The following extract from a letter, written by Mr. Adams, o

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BUCHANAN'S

JOURNAL OF MAN.

VOL. I. MAY, 1887. NO. 4.

CONTENTS OF JOURNAL OF MAN.

The Prophetic Faculty: War and Peace

Clearing away the Fog

The Danger of living among Christians: A Question of peace or war

Legislative Quackery, Ignorance, and Blindness to the Future

Evils that need Attention

What is Intellectual Greatness

Spiritual Wonders--Slater's Tests; Spirit Pictures; Telegraphy;

Music; Slate Writing; Fire Test

MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE--Erratum; Co-operation; Emancipation;

Inventors; Important Discovery; Saccharine; Sugar; Artificial

Ivory; Paper Pianos; Social Degeneracy; Prevention of Cruelty;

Value of Birds; House Plants; Largest Tunnel; Westward Empire

Structure of the Brain

Chapter III. Genesis of the Brain

To the Readers of the Journal--College of Therapeutics

Journal of Man--Language of Press and Readers

THE PROPHETIC FACULTY: WAR AND PEACE.

In our last issue, the psychometric faculty of prophecy was

illustrated by predictions of peace, while generals, statesmen, and

editors were promising a gigantic war. In this number the reader will

find a grand prediction of war, while statesmen and states were

anticipating peace, and a southern statesman, even upon the brink of

war, offered to drink all the blood that would be shed.

The strength of the warlike spirit and prediction at the time

psychometry was prophesying peace was conspicuous even as late as the

ninth of March, when the London correspondent of the _Sun_ wrote as

follows:

"An eminent Russian general with whom I have talked believes the plan

of Russian attack on Austria is fully developed. Galicia is to be the

battleground between the two countries. Russia will enter the province

without trouble, as there is nothing to hinder her. Then she will make

a dash to secure the important strategic railroad which runs parallel

with the Galician frontier, and seek to drive the Austrians over the

Carpathians.

"That Galicia will witness the first fighting is generally admitted, as

also that the possession of the strategic railroad, running as it does

just at the rear of the Austrian positions, would be the most vital

question. It may be interesting to say that military men of whatever

nationality look upon an early war as a certain thing. They are not

content to say they believe war is coming; they are absolutely positive

of it, and each little officer has his own personal way of conclusively

proving that this sort of peace cannot go on any longer.

"Meanwhile there are lots of straws floating about this week, which

indicate that international winds are still blowing toward war. From

Russian Poland there is reported an interruption in all kinds of

business, owing to the war scare. Manufacturers refuse to accept orders

from private persons, and financial institutions have still further

weakened business by reducing their credit to a minimum. A letter from

St. Petersburg tells of the tremendous enthusiasm of the troops at the

review by the Czar on last Saturday, of the wild cheering for his

imperial Majesty, of the loud and strident whistles audible above the

roar of the cannon with which the officers command their men, and of the

general blending of barbaric fierceness and courage with modern

discipline and fighting improvements.

"In Vienna the troops are hard at work practising with the Numannlicher

repeating rifle, with which all have been provided. The Sunday

observance act, usually rigorously enforced, has been suspended, that

the government orders for military supplies may be completed two weeks

earlier than contracted for.

"The business of the Hotchkiss gun-making concern is shown to have

increased one hundred per cent with the war scare, and the eagerness to

secure the stock, which now stands at thirty per cent premium, shows a

conviction among monied men. The capital has been subscribed fifteen

times over."

The persistent prediction of peace was speedily fulfilled. March 12 my

statement was sent to the press, and March 22 Bismarck said to Prince

Rudolph of Austria that "_peace is assured to Europe for 1887_," and

newspaper correspondents announce that the war alarm is over. Mr.

Frederick Harrison, who is travelling on foot in France, writes that

he has found no one who desires war, and that the people are not even

thinking of it.

What is the popular judgment, or even the judgment of popular leaders

worth upon any great question? The masses of mankind have their

judgments enmeshed and inwoven in a web of mechanical habituality,

compelling them to believe that what is and has been must continue to

be in the future, thus limiting their conceptions to the commonplace.

Their leaders do not rise to nobler conceptions, for if they did not

sympathize with the popular, commonplace conceptions and prejudices

they would not be leaders.

"We deem it safe to assert," says Mrs. Emma Hardinge Britten in her

most valuable and interesting "History of Modern Spiritualism," "from

opinions formed upon an extensive and intimate knowledge of both North

and South, and a general understanding of the politics and parties in

both sections, that any settlement of the questions between them by

the sword was never deliberately contemplated, and that the outbreak,

no less than the magnitude and length of the mighty struggle, was all,

humanly speaking, forced on by the logic of events, rather than

through the preconcerted action of either section of the country. We

say this much to demonstrate the truly prophetic character of many of

the visions and communications which circulated amongst the

Spiritualists prior to the opening of the war."

Not only was it prophesied by the Quaker Joseph Hoag thirty years in

advance, but more fully prophesied from the spirit world by the spirit

of Gen. Washington, and again most eloquently predicted through the

lips of Mrs. E. Hardinge Britten in 1860. Yet who among all the

leaders of the people knew anything of these warnings, or was

sufficiently enlightened to have paid them any respect? The petition

of 15,000 Spiritualists was treated with contemptuous ridicule by the

American Senate, and even the demonstrable invention of Morse was

subjected to ridicule in Congress. Congressmen stand on no higher

moral plane than the people who elect them, and it is the moral

faculties that elevate men into the atmosphere of pure truth.

But ah! could we have had a Congress and State Legislatures in 1860,

composed of men sufficiently elevated in sentiment to realize the

state of the nation and the terrible necessity of preserving the peace

by conciliatory statesmanship, that four years of bloody horror and

devastation might have been spared.

Will the time ever come when nations shall be guided by wisdom

sufficient to avoid convulsions and calamities? Not until there is

sufficient intelligence and wisdom to appreciate the _science of man_,

to understand the wondrous faculties of the human soul, to follow

their guidance, and to listen to the wisdom of our ancestors as they

speak to us from a higher world.

The prophecies to which I would call attention now, came from the

upper world, and came unheeded and unproclaimed! Great truths are

always buried in silence, if possible, when they first arrive. It is

probable that the grandest prophecies in their far-reaching scope will

always come from such sources, and the grandest seers will be

inspired. The grandest prophecy of the ultimate destiny and power of

"Anthropology" came to me direct from an exalted source in the spirit

world, and no human hand had aught to do with its production. But the

human psychometric faculty has the same prophetic power in a more

limited and more practical sphere. We have no reason to affirm that

the wonderful personal prophecies of Cazotte on the brink of the

French Revolution, stated in the "Manual of Psychometry," were at all

dependent on spiritual agency.

The prophecy of our great American calamity, which purports to have

come from the spirit of Gen. Washington, appears in a book published

by Josiah Brigham in 1859, of which few of my readers have any

knowledge. The messages were written by the hand of the famous medium,

Joseph D. Stiles, between 1854 and 1857, at the house of Josiah

Brigham in Quincy, Mass., and were published at Boston in 1859, in a

large volume of 459 pages, entitled "Messages from the Spirit of John

Quincy Adams." The medium was in an unconscious trance, and the

handwriting was a fac-simile of that of John Quincy Adams. But other

spirit communications are given, and that which purports to come from

Washington was in a handwriting like his own, though not of so bold

and intellectual a style. I quote the portion of his message which

relates to the war of secession, as follows:

"The cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, when they had attained the summit of

imperial wickedness and licentiousness, as the Bible informs us, fell

from their high estate by the visitation of natural penalties, and the

righteous judgments of an overruling Providence. The fall of Rome and

other large cities proves to us that no individual or nation can disobey

the irrepealable enactments of the Infinite Father, and escape the fixed

penalties attached to such transgression!

"And can boasting, sinful America indulge in the flattering, delusive

hope, that the heavy judgments which fell upon those ancient cities will

be averted from her, whose guilt is equal, if not even greater than

theirs? Does she think that Cain-like, she can escape the vigilant,

sleepless eye of that Divine Parent,

'Whose voice is heard in the rolling thunders,

And whose might is seen in the forked lightnings,'

and that He will turn a deaf ear to the cry of 'mortal agony,' daily

borne on the 'four winds of Heaven' to His throne of justice, from the

almost broken hearts of His slavery-crushed children?

"Far from it; America can no more expect mercy in her prosperous

wickedness, from the hand of Deity, that can the most degraded child of

earth expect to enjoy equal happiness and bliss with the more refined

and exalted intelligences of heaven. The Parent of all cares not for the

unity or perpetuation of a family of States, where the prosperity or

welfare of a single child of His is concerned.

"God, the eternal Father, has commissioned us, His ministers of truth

and justice, to a great and important undertaking! He has invested us

with power and authority to influence and guide the actions of mankind,

and aid them in their struggles for right and truth. He has bade us arm

ourselves with the weapons of love and justice, and hasten to the rescue

of our struggling brother man. His call is imperative and binding, and

we _must_ and WILL obey!

"We are able to discern the period rapidly approximating when man will

take up arms against his fellow-man, and go forth to contend with the

enemies of Republican liberty, and to assert at the point of the bayonet

those rights of which so large a portion of their fellow-creatures are

deprived. Again will the soil of America be saturated with the blood of

freedom-loving children, and her noble monuments, those sublime

attestations of patriotic will and determination, will tremble, from

base to summit, with the heavy roar of artillery, and the thunder of

cannon. The trials of that internal war will far exceed those of the war

of the Revolution, while the cause contended for will equal, if not

excel, in sublimity and power, that for which the children of '76

fought.

"But when the battle-smoke shall disappear, and the cannon's fearful

tones are heard no more, then will mankind more fully realize the

blessings outflowing from the mighty struggle in which they so valiantly

contended! No longer will their eyes meet with those bound in the chains

of physical slavery, or their ears listen to the heavy sobs of the

oppressed child of God. But o'er a land dedicated to the principles of

impartial liberty the King of Day will rise and set, and hearts now

oppressed with care and sorrow will rejoice in the blessings of

uninterrupted freedom.

"In this eventful revolution, what the patriots of the past failed to

accomplish their descendants will perform, with the timely assistance of

invisible powers. By their sides the heavenly hosts will labor,

imparting courage and fortitude in each hour of despondency, and urging

them onward to a speedy and magnificent triumph. Deploring, as we do,

the existence of slavery, and the means to be employed to purge it from

America, yet our sympathies will culminate to the cause of right and

justice, and give strength to those who seek to set the captive free,

and crush the monster, Slavery. The picture which I have presented is,

indeed, a hideous one. You may think that I speak with too much

assurance when I thus boldly prophesy the dissolution of the American

Confederacy, and, through it, the destruction of that gigantic

structure, human slavery! But this knowledge was not the result of a

moment's or an hour's gleaning, but nearly half a century's existence in

the seraph life. I have carefully watched my country's rising progress,

and I am thoroughly convinced that it cannot always exist under the

present Federal Constitution, and the pressure of that most terrible

sin, slavery!"

Had the people of this country been sufficiently enlightened to

investigate these messages fairly, they would have seen that there was

sufficient evidence that this warning really came from Washington, and

the pulpit would have enforced its solemn truths. But our destiny was

fixed; Washington knew that his voice would not be heeded, and that

war could not be prevented.

Again came the warning in 1860, through the lips of a more

intellectual medium, more capable of expressing the bright thought of

the higher world. Mrs. E. Hardinge Britten tells the story in her

"History of American Spiritualism," pages 416-419. She refers to the

stupid and criminal action of the Legislature of Alabama; and a

similar piece of brutality has been recommended by a committee in the

Pennsylvania Legislature recently. The following is quoted from the

History.

THE ALABAMA LEGISLATURE AND THE SPIRITS--PROPHECY IN THE ALABAMA

LEGISLATIVE HALLS--RETRIBUTION.

Sometime about the month of January, 1860, the Legislature of Alabama

passed a bill declaring that any person or persons giving public

spiritual manifestations in Alabama should be subject to a penalty of

five hundred dollars.

We have given the substance, though not the exact wording of this

edict, which was met by considerable opposition, not only on the part

of great numbers of Spiritualists resident in the State, but also by

the governor himself, who refused to give his sanction to the bill.

Mr. George Redman, the celebrated physical test medium, had just

passed through the South, and remained long enough to create an

immense interest throughout its length and breadth.

The author was already engaged to deliver a course of lectures in

Mobile, and numerous invitations were sent to her from other parts of

the State.

As Mrs. Hardinge's visit was anticipated at the very time when the

bill above named was in agitation, its friends in the Legislature

considered themselves much aggrieved by the governor's refusal to

sanction its passage, and deeming either that he was suspiciously

favorable to the cause it was designed to destroy, or that their own

case would be aggravated by the advent of the expected lecturer, they

passed their bill over the governor's veto, just twenty-four hours

before the explosion anticipated on her arrival could take place.

On landing in Mobile, Mrs. Hardinge was greeted by a large and

enthusiastic body of friends, but found herself precluded, by

legislative wisdom, from expounding the sublime truths of immortality

in a city whose walls were placarded all over with bills announcing

the arrival of Madame Leon, the celebrated "seeress and business

clairvoyant, who would show the picture of your future husband, tell

the successful numbers in lotteries, and enable any despairing lover

to secure the affections of his heart's idol," etc. Side by side with

these creditable but legalized exhibitions, were flaming announcements

of "the humbug of Spiritualism exposed by Herr Marvel," with a long

list of all the astonishing feats which "this only genuine living

wizard" would display for the benefit of the pious State where angelic

ministry might not be spoken of.

Mrs. Hardinge passed through Mobile, leaving many warm hearts behind

her, who would fain have exchanged these profane caricatures for the

glad tidings which beloved spirit friends were ready to dispense to

the world.

In passing through the capital city, Montgomery, a detention occurred

of some hours, in forming a railway connection _en route_ for Macon,

Georgia, when Mrs. Hardinge and some friends travelling in her

company, were induced to while away the tedious time by visiting the

State House. The Legislature was not sitting that day, and one of the

party, a Spiritualist, remarked that they were even then standing in

the very chamber from which the recent obnoxious enactment against

their faith had issued.

The day was warm, soft, and clear. The sweet southern breeze stirred a

few solitary pines which waved on the capitol hill, and the scene from

the windows of the legislative hall was pleasant, tranquil, and

suggestive of calm but sluggish peace.

At that period--January, 1860--not an ominous murmur, not the faintest

whisper, even, that the war spirit was abroad, and the legions of

death and ruin were lighting their brands and sharpening their

relentless swords to be drenched in the life-blood of millions, had

made itself heard in the land.

The long cherished purposes of hate and fratricidal struggle were all

shrouded in the depths of profound secrecy, and the whole southern

country might have been represented in the scene of stillness and

tranquility that lay outstretched before the eyes of the watchers, who

stood in the State House of the capital city of Alabama, on that

pleasant January afternoon.

There were present six persons besides the author, namely: Mr. and

Mrs. Adams, of Tioga County, Pennsylvania; Mrs. Waters and her son, a

Scotch lady and gentleman from Aberdeen; Mr. Halford, of New York

City; and Mr. James, of Philadelphia. All but the mother and son from

Scotland were acquainted with the author, and more or less sympathetic

with her belief; all are now living, and willing to testify to what

follows.

Suddenly Mrs. Hardinge became entranced, when the whole scene, laying

outstretched before her eyes, appeared to become filled with long

lines of glittering horse and foot soldiers, who, in martial pomp and

military discipline, filed, rank after rank and regiment after

regiment, through the streets of Montgomery, and then passed off into

distance, and were lost to view.

Meantime the crash of military music seemed to thrill through the

clairvoyant's ears, at first merely marking the tramp of the vast

bodies of infantry with a joyous rhythm, but anon, as it died off in

their receding march, wild, agonizing shrieks commingled with its

tones, and the thundering roll of the drums seemed to be muffled by

deep, low, but heart-rending groans, as of human sufferers in their

last mortal agony.

At length all was still again; the last gleam of the muskets flashed

in the sunlight and melted away in the dim horizon; the last echo of

the strangely mingled music and agony ceased, and then, over the whole

radiant landscape, there stole an advancing army of clouds, like a

march of tall gray columns, reaching from earth to the skies, and

filling the air with such a dense and hideous gloom that the whole

scene became swallowed up in the thick, serried folds of mist. In the

midst of these cloudy legions, the eye of the seeress could discern

innumerable forms who seemed to shiver and bend, as if in the whirl of

a hidden tempest, and flitted restlessly hither and thither, aimless

and hopeless, apparently driven by some invisible power from nothing

to nowhere.

And these mystic shadows, flitting about in the thick grayness, were

unbodied souls; not like visitants from the bright summer land, nor

yet beings resembling the dark, undeveloped "dwellers on the

threshold," whom earthly crimes held bound near their former homes,

but they seemed as if they were misty emanations of unripe human

bodies, scarcely conscious of their state, yet living, actual

individualities, once resident in mortal tenements, but torn from

their sheltering envelope too soon, or too suddenly, to have acquired

the strength and consistency of a fresh existence. And yet the numbers

of these restless phantoms were legion, and their multitude seemed to

be ever increasing, when, lo! this weird phantasmagoria too passed

away, but not before the seeress had, with entranced lips, described

to the listeners every feature of the scene she had witnessed.

Then the influence seemed to deepen upon her, and she pronounced words

which the young Scotchman, Mr. Waters, a phonographic writer,

transcribed upon the spot to the following effect:

"Woe, woe to thee, Alabama!

"Fair land of rest, thy peace shall depart, thy glory be

shorn, and the proud bigots, tyrants, and cowards, who have

driven God's angels back from thy cities, even in this

chamber, have sealed thy doom, and their own together.

"Woe to thee, Alabama! Ere five drear years have fled, thou

shalt sit as a widow, desolate.

"The staff from thy husband's hand shall be broken, the crown

plucked from his head, the sceptre rent from his grasp.

"Thy sons shall be slain, thy legislators mocked and bound

with the chains thou hast fastened on others.

"The blind ones, who have proscribed the spirits of love and

comfort from ministry in thy homes, shall be spirits

themselves, and ere those five years be passed, more spirits

than bodies shall wander in the streets of Alabama, homeless,

restless, and unripe, torn from their earthly tenements, and

unfit for their heavenly ones; until thy grass-grown streets

and thy moss-covered dwellings shall be the haunts of legions

of unbodied souls, whom thy crimes shall have violently thrust

into eternity!"

When this involuntary prophecy of evil import was read by the young

scribe to the disenthralled medium, her own horror and regret at its

utterance far exceeded that of any of her aghast listeners, not one of

whom, any more than herself, attached to it any other meaning than an

impression produced by temporary excitement and the sphere of the

unholy legislative chamber.

How deeply significant this fearful prophecy became during the ensuing

five years, all who were witnesses to its utterance, and many others,

to whom it was communicated in that same year, can bear witness of.

Swept into the red gulf of all-consuming war, many of the unhappy

gentlemen who had legislated against "the spirits in Alabama," became,

during the ensuing five years, spirits themselves, and have doubtless

realized the inestimable privileges which the communion they so rashly

denounced on earth was calculated to afford to the inhabitants of the

spheres.

In other respects, the fatal prophecy has been too literally

fulfilled. Many a regiment of brave men have marched out of the city

streets of Alabama, only to return as unbodied souls, and to behold

the streets grass-grown and deserted, and the thresholds which their

mortal feet might never again cross, overspread with the moss of

corruption and decay.

Alabama has truly sat "as a widow, desolate." Her strength has been

shorn, her beauty gone. No State has sent forth a greater number of

brave and devoted victims to the war than Alabama; no Southern State

has suffered more fearfully. May God and kind angels lift the war

curse from her widowed head!

The following extract from a letter, written by Mr. Adams, one of the

witnesses of the above scene, to the author, in 1864, from New York,

during a temporary sojourn there, will carry its own comment on the

fulfilment of the fatal prophecy:

"Now that my two poor boys are in daily danger of themselves

becoming 'unbodied spirits,' Emma, I continually revert to

that terrible prophecy of yours uttered in the assembly

chamber at Montgomery. Heaven knows I was then so little

prepared to expect war or any reasonable fulfilment of the

doom, that I could only look to see some great pestilence,

fire, or other sweeping calamity falling on poor Alabama. Last

night, when I read in the _Herald_ of the sweeping

extermination that had visited those two fine Alabama

regiments, I could not help going to Mrs. Adams's desk, where

she keeps the copy that young Waters made us of your prophecy,

and reading it aloud to the whole company.

"Our friend J. B., who was present, insisted upon seeing the

date, and when he saw that it was January, 1860, they were all

fairly aghast, and said if ever there was genuine prophecy it

was contained in that paper."

CLEARING AWAY THE FOG.

An esteemed correspondent writes, "For several years I have been a

reader of some of the treatises you have published in the interest of

progressive thought, and have found much to admire and reread; yet an

occasional paragraph containing the formula of orthodox theology, with

its dogma of God and Jesus, interwoven into your sequences of

argument, mystifies and perplexes my reason and judgment, and I

indulge in much speculation regarding your exact position,--whether

Christianity is to be vitalized and conserved by the discoverer of

modern science, or the Bible dogmas and traditions reinterpreted to

coincide with scientific method."

I am not aware of having ever written anything that could make my

position at all doubtful, nor do I see how doubts could arise in any

one who attends carefully to my language, and does not indulge in

drawing inferences therefrom which my language does not warrant. Upon

this very question I have expressed myself fully in published

lectures. I have never manifested any sympathy with the theology of

the churches, have never failed to speak of it in terms of absolute

denunciation, and see no reason why any one should suspect me of

leaning in that direction.

As to the recognition of God to which my correspondent objects, I

think science, as I understand it, sanctions the idea that the basic

power of the universe is spiritual and not material; that spirit may

evolve, create, and modify matter, but matter never originates spirit,

though they have a continual interaction, which it is the function of

scientists to investigate, in which investigation, anthropology,

especially in its department of sarcognomy, is a long step of

progress. My investigations have given me some additional evidence as

to the Divine existence beyond what has been recorded, but do not

sanction the personal anthropological conceptions of Deity, which

bring the Divine within the conceptions of narrow and superstitious

minds.

Having discarded the whole scheme of Christian theology, there is no

reason why I should reject the fundamental principles of religion,

which are at the basis of all religions, and which are sanctioned by

the study of man's religious nature. The spirit of the Christian

religion as it appeared among the founders of Christianity appears to

me a more perfect expression of religion than I find in any other of

the world's religions, more spiritual, devoted, loving, and heroic,

more in accordance with the true religion which belongs to man's

noblest faculties.

As for Jesus, I think the general opinion of historians and scholars

as to his historic existence is correct, but whether the historic

accounts are reliable or not I am entirely certain of his existence

to-day as one of the most exalted beings in the spirit world,--the

spirit of the Teacher who appeared in Palestine, whose principles and

purposes are the same advocated by myself, and who like all the other

exalted and ancient spirits is profoundly interested in human welfare

and in the progress of spiritual science, and reformation of the

_so-called_ Christian Church. I have had sufficient psychometric

perception at times to realize the _present_ character of such beings

as Jesus, Moses, St. John, John the Baptist, St. Peter, Confucius,

Joan of Arc, and Gen. Washington, as well as many other admirable

beings whose influence falls like dews upon many sympathetic souls.

I realize most profoundly and sadly the absence from all the high

places of society of those nobler qualities which I recognize in the

higher world, but I labor in the hope that when mankind have advanced

into the light of anthropological science they shall become

enlightened enough to sympathize with the supernal life in reverent

love, and to organize a social condition here which will bring even

the lowest classes into so satisfactory a condition that

philosophizers will no longer have to wrestle with the problem of evil

and explain the great mystery that a universe so full of the marks of

a grandly benevolent purpose should still be marred and dishonored by

human misery and degradation. It would be an unsolvable problem to-day

did we not perceive through spiritual science the immense

preponderance of good in the glorious plan of life of which this world

shows only the beginning.

As an anthropologist, I cannot but esteem and cherish the religious

element of human nature. Sincere worship is simply the most exalted

love, and fills human life with nobility and benevolence; let those

who can, worship the divine; let those who shrink from the thought of

the Infinite, worship the most exalted beings they may conceive, and

let those who cannot quite reach the exalted beings of the spirit

world, worship their parents or children, or conjugal companions,--for

worship is but unlimited love,--and they who recoil from humanity may

perhaps find something to adore in the beauty and grandeur of nature

on this globe, which every summer arrays in beauty, and in the

grandeur of stellar worlds. From love and adoration come

obedience,--which is the perfect life, for it is not slavery, but

harmony and delight.

Profound science does not take away religion, as superficial or false

science does, but develops a far nobler, holier, and more beneficent

religion than any churches comprehend. It corresponds to that ideal

religion which belongs to the higher realms of the spirit world, and

which has sometimes appeared on earth in inspired mortals, and most

often in women whose souls were devoted to love. That this religious

sentiment appeared in the time of Jesus among inspired men, I believe,

and their lives and sentiments have been to me an inspiration,

enabling me to believe in the _practicability_ of that which

philosophy teaches concerning the religious life, which without those

illustrious examples might have seemed an unattainable excellence in

the present conditions of society.

I do not object to any worship of Jesus and his illustrious associate

reformers, for true worship will lead to the imitation of their heroic

lives. They were not divine, and were too heroically faithful to truth

to put forth any such false claims, nor could they in that dark age be

profound in science, or correct in all their opinions, as they are now

in a higher world. As they were on earth I honor them; as they are in

heaven to-day I honor them far more. They silently invite us to reach

that higher plane of life on which their beneficent influence and

inspiration may be felt. Fortunate are they reach that plane.

THE DANGER OF LIVING AMONG CHRISTIANS.

A QUESTION OF PEACE OR WAR.

It is seldom that any of the great questions of the time are treated

from an ethical standpoint. Old opinions and old usages furnish the

standpoint for our press writers, our politicians, and our clergy. The

question of national defence has been under discussion for years, and

Samuel J. Tilden, who was regarded by millions as the ablest of our

statesmen, gave his whole mental power to urging its consideration

upon the American people; but if this question has ever been seriously

discussed from the ethical standpoint it has escaped my notice. The

nearest approach to the ethical view was the suggestion of the _Boston

Herald_ that in putting on the full armor of national defence the

effect might be to stimulate the haughty and warlike impulses of our

people, and thus increase the danger of war, while a defenceless

seacoast would tend to inspire prudence and moderation in our national

government.

There is a great deal of truth in this view. We have a score of

prominent politicians whose sentiments on international questions are

too much like those of a bully in private life, and they have a

dangerous amount of influence in public affairs.

Turning aside from these popular discussions, the JOURNAL OF MAN

maintains the ethical standpoint for the consideration of such

subjects; and its first suggestion would be, Why should the people--of

this country spend $120,000,000 as a preparation for slaughtering our

brethren the Christian population of Europe, the only people from whom

any danger can be apprehended--our brethren in civilization and

Christianity, our brethren too by the ties of blood?

Do they not all maintain the Christian religion (at least nominally)

by all the power of their governments and public opinion? Would not

our good people in visiting them or they in visiting us be invited to

participate in the communion service which commemorates the martyred

Teacher of the law of love? Are they not our brethren, the neighbors

to whom the command applies, "Love thy neighbor as thyself"? Is this

our Christian love, to spend a hundred and twenty millions for the

assassination of our beloved brethren--avowedly for that purpose? It

is needless to object to the word _assassination_,--wholesale murder

by armies is substantially the same thing as separate murders by each

individual of the army.

But, it is urged, we are in danger of invasion, and the bombardment of

our cities. Does any one seriously believe that a powerful nation intent

on peace--the strongest power in the world, the friend of all mankind,

ready to submit any international question to arbitration--would be in

danger of an unjust, lawless, causeless assault from the Christian

nations of Europe, who have so much to lose and nothing to gain by

war, and who have already, in their groaning, tax-burdened people, a

sufficient reminder of the folly and criminality of war? They have not

money for another war, which would bring on the dangers of bankruptcy

and the revolt of the oppressed masses.

It must be that this is seriously apprehended, or else that it is

feared that the arrogant and bullying temper of our own people or our

politicians may originate and exasperate international irritation to

the insane extreme of war.

What a horrible theory is this! Is all the civilization,

statesmanship, and Christianity of the leading nations of the earth

incapable of withholding them from such gigantic crimes? Is

Christendom the only dangerous portion of the world, where an

honorable and peaceful nation cannot exist in safety?

The heathen nations are not a source of danger. If Christendom were

annihilated to-morrow, there would be no occasion to speak of

defending our coasts or building up a powerful navy. It is apparent,

then--it is confessed--that it is very dangerous to live among these

Christian nations, or in other words, it is very _dangerous to live

among Christians_, as they are called! But do our statesmen or our

clergy suggest this view? Do they recoil from war or inspire the

people with thoughts of peace? Never! One of the conspicuous clergymen

of England was the fiercest advocate of war with Russia. The

fundamental principle of the Christianity of Jesus is dead in the

so-called Christian church, except in that little fragment, the church

of the Quakers, who, for their fidelity to the fundamental principle,

were scourged and _hanged_ in Boston by the _pious_ predecessors of

our present churches, until they were forbidden by the unsanctified

monarch, Charles II. Has the old spirit died out? Look at the

hostility to Theodore Parker--to spiritual investigation, even. See

the scornful and hostile attitude of the descendant of Cotton Mather,

Col. Higginson.

It may be a shocking proposition to say that it is dangerous to live

among Christians, but it is a sober reality, to which I invite the

attention of clergymen and moralists who wish to live up to their

profession, and who have enough of the ethical faculty to realize the

central principle of true Christianity.

If our statesmanship, religion, and education cannot protect us

against such horrors, may we not justly say it is a false

statesmanship, a false religion, and a false education? Indeed, our

whole fabric of opinion and morals is fundamentally false, and the

JOURNAL OF MAN goes to record as an indictment at the bar of heaven

against the polished barbarism of modern society, against which we

hear only a feeble and almost inaudible protest.

Boston has a highly respectable and _immensely perfunctory_ Peace

Society, amply endowed with names and numbers, of which our late

postmaster was the president, and whose presidency was vastly more

inefficient than his postmastership.

A peace society might possibly be established in Boston, if its best

people could be roused, but the society that we have is little better

than a piece of ornamental nomenclature. When there is anything to be

done it understands how not to do it. When Mr. Gladstone had performed

the most glorious act of his life in the preservation of the peace of

Europe against the fierce opposition of the turbulent element in

England, an act which will make the brightest jewel in his crown of

honor, there was an opportunity of sustaining him by American

sympathy. The voice of Americans, if they cared aught for peace,

should have been heard in Europe in commanding tones,--the voice of

the people, the voice of Legislatures, the voice of the Federal

government. An effort was made by half a dozen or less of enlightened

gentlemen in Boston to have a fitting response emanate from this city.

Dr. Miner and Hon. Stephen M. Allen realized its importance when I

first suggested it, but on that occasion the Peace Society was a

lifeless corpse. The society might have been waked up if Mr. Lowell,

then returning from England, could have been induced to co-operate. He

was approached on the subject, but would not respond,--he only said

that he _desired rest_! Alas for the hollowness of American religion

and philanthropy!

There is a nobler religion than that of American churches, a nobler

statesmanship than that of Mr. Tilden (which is a good specimen of the

popular sort), a nobler education than that of our American schools

and colleges--an education, a statesmanship, and a religion which will

wash the blood from the sword, bury the sword in the earth, and

proclaim the fraternity of man in all the nations of the earth.

Ah! when shall the demand for the supremacy of the moral law be

anything more than "the voice of one crying in the wilderness"? Is it

not possible to have a protest against the barbarism of war from men

of influence, who have sufficient mental power and strength of

character to command the attention of the nation? When Elihu Burritt

and Robert Dale Owen were alive I thought it might be possible, but it

was not attempted. Is it possible now? Is all the genius and energy of

the American people bound in fidelity to the Moloch of war? I do not

believe it, and would invite correspondence from those who share this

belief and wish to co-operate in such a movement.

We have to-day a practical subject of discussion: Shall we, the people

of the United States, tax ourselves $120,000,000 at once and an

unknown amount hereafter, to place ourselves upon a par with the

homicidal nations of Europe, and sanction by our example the

infernalism in which they have lived from Caesar to the Napoleonic

period, or shall we endeavor to introduce a true civilization, lay

aside the weapons of homicide, and urge by our powerful mediation the

disarmament of Europe, relieving the oppressed millions from

accumulating war debts, and from that infernalism of the soul which

makes the duel still an established institution in France and even in

German universities? Shall we move onward toward humane civilization,

or cling to a surviving barbarism?

The measure now proposed is an abandonment of Divine law, and a

practical pledge of this country to the infernalism of war. It is a

declaration that we do not believe peace attainable at all, and that

we indorse and seek to renew forever the blood-stained history of the

past.

Is there not among our politicians who sustained the Blair Education

bill some one whose voice may be heard in behalf of peace? Is Col.

Ingersoll too much of a pessimist to believe that American moral power

will be sufficient in time to calm the world's agitation? Let him

espouse this cause, and he will find it more practical by far than

riding down the ghosts of an effete theology. Let Henry George turn

his attention to this question, and he will find in it even more than

in the question of sovereignty over the land; for every acre on the

globe, if confiscated to-day, would pay but a portion of the boundless

cost of war. The blood alone that has incarnadined all lands is worth

vastly more than the dead soil into which it has been poured. Let Dr.

McGlynn, who has already entered on the perilous path of the reformer,

look at this question in the light of religion and philanthropy, and

he will find it more worthy of his attention than any other

practicable reform, for it is practicable now and here to roll back

the warlike policy from its approach to our national government.

Are not such questions as these worthy of the profound attention of

such men as Rev. Dr. Miner, Rev. M. J. Savage, Rev. J. K. Applebee,

and Rev. W. H. Thomas of Chicago? They are not theological dilettanti,

but earnest thinkers. Should not every Universalist and every Quaker

realize that it is time for them to stir when our nation's destiny is

under discussion, and that their voices should be heard at Washington?

The proposition is made and sustained by the influence of Mr. Tilden,

to place this country in the list of mail-clad warrior nations, and it

is rather a fascinating proposition to those who entertain pessimistic

ideas of man, and believe that all nations are ready to slay and rob

when they have a good opportunity.

Capt. F. V. Greene, late of the U. S. engineering corps, appears as

the advocate of American fortifications, and at the Massachusetts

Reform Club he presented his views substantially as follows: The

United States have 3,000 miles of Atlantic and Gulf coast, 2,200 on

the lakes, and 1,200 on the Pacific, and have cities on these coasts

aggregating a wealth of $6,000,000,000--all exposed to a hostile

fleet, which could in a short time destroy everything within

cannon-shot from the water, and drive five millions of people from

their city homes. The fortification board estimates $120,000,000 as

the sum necessary to supply cannon and forts for protection, which is

but two per cent upon the amount of property protected.

This is a very satisfactory statement of the case from the average

standpoint, which is not the ethical. But in the first place I

consider it morally sure that this country will never have a foreign

war if it models its national policy on the Divine law; and secondly,

whenever war is foreseen as probable in consequence of an intolerable

spirit of aggression and the refusal of the hostile party to submit to

arbitration, a sufficient number of cannon can be cast and placed on

floating batteries or behind iron walls to protect every endangered

point. It would be necessary only to know that our foundries were

adequate to the task; and the fact that such an armament was preparing

would be a sufficient warning to avert a hostile movement. Yet the

costly steel cannon, which require such enormous appropriations to

prepare for their manufacture on a large scale, are not absolutely

necessary. It has been shown by recent experiments that dynamite

shells of 150 pounds can be thrown two miles and a quarter by air

pressure or steam pressure from light, slender-built cannon, or steel

tubes of unusual length, which may be enlarged to compete with the

most formidable artillery. A single steel-clad vessel of the Monitor

type with such an armament could destroy a squadron.

But let arbitration be known as our fixed national policy--let us

secure also the co-operation of other nations pledged to the

arbitration policy, and war would be almost an impossibility.

Capt. Greene's exposition of the necessity of coast defence was clear

and forcible, but his concluding remarks gave a glimpse of peaceful

purposes. "He supplemented his speech by remarking that the United

States will probably be called on before long to be the arbitrator

between the nations of Europe. The latter cannot stand the financial

strain much longer, and inside of twenty years we shall probably be

the equal in population and wealth of any two, if not three, nations

of Europe, and to us will be referred all their disputes for

settlement. When we become the referees of the world we must have the

force behind us, so that when we give a decision we shall be able to

enforce it; and this can only be adequately effected by a perfect

system of coast defences."

Commander Burke of the U.S. Navy, who followed Capt. Greene "thought

that if the Irish question be settled satisfactorily, there will be no

danger of a war with England unless we desire war. He had been advised

that the English people, Great Britain and her colonies, look to the

Americans to assist them in case of war with any foreign powers, and

there is a strong sentiment of friendship for the American people for

that reason, if for no other. He believed that the use of high

explosives, by which war could be rendered more dangerous, would

result in reducing the probability of war."

Certainly if the United States would lead in a pacific policy, Great

Britain, under Gladstone, would unite in the movement, and arbitration

would ere long become the policy of the world, and would not long be

the established policy before disarmament would follow and the sword

be buried forever.

LEGISLATIVE QUACKERY, IGNORANCE, AND BLINDNESS TO THE FUTURE.

In Iowa, by the management of a medical clique, a law has been juggled

through the Legislature, under which the founders of Christianity

would have been criminals, and prolonged imprisonment might have been

as effective as crucifixion. That any class of men could have been

mean enough and shameless enough to ask for such a law is a sad

commentary on the demoralizing influence of medical schools, from

which they derived their inspiration; and that any legislative body

could have yielded to the demand is another illustration of the well

known corruption of political life.

The Iowa papers state that Mrs. Post, of McGregor, Iowa, has been

twice arrested, convicted, and fined fifty dollars and costs for

praying with the sick and curing them. European tyranny is eclipsed in

Iowa. The old world is freer than the new, if the medical clique are

allowed to rule. G. Milner Stephen performs his miraculous cures in

London with honor, and Dorothea Trudell had her house of cure by

prayer in Switzerland, which has been made famous in religious

literature. All over Europe the people enjoy a freedom in the choice

of their physicians which has been prohibited in Iowa.

Buchanan's Journal of Man, May 1887 Volume 1, Number 4 · 第 1 / 4 段