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THE FIRST SEVEN DIVISIONS
_McCLELLAND, GOODCHILD & STEWART, Ltd._
[Illustration: Map showing the first seven days of the retreat from
Mons, with the routes followed by each Division. The dates given refer
to the nights during which the troops rested, the days being spent in
marching.
1st Division Violet
2nd Division Green
3rd Division Blue
5th Division Red
Approximate scale 7 miles to an inch.]
_The First Seven Divisions_
_Being a detailed account of the fighting from Mons to Ypres_
_By Ernest W. Hamilton_
(_Late Captain 11th Hussars_)
_WITH MAPS_
_TORONTO:
McCLELLAND, GOODCHILD & STEWART. Ltd._
_Printed in Great Britain_
PREFACE
The 1st Expeditionary Force to leave England consisted of the 1st A.C.
(1st and 2nd Divisions) and the 2nd A.C. (3rd and 5th Divisions).
The 4th Division arrived in time to prolong the battle-front at Le
Cateau, but it missed the terrible stress of the first few days, and
can therefore hardly claim to rank as part of the 1st Expeditionary
Force in the strict sense. The 6th Division did not join till the
battle of the Aisne. These two divisions then formed the 3rd A.C.
In the following pages the doings of the 3rd A.C. are only very lightly
touched upon, not because they are less worthy of record than those of
the 1st and 2nd A.C., but simply because they do not happen to have
come within the field of vision of the narrator.
The 7th Division's doings are dealt with because these were
inextricably mixed up with the operations of the 1st A.C. east
of Ypres. The 3rd A.C., on the other hand, acted throughout as
an independent unit, and had no part in the Ypres and La Bassee
fighting with which these pages are attempting to deal.
The main point aimed at is accuracy; no attempt is made to magnify
achievements, or to minimise failures.
It must, however, be clearly understood that the mention from time to
time of certain battalions as having been driven from their trenches
does not in the smallest degree suggest inefficiency on the part of
such battalions. It is probable that every battalion in the British
Force has at some time or another during the past twelve months been
forced to abandon its trenches. A battalion is driven from its trenches
as often as not owing to insupportable shell-fire concentrated on a
particular area. Such trenches may be afterwards retaken by another
battalion under entirely different circumstances, and in any case in
the absence of shell-fire. That goes without saying. It may, therefore,
quite easily happen that lost trenches may be retaken by a battalion
which is inferior in all military essentials to the battalion which was
driven out of the same trenches the day before, or earlier in the same
day, as the case may be.
I wish to take this opportunity of expressing the great obligations
under which I lie to the many officers who have so kindly assisted me
in the compilation of this work.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE v
BEFORE MONS 1
THE BATTLE OF MONS 12
THE RETREAT FROM MONS (LANDRECIES AND MAROILLES) 33
THE LE CATEAU PROBLEM 50
LE CATEAU 55
THE RETREAT FROM LE CATEAU (VILLERS-COTTERETS AND NERY) 66
THE ADVANCE TO THE AISNE 84
THE PASSAGE OF THE AISNE 96
TROYON (VERNEUIL AND SOUPIR) 103
THE AISNE 120
MANUVRING WESTWARD 141
FROM ATTACK TO DEFENCE 159
THE BIRTH OF THE YPRES SALIENT 162
THE STAND OF THE FIFTH DIVISION 180
NEUVE CHAPELLE 192
PILKEM 203
THE SECOND ADVANCE 209
THE FIGHTING AT KRUISEIK 218
THE LAST OF KRUISEIK 230
ZANDVOORDE 249
GHELUVELT 257
MESSINES AND WYTSCHATE 265
KLEIN ZILLEBEKE 278
THE RELIEF OF THE SEVENTH DIVISION 285
ZWARTELEN 294
THE PRUSSIAN GUARD ATTACK 303
EPITAPH 310
The following abbreviations are used:--
The C. in C. = Field Marshal Sir John French
A.C. = Army Corps
C.B. = Cavalry Brigade
K.O.S.B. = King's Own Scottish Borderers
K.O.Y.L.I. = King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry
K.R.R. = King's Royal Rifles (60th)
LIST OF MAPS
Showing the first seven days of the _Facing Title Page_
retreat from Mons, with the routes
followed by each division.
Showing disposition of troops at _Facing page_ 12
the battle of Mons.
Showing line occupied by British 102
troops after the battle of the Aisne.
Ypres and district 162
THE FIRST SEVEN DIVISIONS
BEFORE MONS
When an entire continent has for eighteen months been convulsed by
military operations on so vast a scale as almost to baffle imagination,
the individual achievements of this division or of that division are
apt to fade quickly out of recognition. Fresh scenes peopled by fresh
actors hold the public eye, and, in the quick passage of events, the
lustre of bygone deeds soon gets blurred. People forget. But when the
deeds are such as to bring a thrill of national pride; when they set up
an all but unique standard of valour for future generations to live up
to, it is best not to forget.
On the outbreak of war with Germany on August 3rd, 1914, the British
Army was so small as to be a mere drop in the ocean of armed men who
were hurrying to confront one another on the plains of Belgium. It was
derisively described as "contemptible." And yet, in the first three
months of the war, this little army, varying in numbers from 80,000 to
130,000, may justly claim to have in some part moulded the history of
Europe. It was the deciding factor in a struggle where the sides--at
first--were none too equally matched. For this alone its deeds are
worthy of record, and they are worthy of record too for another reason.
They represent the supreme sacrifice in the interests of the national
honour of what was familiarly known as our "regular army." Since the
outbreak of the war, fresh armies have arisen, of new and unprecedented
proportions. The members of these new armies are as familiar now to the
public eye as the representatives of the old regular army are scarce.
With the doings of these new armies the present pages have no concern.
They are, it is true, the expression of a spirit of patriotism and duty
so remarkable that their voluntary growth must for ever stand out as
one of the grandest monuments in the history of Britain. But they form
no part of the subject matter of these pages, which deal solely with
the way in which the old regular army, led by the best in the land,
saved the national honour in the acutest crisis in history, and
practically ceased to exist in the doing of it.
The regular army, small as it was, did not lie under the hands of those
who would use it. Much of it was far away across the seas, guarding the
outposts of the Empire. A certain proportion, however, was at hand, and
with a smoothness and expedition which silenced, no less than it
amazed, the critics of our military administration, 50,000 infantry,
with its artillery and five brigades of cavalry, were shipped off to
France almost before the public had realized that we were at war. From
Havre or Boulogne, as the case might be, these troops either marched or
were trained northwards; shook themselves into shape; gradually assumed
the form of two army corps of two divisions each, of which the 1st
Division was on the right and the 5th on the left (the 4th Division
having not yet arrived), and in this formation faced the Belgian
frontier to meet and check the invaders.
The two advancing forces met at Mons, or, to be more accurate, the
British force took up a defensive position at Mons--in conformity with
the pre-arranged plan of extending the French line westwards--and there
waited.
From this time on, the doings of the Expeditionary Force become
historically interesting, and its movements are worthy of study in
detail. In the first instance, however, in order to arrive at a proper
understanding of the circumstances which governed the position of the
British troops on the occasion of their first stand, and which
afterwards dictated the line of retreat and the roads to be followed in
that retreat, and the successive points at which the retreating army
faced about and fought, it is desirable to get a general grasp of the
geographical side of things. The Germans were advancing from the
north-east on Paris; that was their avowed intention; there was no
secret about it; the leaders openly proclaimed their intentions; the
soldiers advertised the fact in chalk legends scribbled on the doors of
the houses; and--as the fashion is with Germans in arms--they were
taking the most direct route to their objective, their artillery and
transport following the great main roads that shoot out north-eastward
from Paris towards Brussels, with their infantry swarming in endless
thousands along the smaller collateral roads. Here and there, at
intervals of from twenty to thirty miles, this system of parallel roads
running north-east from Paris is crossed by other main roads running at
right angles and forming, as it were, a skeleton check with the point
of the diamond to the north. These main cross-roads had, in
anticipation, been selected for the lines of defence along which our
troops should turn and fight if necessary, for though it is laid down
in the text-books of the wise that a line of defence must not run along
a main road, such a road has obvious value for purposes of correct
alignment. As the German advance was from the north-east, it is
self-evident that the line of resistance or defence had to extend from
north-west to south-east.
When our troops, by forced marches, reached Mons on August 22nd, 1914,
the primary business of the British Force was to prolong the French
line of resistance in a north-westerly direction. The natural country
feature which was geographically indicated for this purpose was the
high road which runs from Charleroi through Binche to Mons, and this
was the line for which our troops were originally destined. In effect,
however, this line proved to be impracticable, for the simple reason
that, when we reached it, the Germans were already in possession of
Charleroi, and the French on our right had fallen back beyond the point
of prolongation of this line. For the British Force in these
circumstances to have occupied the Mons--Charleroi road would have laid
it open to the very great risk--if not certainty--of being cut off and
completely isolated. In these circumstances there was no alternative
but to range our 1st A.C. along the Mons--Beaumont road, in rear of the
original position contemplated, while the 2nd A.C. lined the canal
between Mons and Conde. The position was not ideal, the formation being
that of a broad arrow, with the two Army Corps practically at right
angles to one another. However, it was the best that offered in the
peculiar circumstances of the case. As it turned out in the end, the
entire attack at Mons fell on the 2nd A.C., which lay back at an angle
of forty-five degrees from the general line of defence. The battle of
Mons may, therefore, in a sense be looked upon as an attempt at a
flanking or enveloping movement on the part of the enemy, which was
frustrated by the interposition of our troops.
In view of the fact that the scene of the first shock with the enemy
was fixed by necessity and not by choice, the Mons canal may be
considered as a fortunate feature in the landscape. It ran sufficiently
true to the required line to offer an obvious line of defence, and an
ideal one, except for the flagrant defect that, after running from
Conde to Mons in a mathematically straight line, on reaching the town
it flings off to the north in a loop some two miles long by one and a
half miles across. This loop, as well as the straight reach to Conde,
was occupied by our troops. The formation of the British army, then,
was not only that of a broad arrow, but of a broad arrow with a loop
two miles long by a mile and a half across projecting from the point.
Such a position could obviously not be held for long, and Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrien, recognizing this, had prepared in advance a second and
more defensible line running through Frameries, Paturages, Wasmes and
Boussu. To this second line the troops were to fall back as soon as the
salient became untenable. A glance at the map will serve to show that
the effect of swinging back the right of the 2nd A.C. to this new
position would be to at once bring the whole British Army into line,
with a frontage facing the advance of the enemy from the north-east. In
view, however, of the preparedness of the Germans and the comparative
unpreparedness of the Allies, time was a factor in the case of the very
first importance, and therefore the passage of the canal had to be
opposed, if only for purposes of delay. It is important, however, to
keep in mind that the real line which it was intended to defend at Mons
was this second line. The intention was never carried out, because it
was anticipated by an unexpected and most unwelcome order to retire in
conformity with French movements on the right, which upset all plans.
In the meanwhile, the enemy's entry into Mons itself had to be delayed
as long as possible, which meant that the canal salient, bad as it was,
had perforce to be defended. This dangerous but most responsible duty
was entrusted to Sir Hubert Hamilton with his 3rd Division, and, as a
matter of fact, the battle of Mons in the end proved to be practically
confined to the three brigades of this division.
The disposition of the division was as follows:
General Shaw, with the 9th Brigade, was posted along the western face
of the canal loop, his right-hand battalion being the 4th R. Fusiliers,
who held the line from the Nimy bridge, at Lock 6, to the Ghlin bridge.
To the left of the R. Fusiliers, were the R. Scots Fusiliers, and
beyond them again half the Northumberland Fusiliers reaching as far as
Jemappes. The Lincolns and the rest of the Northumberland Fusiliers
formed the reserve to the brigade and were at Cuesmes in rear of the
canal.
On the right of the 9th Brigade was the 8th Brigade, occupying the
north-east face of the canal salient. Of this brigade the 4th Middlesex
on the left took up the line from the R. Fusiliers east of the Nimy
bridge, and carried it on as far as the bridge and railway station at
Obourg. Between Obourg and St. Symphorien were the 1st Gordon
Highlanders, and on their right, thrown back so as to link up with the
left of the 1st A.C., were the 2nd Royal Scots. The Royal Irish
Regiment formed the brigade reserve at Hyon, and the 7th Brigade the
divisional reserve at Cipley. So much then for the salient itself on
which, as it turned out, the enemy's attack was mainly focussed. On the
left of the 3rd Division, along the straight reach of the canal which
runs to Conde, was Sir Charles Fergusson's 5th Division. Of this
division we need only concern ourselves with the 13th Brigade, which
continued the line of defence on the left of the 9th Brigade, the R.
West Kents holding the ground from Mariette to Lock 5 at St. Ghislain,
with the K.O.S.B. extended beyond them as far as Lock 4 at Les
Herbieres. The K.O.Y.L.I. and Duke of Wellington's Regiment were in
reserve. On the left of the K.O.S.B. was the E. Surrey Regiment and
beyond again the 14th and 15th Brigades. Later on the line was still
further extended to the west by the 19th Brigade, which arrived during
the afternoon of the 23rd.
Such then was the disposition of the 2nd A.C. The 1st A.C. lay back, as
has been explained, almost at right angles to the line of the canal,
along the two roads that branch off from Mons to Beaumont and Maubeuge
respectively. On the first-named road was the 1st Division reaching as
far as Grand Reng. This division, however, as events turned out, was
merely a spectator of the operations of August 23rd. The 2nd Division
was very much scattered, the 6th Brigade being at Givry, and the 5th at
Bougnies, while of the 4th Brigade the two Coldstream Battalions were
at Harveng and the rest of the brigade at Quevy.
The gap between the 1st and 2nd A.C. was patrolled by the 2nd C.B., an
operation which brought about the first actual collision between
British and German troops. This was on the 22nd near Villers St.
Ghislain, when Captain Hornby with a squadron of the 4th Dragoon Guards
fell in with a column of Uhlans, which he promptly charged and very
completely routed, capturing a number of prisoners.
The rest of our cavalry was spread along the Binche road as a covering
screen for the 1st A.C., with the exception of the 4th C.B. which was
at Haulchin cross-roads, guarding the approach to that place from the
direction of Binche, and at the same time keeping up a communication
between the 1st and 2nd Divisions.
Such then was, generally speaking, the position on August 22nd. During
that night, however, all the cavalry was withdrawn from the Binche road
and moved across to the left of our line, where they took up a position
guarding that flank along the two roads running north and south through
Thulin and Eloges to Andregnies. The 4th C.B., having the shortest
journey to make, went four miles further west again to Quiverain. This
change of position meant a twenty mile night march for the cavalry on
the top of a hard day's patrol work, and the journey took them from six
o'clock in the evening till two o'clock the following morning.
THE BATTLE OF MONS
The morning of the 23rd opened sunny and bright. The weather was set
fair with a breeze from the east, a cloudless sky, and the promise of
great heat at midday. A pale blue haze rounded off the distance, and
softened the outlines of the tall, gaunt chimney stacks with which the
entire country is dotted.
With the first streak of dawn came the first German shell. It was
evident from the outset that the canal loop had been singled out as the
object of the enemy's special attentions. Its weakness from the
defensive point of view was clearly as well known to them as it was to
our own Generals. It was also fairly obvious to both sides that, if the
enemy succeeded in crossing the canal in the neighbourhood of the
salient, the line of defence along the straight reach to Conde would
have to be abandoned. The straight reach of the canal was therefore,
for the time being, neglected, and all efforts confined to the salient.
The bombardment increased in volume as the morning advanced and as
fresh German batteries arrived on the scene, and at 8 a.m. came the
first infantry attack.
[Illustration: Map showing disposition of troops at the battle of Mons.
Approximate scale 2 miles to an inch.]
This first attack was launched against the north-west corner of the
canal loop, the focus-point being--as had been anticipated--the Nimy
bridge, on which the two main roads from Lens and Soignies converge.
The attack, however, soon became more general and the pressure quickly
extended for a good mile and a half to either side of the Nimy bridge,
embracing the railway bridge and the Ghlin bridge to the left of it,
and the long reach to the Obourg bridge on the right.
The northern side of the canal is here dotted, throughout the entire
length of the attacked position, with a number of small fir plantations
which proved of inestimable value to the enemy for the purpose of
masking their machine-gun fire, as well as for massing their infantry
preparatory to an attack.
About nine o'clock the German infantry attack, which had been
threatening for some time past, took definite shape and four battalions
were suddenly launched upon the head of the Nimy bridge. The bridge was
defended by a single company of the R. Fusiliers under Captain
Ashburner and a machine-gun in charge of Lieut. Dease.
The Germans attacked in close column, an experiment which, in this case
proved a conspicuous failure, the leading sections going down as one
man before the concentrated machine-gun and rifle fire from the bridge.
The survivors retreated with some haste behind the shelter of one of
the plantations, where they remained for half an hour. Then the attack
was renewed, this time in extended order. The alteration in the
formation at once made itself felt on the defenders. This time the
attack was checked but not stopped. Captain Ashburner's company on the
Nimy bridge began to be hard pressed and 2nd Lieut. Mead was sent up
with a platoon to its support. Mead was at once wounded--badly wounded
in the head. He had it dressed in rear and returned to the firing line,
to be again almost immediately shot through the head and killed.
Captain Bowdon-Smith and Lieut. Smith then went up to the bridge with
another platoon. Within ten minutes both had fallen badly wounded.
Lieut. Dease who was working the machine-gun had already been hit three
times. Captain Ashburner was wounded in the head, and Captain Forster,
in the trench to the right of him, had been shot through the right arm
and stomach. The position on the Nimy bridge was growing very
desperate, and it was equally bad further to the left, where Captain
Byng's company on the Ghlin bridge was going through a very similar
experience. Here again the pressure was tremendous and the Germans made
considerable headway, but could not gain the bridges, Pte. Godley with
his machine-gun sticking to his post to the very end, and doing
tremendous execution. The defenders too had most effective support from
the 107th Battery R.F.A. entrenched behind them, the Artillery Observer
in the firing line communicating the enemy's range with great accuracy.
To the right of the Nimy bridge the 4th Middlesex were in the meanwhile
putting up a no less stubborn defence, and against equally desperate
odds. Major Davey, whose company was on the left, in touch with the
right of the R. Fusiliers, had fallen wounded early in the day, and the
position at that point finally became so serious that Major Abell's
company was rushed up from reserve to its support. During this advance
Major Abell himself, Captain Knowles and 2nd Lieut. Henstock were
killed, and a third of the rank and file fell, but the balance
succeeded in reaching the firing line trenches and--with this
stiffening added--the position was successfully held for the time
being.
Captain Oliver's company, in the centre of the Middlesex line, was also
very hard pressed, and Col. Cox sent up two companies of the R. Irish
Regiment (who were in reserve at Hyon) to its support, another half
company of the same regiment being at the same time sent to strengthen
the right of the Middlesex line at the Obourg bridge, where Captain Roy
had already been killed and Captain Glass wounded. The Gordons, on the
right of the Middlesex, also suffered severely, but the Royal Scots
beyond them were just outside of the zone of pressure, and their
casualties were few.
The attack along the straight reach of the canal towards Conde was less
violent, and was not pressed till much later in the day. Here, lining
the canal towards the west, was the 5th Division (13th, 14th and 15th
Brigades). On the right of this division and in touch with the
Northumberland Fusiliers, who were the left-hand battalion of the 9th
Brigade (in the 3rd Division) were the 1st R. West Kents. This
battalion had on the previous day, in its capacity as advance guard to
the brigade, been thrown forward as a screen some distance to the north
of the canal, where it sustained some fifty casualties, Lieuts.
Anderson and Lister being killed and 2nd Lieut. Chitty wounded.
Eventually, as the enemy advanced, the battalion was withdrawn to the
south side of the canal, and on the 23rd it occupied the reach from
Mariette on the east to the Pommeroeul--St. Ghislain road on the west,
where two companies held the bridge at the lock. This position,
however, was not seriously pressed, and the battalion had few further
casualties during the day, though Captain Buchanon-Dunlop had the
misfortune to be wounded by a shell at the outset of the attack.
Towards midday the attack against the straight reach of the canal
became general. The whole line was shelled, and the German infantry,
taking advantage of the cover afforded by the numerous fir
plantations--which here, as at Nimy, dotted the north side of the
canal--worked up to within a few hundred yards of the water, and from
the cover of the trees maintained a constant rifle and machine-gun fire
on the defenders.
About 3 o'clock in the afternoon the 19th Brigade under General
Drummond arrived from Valenciennes and took up a position on the
extreme left of our front, extending the line of the 5th Division as
far as Conde itself, on the outskirts of which town were the 1st
Cameronians, with the 2nd Middlesex on their right, and the 2nd R.
Welsh Fusiliers again beyond.
They were hardly in position before the action became general all along
the line of the canal.
The most serious attack in this quarter was on the bridge at Les
Herbieres, held by the 2nd K.O.S.B. This regiment had thrown one
company forward on the north side, along the Pommeroeul road, with the
remaining companies lining the south bank of the canal, and the
machine-guns dominating the situation on the north side of the canal
from the top storey of the highest house on the south side. The
dispositions for defence were good, but on the other hand the K.O.S.B.
were throughout the action a good deal harassed by a thick wood running
up close to the north bank, in which the Germans were able to
concentrate without coming under observation. Several times their
infantry were seen massing on the edge of this wood with a view to a
charge, but on each occasion the attack died away under the rifle fire
from the Pommeroeul road and canal bank, and the machine-gun fire from
the tall house beyond.
In the meanwhile, though undoubtedly inflicting very heavy losses on
the enemy, the K.O.S.B. were losing men all the time, Captain Spencer,
Captain Kennedy and Major Chandos-Leigh being early among the
casualties. Curiously enough, the machine-gun position, though
sufficiently conspicuous, was not located by the enemy for some
considerable time, but eventually it became the object of much
attention. In the end, however, it was luckily able to withdraw without
loss, being more fortunate in this respect than the machine-gun section
of the K.O.Y.L.I. on the right under Lieut. Pepys, that officer being
the first man killed in action in the battalion, if not in the whole
division.
The Germans, in spite of all efforts, were able to make no material
headway along the straight canal, nor was the advantage of the fighting
in that quarter by any means on their side, but with the abandonment of
the Nimy salient the withdrawal of the troops to the left of it became
imperative, for reasons already explained, and in the evening the 5th
Division received the order to retire. This was not till long after the
3rd Division had abandoned the Nimy salient. The three brigades of this
latter division, after putting up a heroic defence and suffering very
severe casualties, got the order to retire at 3 p.m., whereupon the R.
Fusiliers fell slowly back through Mons to Hyon, and the R. Scots
Fusiliers, who had put up a great fight at Jemappes, through Flenu. The
blowing up of the Jemappes bridge gave a lot of trouble. Corpl. Jarvis,
R.E., worked at it for one and a half hours, continuously under fire,
before he eventually managed to get it destroyed under the very noses
of the Germans. He got a private of the R. Scots Fusiliers, named
Heron, to help him, who got the D.C.M. Jarvis got the Victoria Cross.
The retirement of the R. Fusiliers from their dangerous position along
the western boundary of the salient was not an easy matter. Before
cover could be got they had to cross 250 yards of flat open ground
swept at very close range by shrapnel and machine-gun fire. Dease had
now been hit five times and was quite unable to move. Lieut. Steele,
who was the only man in the whole section who had not been killed or
wounded, caught him up in his arms and carried him across the fire zone
to a place of safety beyond, where however he later on succumbed to his
wounds. Dease was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross, as also was
Pte. Godley for his machine-gun work on the Ghlin bridge.
The 9th Brigade after abandoning the salient remained in the open
fields near the Mons hospital till two o'clock in the morning, when it
continued its retirement towards Frameries. The wounded were left in
the Mons hospital. At Flenu the R. Scots Fusiliers lingered rather too
long, and were caught near the railway junction by some very mobile
machine-guns, which caused a number of casualties, Captain Rose being
killed, and several other officers wounded.
By dusk the new line running through Montreuil, Boussu, Wasmes,
Paturages and Frameries had been taken up by the greater part of the
2nd A.C., but the two extremities, _i.e._, the 14th, 15th and 19th
Brigades on the left and the 8th Brigade on the right, remained in
their original positions till the middle of the night. The latter
brigade then retired through Nouvelles and Quevy to Amfroipret, just
beyond Bavai, where it bivouacked. This brigade in common with the 9th
Brigade had suffered very severely, the Middlesex alone having lost 15
officers and 353 rank and file.
By night the Germans had completed their pontoon bridges across the
canal, and it became evident that they were advancing in great force in
the direction of Frameries, Paturages and Wasmes. Sir Horace realized
that the 3rd Division had been too severely knocked about during the
day to hold the position unaided for long against the weight of troops
known to be advancing. He accordingly motored over to the C. in C. to
ask for the loan of the 5th Brigade which was at Bougnies, four miles
off, and on the main road to Frameries. This was readily granted him,
and without delay the 5th Brigade set out, half of it remaining in
Frameries, and the other half passing on to Paturages.
In the meanwhile, however, came a most unwelcome change of programme.
The first line in the Mons salient had been obviously untenable for
long, and had been recognized as such by our commanders, but the line
now held was a different matter altogether, and there was every
reasonable expectation that it could be successfully defended, at any
rate for a very considerable time. At 2 a.m., however, Sir Horace
received the order to abandon it and retire without delay to the
Valenciennes to Maubeuge road, as the French on our right were
retreating. Not only was this unexpected order highly distasteful to
the soldier-spirit of the corps, but it involved difficulties of a
grave nature with regard to the clearance of the transport and
impedimenta generally, and severe and costly rear-guard actions seemed
inevitable. At Paturages the Oxfordshire L.I. from the newly-arrived
5th Brigade was detailed for this duty, and dug itself in in rear of
the town, while the 3rd Division continued its retirement to Bermeries.
The Germans, however, contented themselves with shelling and then
occupying the town, and made no attempt to follow through on the far
side--a matter for pronounced congratulation, the position of the 5th
Brigade being very bad and its line of retreat worse. It is to be
supposed that the attractions of the town were for the moment stronger
than the lust of battle. There also can be no question but that the
Germans lost very heavily in their advance on Frameries and Paturages,
the British shrapnel being beautifully timed, and knocking the
attacking columns to pieces.
At noon the 5th Brigade returned to its own division at Bavai, the 23rd
Brigade R.F.A. remaining behind at Paturages to give all the exits from
the town an hour's bombardment, in case the German pursuit might become
too pressing.
In the cobbled streets of Bavai a fine confusion was found to
reign--companies without regiments and officers without companies, and
various units mixed up anyhow. The Staff officers had their hands very
full.
In the meantime, while Frameries and Paturages were being occupied by
the enemy with little or no infantry opposition, and with little
attempt on the part of the enemy at further pursuit, the market square
at Wasmes presented a very different scene. This town had been shelled
from daybreak, the enemy's fire being replied to with magnificent
courage and with the most conspicuous success by a single howitzer
battery standing out by itself half a mile from the town. An officer,
perched on the top of one of the huge slag heaps with which the country
is dotted, was able to direct operations with the highest degree of
accuracy, and rendered services to the retreating force which are
beyond estimation.
At ten o'clock the German infantry attacked the town with the utmost
confidence, advancing through the narrow streets in close column. A
certain surprise, however, awaited them. In the town, lining the market
square and the streets to either side, were the K.O.Y.L.I., the R. West
Kents, the Bedfords and the Duke of Wellington's Regiment, these
regiments having been detailed for rear-guard work and having
successfully withstood the bombardment. The heads of the German
columns, the moment they appeared in sight, were met by a concentrated
rifle and machine-gun fire and were literally mown down like grass.
Their losses were enormous. Time after time they were driven back, and
time after time they advanced again with splendid but useless courage.
After two hours' fighting in the streets, during which the enemy was
able to make no headway, our troops, having fulfilled their duty as
rear-guard, were able to withdraw in good order to St. Vaast, which was
reached at dusk. The losses on our side were heavy. The R. West Kents
alone had Major Pack-Beresford, Captain Philips, and Lieuts. Sewell and
Broadwood killed, and several other officers wounded. The Duke of
Wellington's also lost heavily. Sergt. Spence of that regiment
distinguished himself very greatly. During one of the German advances
he was badly wounded, but ignoring his wounds he charged with a platoon
down one of the narrow streets to the right of the square, and drove
the enemy clean out of the town with great loss. He was awarded the
D.C.M. as was also Sergt. Hunt of the Bedfords.
Further west, at the extreme left of our line, the retirement was
effected with even greater difficulty than at Wasmes. The second line
of defence through Montreuil, Boussu, Wasmes, Paturages and
Frameries--which in effect merely constituted a change of front with
the right thrown half back--of necessity left the western end of our
line in close proximity to the enemy's advance. In other words, the
further west the greater the difficulty of retiring on account of the
closer presence of the enemy. The 14th, 15th and 19th Brigades, with a
view to conforming to the general direction of the second line of
defence, had remained north of the Valenciennes--Mons road and railway
throughout the night of the 23rd. In the morning, when the order to
retire to the Valenciennes road came, the 15th and 19th Brigades
crossed the railway at Quiverain, and the 14th at Thulin, but by this
time the enemy was close upon their heels. The 1st Cavalry Division was
able to help their retirement to a certain extent by dismounting and
lining the railway embankment, from which position they got the
advancing Germans in half flank, and did considerable execution. By
11.30, however, they too had been forced to retire to Andregnies. An
urgent message now arrived from Sir Charles Fergusson, commanding the
5th Division, saying that he could not possibly extricate his division
unless prompt and effective help was given by the cavalry. On receiving
this message, General de Lisle, who was at Andregnies, sent off the
18th Hussars to the high ground along the Quiverain to Eloges road with
orders to there dismount and make the most of the ground. The 119th
Battery R.F.A. was at this time just south-west of Eloges, and L
Battery R.H.A. just north-east of Andregnies, both being on the main
road to Angre and about three miles apart. The 4th Dragoon Guards and
9th Lancers were in Andregnies itself.
No sooner were his dispositions made than the German columns were seen
advancing from the direction of Quiverain towards Andregnies. De Lisle
told the two regiments in the village that they had got to stop the
advance at all costs, even if it entailed a charge. The very suggestion
of a charge never fails to act as a tonic to any British cavalry
regiment, and in great elation of spirits the two cavalry regiments
debouched from the village, the 4th Dragoon Guards making their exit
from the left, and the two squadrons of the 9th Lancers from the right.
The enemy were now seen some 2,000 yards away, the intervening ground
being mainly stubble fields in which the corn stooks were still
standing. The Germans no sooner saw the cavalry advancing with the
evident intention of charging than they scattered in every direction,
taking shelter behind the corn stooks and any other cover that
presented itself, and opening fire from these positions. The cavalry
advanced in the most perfect order, and was on the point of making a
final charge when it became evident that this was impossible owing to a
wire fence which divided two of the stubble fields.
With great coolness and presence of mind, the two C.O.'s, Col. Mullens
of the 4th Dragoon Guards, and Col. Campbell of the 9th Lancers,
without pausing, wheeled their troops to the right, and took cover
behind some big slag heaps, where they dismounted under shelter. From
this position the cavalry opened a galling fire on the advancing
Germans, the two batteries on the Angre road joining in. The original
scheme of charging the enemy having been frustrated, it now became
necessary to get fresh orders from Head Quarters, and Col. Campbell
accordingly galloped back across the open, in full view of the enemy
and under a salute of bullets, to see the Brigadier, leaving Captain
Lucas-Tooth in command of the two squadrons of the 9th Lancers.
For four hours the fight was kept up, the led horses being gradually
withdrawn into safety, while the dismounted cavalry with their two
attendant batteries held the enemy in check. During the whole of this
period the Germans were quite unable to advance beyond the wire fence
which had so suddenly changed a proposed charge into a dismounted
attack. Captain Lucas-Tooth was awarded the D.S.O. for the gallantry
with which he conducted this defence, and for the great coolness and
skill with which he withdrew his men and horses.
General de Lisle's object having now been achieved, the dismounted men
were gradually withdrawn. During the course of one of these
withdrawals, Captain Francis Grenfell, 9th Lancers, noticed Major
Alexander of the 119th Battery in difficulties with regard to the
withdrawal of his guns. All his horses had been killed, and almost
every man in the detachment was either killed or wounded. Captain
Grenfell offered assistance which was gladly accepted, and presently he
returned with eleven officers of his regiment and some forty men. The
ground was very heavy and the guns had to be run back by hand under a
ceaseless fire, but they were all saved, Major Alexander, Captain
Grenfell and the rest of the officers working as hard as the men.
Captain Grenfell was already wounded when he arrived, and was again hit
while manhandling one of the guns, but he declined to retire till they
were all saved. For this fine performance, Major Alexander and Captain
Grenfell[1] were each awarded the Victoria Cross, Sergts. Turner and
Davids getting the D.C.M. Others no doubt merited it too, but where so
many were deserving it was hard to discriminate.
[1] Of this famous fighting family the twins Captain Rivy and
Captain Francis Grenfell have both been killed during the
present war. Their elder brother, R. S. Grenfell, was killed
at Omdurman during the Egyptian campaign, and their cousin
Claud Grenfell at Spion Kop, in the Boer war. Two other
cousins, the Honourable J. Grenfell and Honourable G.
Grenfell, have also fallen in the present war. Lieut.-Col.
Cecil Grenfell, a brother of the twins, is at the moment of
writing fighting in the Dardanelles.
We may now consider the retirement of the 2nd A.C. to the Valenciennes
to Maubeuge road to have been successfully effected; and the fall of
night saw this corps dotted at intervals along this road between
Jerlain and Bavai.
While they are there, enjoying their few hours' respite from marching
and fighting, it may be well to cast a retrospective glance at the
doings of the 1st A.C. This corps had so far had little serious
fighting, but it had been very far from inactive, and in point of fact,
it had probably covered more ground in the way of marching and
counter-marching than its partner, owing to repeated scares of enemy
attacks which did not materialize. At daybreak on the 24th, the 2nd
Division was ordered to make a demonstration in the direction of Binche
with a view to diverting attention from the retirement of the 2nd A.C.
The 2nd Division now consisted of the 4th and 6th Brigades only, the
5th Brigade having, as we know, gone to Frameries and Paturages to help
the 3rd Division. These two brigades, then, advanced at daybreak in the
direction of Binche to the accompaniment of a tremendous cannonade, in
which the artillery of the 1st Division joined from the neighbourhood
of Pleissant. There was a great noise and a vigorous artillery response
from the enemy, but not much else, and after an hour or so the 2nd
Division returned to the Mons--Maubeuge road, where it entrenched. Here
it remained for some four hours, when it retired to the Quevy road and
again entrenched. Nothing, however, in the way of a serious attack
occurred, and at five o'clock in the evening it fell back to its
appointed place just east of Bavai. The 1st Division shortly afterwards
arrived at Feignies and Longueville, and the whole British Army was
once more in line between Jerlain and Maubeuge, with Bavai as the
dividing point between the two A.C.'s.
THE RETREAT FROM MONS
In modern warfare the boundary line between the words "victory" and
"defeat" is not easy to fix. It is perhaps particularly difficult to
fix in relation to the part played by any arbitrarily selected group of
regiments; the fact being that the value of results achieved can only
be truly gauged from the standpoint of their conformity with the
general scheme. So thoroughly is this now understood that the word
"victory" or "defeat" is seldom used by either side in connection with
individual actions, except in relation to the strategical bearing of
such actions on the ultimate aims of the War Council.
The name of Mons will always be associated in the public mind with the
idea of retreat, and retreat is the traditional companion of defeat.
Incidentally, too, retreat is bitterly distasteful both to the soldier
and the onlooking public. It must be borne in mind, however, that
retreat is a more difficult operation than advance, and that when a
retreat is achieved with practically intact forces, capable of an
immediate advance when called upon, and capable of making considerable
captures of guns and prisoners in the process of advance, a great deal
of hesitation is needed before the word "defeat" can be definitely
associated with such results.
During the first three months of the war the general idea on both sides
was to stretch out seawards, and so overlap the western flank of the
opposing army. At the moment of the arrival of the British Force on the
Belgian frontier, Germany had outstripped France in this race to the
west, and there was a very real danger of the French Army being
outflanked; so much so, in fact, that in order to avoid any such
calamity, a rearrangement of the French pieces seemed called for, to
the necessary prejudice of the general scheme. However, at the
psychological moment, the much-discussed British Force materialized and
became a live obstacle in the path of the German outflanking movement.
Its allotted task was to baulk this movement, while the French
combination in rear was being smoothly unfolded.
It is now a matter of history that this was done. The German outflanking
movement failed; Von Kluck's right wing was held in check; and the
British Force fell back unbroken and fighting all the way, while the
French dispositions further south and west were systematically and
securely shaping for success.
Was Mons, then, a defeat? For forty-eight hours the British had held up
the German forces north of the Maubeuge--Valenciennes road; the left of
the French Army had been effectively protected, and--over and above
all--the British Force had succeeded in retiring in perfect order and
intact, except for the ordinary wear and tear of battle. It had "done
its job;" it had accomplished the exact purpose for which it had been
put in the field, and it had withdrawn thirty-five miles, or
thereabouts, to face about and repeat the operation.
In attaching the label to such a performance, neither "victory" nor
"defeat" is a word that quite fits. Such crude classifications are
relics of primordial standards when scalps and loot were the only
recognized marks of victory. To-day, generals commanding armies rather
search for honour in the field of duty--duty accomplished, orders
obeyed. These simple formulae have always been the watchwords of the
soldier-unit, whether that unit be a man, a platoon, a company or a
regiment. Now, with the limitless increase in the size of armaments, a
unit may well be an Army Corps, or even a combination of Army Corps,
and the highest aim of the general officer commanding such a unit must
be--as of old--fulfilment of duty, obedience to orders.
To the Briton, then, dwelling in mind on the battle of Mons, the
reflection will always come with a certain pleasant flavour that the
British Army was a unit which "did its job," and did it in a way worthy
of the highest British traditions. More than this it is not open to
man--whether military or civilian--to do.
The British Army continued its retreat from the Maubeuge road in the
early morning of the 25th. The original intention of the C. in C. had
been to make a stand along this road. That, however, was when the
numbers opposed to him were supposed to be very much less than they
ultimately turned out to be. Now it was known that there were three
Army Corps on his heels, to say nothing of an additional flanking corps
that was said to be working up from the direction of Tournai. This last
was quite an ugly factor in the case, as it opened the possibility of
the little British Force being hemmed in against Maubeuge and
surrounded. The road system to the rear, too, was sketchy, and by no
means well adapted to a hurried retreat--especially east of Bavai; nor
was the country itself suitable for defence, the standing crops greatly
limiting the field of fire. All things considered, it was decided not
to fight here, but to get back to the Cambrai to Le Cateau road, and
make that the next line of resistance.
Accordingly, about four o'clock on the morning of the 25th, the whole
army turned its face southward once more. The 5th Division, which
during the process of retirement had geographically changed places
with the 3rd Division, travelled by the mathematically straight Roman
road which runs to Le Cateau, along the western edge of the Foret de
Mormal, while the 3rd Division took the still more western route by Le
Quesnoy and Solesme, their retreat being effectively covered by the
1st and 3rd C.B. At Le Quesnoy the cavalry, thinking that the enemy's
attentions were becoming too pressing, dismounted and lined the
railway embankment, which offered fine cover for men and horses. From
here the Germans could be plainly seen advancing diagonally across the
fields in innumerable short lines, which the cavalry fire was able to
enfilade and materially check.