this they laughed him to scorn,
and shortly afterwards Camillus left the city.
XV. The Gauls are a people of the Celtic race, and are said to have
become too numerous for their own country, and consequently to have left
it to search for some other land to dwell in. As they consisted of a
large multitude of young warriors, they started in two bodies, one of
which, went towards the northern ocean, and, passing the Rhipaean
mountains, settled in the most distant part of Europe. The other body
established themselves between the Pyrenees and the Alps, and for a long
time dwelt near the Senones and Celtorii. At last they tasted wine,
which was then for the first time brought thither out of Italy. In an
ecstasy of delight at the drink they wildly snatched up their arms, took
their families with them, and rushed to the Alps in search of the
country which produced such fruits as this, considering all other
countries to be savage and uncultivated. The man who first introduced
wine among them and encouraged them to proceed to Italy was said to be
one Aruns, an Etruscan of some note, who, though a well-meaning man, had
met with the following misfortune. He had been left guardian to an
orphan named Lucumo, one of the richest and handsomest of his
countrymen. This boy lived in the house of Aruns from his childhood, and
when he grew up he would not leave it, but pretended to delight in his
society. It was long before Aruns discovered that Lucumo had debauched
his wife, and that their passion was mutual; but at length they were
unable any longer to conceal their intrigue, and the youth openly
attempted to carry off the woman from her husband. He went to law, but
was unable to contend with the numerous friends and great wealth of
Lucumo, and so left the country. Hearing about the Gauls, he went to
them and incited them to invade Italy.
XVI. They immediately made themselves masters of the country, which
reaches from the Alps down to the sea on both sides of Italy, which in
ancient times belonged to the Etruscans, as we see by the names, for the
upper sea is called the Adriatic from Adria, an Etruscan city, and the
lower is called the Etruscan Sea. It is a thickly wooded country, with
plenty of pasturage, and well watered. At that period it contained
eighteen fair and large cities, with a thriving commercial population.
The Gauls took these cities, drove out their inhabitants, and occupied
them themselves. This, however, took place some time previously to our
story.
XVII. The Gauls at this time marched against the Etruscan city of
Clusium and besieged it. The inhabitants appealed to the Romans to send
ambassadors and letters to the barbarians, and they sent three of the
Fabian family, men of the first importance in Rome. They were well
received, because of the name of Rome, by the Gauls, who desisted from
their siege and held a conference with them. The Romans inquired what
wrong the Gauls had suffered from the people of Clusium that they should
attack their city. To this Brennus, the king of the Gauls, answered with
a laugh, "The people of Clusium wrong us by holding a large territory,
although they can only inhabit and cultivate a small one, while they
will not give a share of it to us, who are numerous and poor. You Romans
were wronged in just the same way in old times by the people of Alba,
and Fidenae, and Ardea, and at the present day by the Veientines and
Capenates, and by many of the Faliscans and Volscians. You make
campaigns against these people if they will not share their good things
with you, you sell them for slaves and plunder their territory, and
destroy their cities; and in this you do nothing wrong, but merely obey
the most ancient of all laws, that the property of the weak belongs to
the strong, a law which prevails among the gods on the one hand, and
even among wild beasts, amongst whom the stronger always encroach upon
the weaker ones. So now cease to pity the besieged men of Clusium, for
fear you should teach the Gauls to become good-natured and pitiful
towards the nations that have been wronged by the Romans."
This speech showed the Romans that Brennus had no thought of coming to
terms, and they in consequence went into Clusium and encouraged the
inhabitants to attack the barbarians under their guidance, either
because they wished to make trial of the valour of the Gauls, or to make
a display of their own. The people of Clusium made a sally, and a battle
took place near their wall. In this one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus
by name, was on horseback, and rode to attack a fine powerful Gaul who
was riding far in advance of the rest. At first the Roman was not
recognised because the fight was sharp, and the flashing of his arms
prevented his face being clearly seen. But when he slew his antagonist
and jumped down from his horse to strip his body of its spoils, Brennus
recognised him, and called the gods to witness his violation of the
common law of all nations, in coming to them as an ambassador and
fighting against them as an enemy. He immediately put a stop to the
battle and took no further heed of the people of Clusium, but directed
his army against Rome. However, as he did not wish it to be thought that
the bad conduct of the Romans pleased the Gauls, who only wanted a
pretext for hostilities, he sent and demanded that Fabius should be
delivered up to him to be punished, and at the same time led his army
slowly forwards.
XVIII. At Rome the Senate was called together, and many blamed Fabius,
while those priests who are called Feciales urged the Senate in the
name of religion to throw the whole blame of what had happened upon one
guilty head, and, by delivering him up, to clear the rest of the city
from sharing his guilt. These Feciales were instituted by the mildest
and justest of the kings of Rome, Numa Pompilius, to be guardians of
peace, and examiners of the reasons which justify a nation in going to
war. However the Senate referred the matter to the people, and when the
priests repeated their charges against Fabius before them, the people so
despised and slighted religion as to appoint Fabius and his brothers
military tribunes. The Gauls, when they heard this, were enraged, and
hurried on, disregarding everything but speed. The nations through which
they passed, terrified at their glancing arms and their strength and
courage, thought that their land was indeed lost and that their cities
would at once be taken, but to their wonder and delight the Gauls did
them no hurt, and took nothing from their fields, but marched close by
their cities, calling out that they were marching against Rome, and were
at war with the Romans only, and held all other men to be their friends.
To meet this impetuous rush, the military tribunes led out the Romans,
who, in numbers indeed were quite a match for the Gauls, for they
amounted to no less than forty thousand heavy-armed men, but for the
most part untrained and serving for the first time.
Besides this disadvantage, they neglected the duties of religion, for
they neither made the usual sacrifices nor consulted the soothsayers.
Confusion also was produced by the number of commanders, though
frequently before this, in much less important campaigns, they had
chosen single generals, whom they called dictators, as they knew that
nothing is so important at a dangerous crisis as that all should
unanimously and in good order obey the commands of one irresponsible
chief. And the unfair treatment which Camillus had received now bore
disastrous fruits, for no man dared to use authority except to flatter
and gain the favour of the people.
They proceeded about eleven miles from the city, and halted for the
night on the banks of the river Allia, which joins the Tiber not far
from where their camp was pitched. Here the barbarians appeared, and,
after an unskilfully managed battle, the want of discipline of the
Romans caused their ruin. The Gauls drove the left wing into the river
and destroyed it, but the right of the army, which took refuge in the
hills to avoid the enemy's charge on level ground, suffered less, and
most of them reached the city safely. The rest, who survived after the
enemy were weary of slaughter, took refuge at Veii, imagining that all
was over with Rome.
XIX. This battle took place about the summer solstice at the time of
full moon, on the very day on which in former times the great disaster
befel the Fabii, when three hundred of that race were slain by the
Etruscans. But this defeat wiped out the memory of the former one, and
the day was always afterwards called that of the Allia, from the river
of that name.
It is a vexed question whether we ought to consider some days unlucky,
or whether Herakleitus was right in rebuking Hesiod for calling some
days good and some bad, because he knew not that the nature of all days
is the same. However the mention of a few remarkable instances is
germane to the matter of which we are treating. It happened that on the
fifth day of the Boeotian month Hippodromios, which the Athenians call
Hekatombeion,[A] two signal victories were won by the Boeotians, both of
which restored liberty to Greece; one, when they conquered the Spartans
at Leuktra, and the other, when, more than two hundred years before
this, they conquered the Thessalians under Lattamyas at Kerêssus.
[Footnote A: Plutarch himself was a Boeotian.]
Again, the Persians were beaten by the Greeks on the sixth of Boedromion
at Marathon, and on the third they were beaten both at Plataea and at
Mykale, and at Arbela on the twenty-fifth of the same month. The
Athenians too won their naval victory under Chabrias at Naxos on the
full moon of Boedromion, and that of Salamis on the twentieth of that
month, as I have explained in my treatise 'On Days.'
The month of Thargelion evidently brings misfortune to the barbarians,
for Alexander defeated the Persian king's generals on the Granicus in
Thargelion, and the Carthaginians were defeated by Timoleon in Sicily
on the twenty-seventh of Thargelion, at which same time Troy is believed
to have been taken, according to Ephorus, Kallisthenes, Damastes and
Phylarchus.
On the other hand, the month Metageitnion, which the Boeotians call
Panemos, is unfavourable to the Greeks, for on the seventh of that month
they were defeated by Antipater at Kranon and utterly ruined; and before
that, were defeated during that month by Philip at Chaeronea. And on
that same day and month and year Archidamus and his troops, who had
crossed over into Italy, were cut to pieces by the natives. The
twenty-first day of that month is also observed by the Carthaginians as
that which has always brought the heaviest misfortunes upon them. And I
am well aware that at the time of the celebration of the mysteries
Thebes was destroyed for the second time by Alexander, and that after
this Athens was garrisoned by Macedonian soldiers on the twentieth of
Boedromion, on which day they bring out the mystic Iacchus in
procession. And similarly the Romans, under the command of Caepio, on
that same day lost their camp to the Gauls, and afterwards, under
Lucullus, defeated Tigranes and the Armenians. King Attalus and Pompeius
the Great died on their own birthdays. And I could mention many others,
who have had both good and evil fortune on the same anniversaries. But
the Romans regard that day as especially unlucky, and on account of it,
two other days in every month are thought so, as superstitious feeling
is increased by misfortune. This subject I have treated at greater
length in my treatise on 'Roman Questions.'