CHAPTER X.

WHAT COMMODITIES WOULD ENSUE, THIS PASSAGE ONCE DISCOVERED.

1. It were the only way for our princes to possess the wealth of all the

east parts (as they term them) of the world, which is infinite; as

appeareth by the experience of Alexander the Great in the time of his

conquest of India and the east parts of the world, alleged by Quintus

Curtius, which would be a great advancement to our country, wonderful

enriching to our prince, and unspeakable commodities to all the

inhabitants of Europe.

2. For, through the shortness of the voyage, we should be able to sell

all manner of merchandise brought from thence far better cheap than

either the Portuguese or Spaniard doth or may do. And, further, share

with the Portuguese in the east and the Spaniard in the west by trading

to any part of America through Mare del Sur, where they can no manner of

way offend us.

3. Also we sailed to divers marvellous rich countries, both civil and

others, out of both their jurisdictions, trades and traffics, where there

is to be found great abundance of gold, silver, precious stones, cloth of

gold, silks, all manner of spices, grocery wares, and other kinds of

merchandise of an inestimable price, which both the Spaniard and

Portuguese, through the length of their journeys, cannot well attain

unto.

4. Also, we might inhabit some part of those countries, and settle there

such needy people of our country which now trouble the commonwealth, and

through want here at home are enforced to commit outrageous offences,

whereby they are daily consumed with the gallows.

5. Moreover, we might from all the aforesaid places have a yearly

return, inhabiting for our staple some convenient place of America, about

Sierra Nevada or some other part, whereas it shall seem best for the

shortening of the voyage.

6. Beside the exporting of our country commodities, which the Indians,

etc., much esteem, as appeareth in Esther, where the pomp is expressed of

the great King of India, Ahasuerus, who matched the coloured clothes

wherewith his houses and tents were apparelled with gold and silver, as

part of his greatest treasure, not mentioning velvets, silks, cloth of

gold, cloth of silver, or such like, being in those countries most

plentiful, whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation they

would have the cloths of this our country, so that there would be found a

far better vent for them by this means than yet this realm ever had; and

that without depending either upon France, Spain, Flanders, Portugal,

Hamborough, Emden, or any other part of Europe.

7. Also here we shall increase both our ships and mariners without

burdening of the State.

8. And also have occasion to set poor men's children to learn

handicrafts, and thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians

and those people do much esteem; by reason whereof, there should be none

occasion to have our country cumbered with loiterers, vagabonds, and such

like idle persons.

All these commodities would grew by following this our discovery without

injury done to any Christian prince by crossing them in any of their used

trades, whereby they might take any just occasion of offence.

Thus have I briefly showed you some part of the grounds of my opinion,

trusting that you will no longer judge me fantastic in this matter,

seeing I have conceived no hope of this voyage, but am persuaded

thereunto by the best cosmographers of our age, the same being confirmed

both by reason and certain experiences.

Also this discovery hath been divers times heretofore by others both

proposed, attempted, and performed.

It hath been proposed by Stephen Gomez unto Carolus, the fifth emperor in

the year of our Lord 1527, as Alphonse Ullva testifieth in the story of

Carolus' life, who would have set him forth in it (as the story

mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long wars, had

not caused him to surcease the same.

And the King of Portugal, fearing lest the emperor would have persevered

in this his enterprise, gave him, to leave the matter unattempted, the

sum of 350,000 crowns; and it is to be supposed that the King of Portugal

would not have given to the emperor such sums of money for eggs in

moonshine.

It hath been attempted by Corterialis the Portuguese, Scolmus the Dane,

and by Sebastian Cabot in the time of King Henry VII.

And it hath been performed by the three brethren, the Indians aforesaid,

and by Urdaneta, the friar of Mexico.

Also divers have proposed the like unto the French king, who hath sent

two or three times to have discovered the same; the discoverers spending

and consuming their victuals in searching the gulfs and bays between

Florida and Labrador, whereby the ice is broken to the after-comers.

So that the right way may now be easily found out in short time, and that

with little jeopardy and less expenses.

For America is discovered so far towards the north as Cape Frido, which

is at 62 degrees, and that part of Greenland next adjoining is known to

stand but at 72 degrees; so that we have but 10 degrees to sail north and

south to put the world out of doubt hereof; and it is likely that the

King of Spain and the King of Portugal would not have sat out all this

while but that they are sure to possess to themselves all that trade they

now use, and fear to deal in this discovery lest the Queen's Majesty,

having so good opportunity, and finding the commodity which thereby might

ensue to the commonwealth, would cut them off and enjoy the whole traffic

to herself, and thereby the Spaniards and Portuguese with their great

charges should beat the bush and other men catch the birds; which thing

they foreseeing, have commanded that no pilot of theirs, upon pain of

death, should seek to discover to the north-west, or plat out in any

sea-card any through passage that way by the north-west.

Now, if you will impartially compare the hope that remaineth to animate

me to this enterprise with those likelihoods which Columbus alleged

before Ferdinando, the King of Castilia, to prove that there were such

islands in the West Ocean as were after by him and others discovered, to

the great commodity of Spain and all the world, you will think then that

this North-West Passage to be most worthy travel therein.

For Columbus had none of the West Islands set forth unto him either in

globe or card, neither yet once mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted,

and the commentaries upon the same) from 942 years before Christ until

that day.

Moreover, Columbus himself had neither seen America nor any other of the

islands about it, neither understood he of them by the report of any

other that had seen them, but only comforted himself with this hope, that

the land had a beginning where the sea had an ending. For as touching

that which the Spaniards do write of a Biscaine which should have taught

him the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them to deprive

Columbus of his honour, being none of their countryman, but a stranger

born.

And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but hit upon the matter,

or, at the least, gathered the knowledge of it by conjectures only.

And albeit myself have not seen this passage, or any part thereof, but am

ignorant of it as touching experience as Columbus was before his attempt

was made, yet have I both the report, relation, and authority of divers

most credible men, which have both seen and passed through some and every

part of this discovery, besides sundry reasons for my assurance thereof,

all which Columbus wanted.

These things considered and impartially weighed together, with the

wonderful commodities which this discovery may bring, especially to this

realm of England, I must needs conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius,

and divers other learned men, who said that this discovery hath been

reserved for some noble prince or worthy man, thereby to make himself

rich, and the world happy: desiring you to accept in good part this brief

and simple discourse, written in haste, which, if I may perceive that it

shall not sufficiently satisfy you in this behalf, I will then impart

unto you a large discourse, which I have written only of this discovery.

And further, because it sufficeth not only to knew that such a thing

there is, without ability to perform the same, I will at leisure make you

partaker of another simple discourse of navigation, wherein I have not a

little travelled, to make myself as sufficient to bring these things to

effect as I have been ready to offer myself therein.

And therein I have devised to amend the errors of usual sea-cards, whose

common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in every latitude of one

like bigness.

And have also devised therein a spherical instrument, with a compass of

variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude.

And a precise order to prick the sea-card, together with certain

infallible rules for the shortening of any discovery, to know at the

first entering of any strait whether it lies open to the ocean more ways

than one, how far soever the sea stretcheth itself into the land.

Desiring you hereafter never to mislike with me for the taking in hand of

any laudable and honest enterprise, for if, through pleasure and

idleness, we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame

remaineth for ever.

And therefore, to give me leave without offence always to live and die in

this mind, _that he is not worthy to live at all that for fear or danger

of death shunneth his country's service and his own honour_, seeing death

is inevitable, and the fame of virtue immortal. Wherefore, in this

behalf, _Mutare vel timere sperno_.

CERTAIN OTHER REASONS OR ARGUMENTS TO PROVE A PASSAGE BY THE NORTH-WEST.

_Learnedly written by Master Richard Willes_, _Gentleman_.

Four famous ways there be spoken of to those fruitful and wealthy

islands, which we do usually call Moluccas, continually haunted for gain,

and daily travelled for riches therein growing. These islands, although

they stand east from the meridian, distant almost half the length of the

world, in extreme heat under the equinoctial line, possessed of infidels

and barbarians, yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is

painfully sought in respect of the voyage dearly bought, and from thence

dangerously brought home to us. Our neighbours I call the Portuguese, in

comparison of the Molucchians for nearness unto us, for like situation

westward as we have for their usual trade with us; for that the far

south-easterings do know this part of Europe by no other name than

Portugal, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other nations thereof.

Their voyage is very well understood of all men, and the south-eastern

way round about Africa, by the Cape of Good Hope, more spoken of, better

known and travelled, than that it may seem needful to discourse thereof

any farther.

The second way lieth south-west, between the West Indies, or South

America, and the south continent, through that narrow strait where

Magellan, first of all men that ever we do read of, passed these latter

years, caving thereunto therefore his name. This way, no doubt, the

Spaniards would commodiously take, for that it lieth near unto their

dominions there, could the eastern current and Levant winds as easily

suffer men to return as speedily therewith they may be carried thither;

for the which difficulty, or rather impossibility of striving against the

force both of wind and stream, this passage is little or nothing used,

although it be very well known.

The third way, by the north-east, beyond all Europe and Asia, that worthy

and renowned knight Sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his peril, enforced

there to end his life for cold, congealed and frozen to death. And,

truly, this way consisteth rather in the imagination of geographers than

allowable either in reason, or approved by experience, as well it may

appear by the dangerous trending of the Scythian Cape set by Ortellius

under the 80th degree north, by the unlikely sailing in that northern

sea, always clad with ice and snow, or at the least continually pestered

therewith, if haply it be at any time dissolved, beside bays and shelves,

the water waxing more shallow towards the east, to say nothing of the

foul mists and dark fogs in the cold clime, of the little power of the

sun to clear the air, of the uncomfortable nights, so near the Pole, five

months long.

A fourth way to go unto these aforesaid happy islands, the Moluccas, Sir

Humphrey Gilbert, a learned and valiant knight, discourseth of at large

in his new "Passage to Cathay." The enterprise of itself being virtuous,

the fact must doubtless deserve high praise, and whensoever it shall be

finished the fruits thereof cannot be small; where virtue is guide, there

is fame a follower, and fortune a companion. But the way is dangerous,

the passage doubtful, the voyage not thoroughly known, and therefore

gainsaid by many, after this manner.

First, who can assure us of any passage rather by the north-west than by

the north-east? do not both ways lie in equal distance from the North

Pole? stand not the North Capes of either continent under like elevation?

is not the ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our meridian by

thirty or forty degrees west than the extreme points of Cathay eastward,

if Ortellius' general card of the world be true? In the north-east that

noble knight--Sir Hugh Willoughbie perished for cold, and can you then

promise a passenger any better hap by the north-west, who hath gone for

trial's sake, at any time, this way out of Europe to Cathay?

If you seek the advice herein of such as make profession in cosmography,

Ptolemy, the father of geography, and his eldest children, will answer by

their maps with a negative, concluding most of the sea within the land,

and making an end of the world northward, near the 63rd degree. The same

opinion, when learning chiefly flourished, was received in the Romans'

time, as by their poets' writings it may appear. "Et te colet ultima

Thule," said Virgil, being of opinion that Iceland was the extreme part

of the world habitable toward the north. Joseph Moletius, an Italian,

and Mercator, a German, for knowledge men able to be compared with the

best geographers of our time, the one in his half spheres of the whole

world, the other in some of his great globes, have continued the West

Indies land, even to the North Pole, and consequently cut off all passage

by sea that way.

The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes and maps, Moletius in

his sea-card, nevertheless doubting of so great continuance of the former

continent, have opened a gulf betwixt the West Indies and the extreme

northern land; but such a one that either is not to be travelled for the

causes in the first objection alleged, or clean shut up from us in Europe

by Greenland, the south end whereof Moletius maketh firm land with

America, the north part continent with Lapland and Norway.

Thirdly, the greatest favourers of this voyage cannot deny but that, if

any such passage be, it lieth subject unto ice and snow for the most part

of the year, whereas it standeth in the edge of the frosty zone. Before

the sun hath warmed the air and dissolved the ice, each one well knoweth

that there can be no sailing; the ice once broken through the continual

abode, the sun maketh a certain season in those parts. How shall it be

possible for so weak a vessel as a ship is to hold out amid whole

islands, as it were, of ice continually beating on each side, and at the

mouth of that gulf, issuing down furiously from the north, safely to

pass, when whole mountains of ice and snow shall be tumbled down upon

her?

Well, grant the West Indies not to continue continent unto the Pole,

grant there be a passage between these two lands, let the gulf lie nearer

us than commonly in cards we find it set, namely, between the sixty-first

and sixty-fourth degrees north, as Gemma Frisius in his maps and globes

imagineth it, and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table

which the Earl of Bedford hath at Theinies; let the way be void of all

difficulties, yet doth it not follow that we have free passage to Cathay.

For example's sake, you may coast all Norway, Finmarke, and Lapland, and

then bow southward to St. Nicholas, in Moscovy. You may likewise in the

Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople and the mouth of the Don, yet is

there no passage by sea through Moscovy into Pont Euxine, now called Mare

Maggiore. Again, in the aforesaid Mediterranean Sea we sail to

Alexandria in Egypt, the barbarians bring their pearl and spices from the

Moluccas up the Red Sea and Arabian Gulf to Suez, scarcely three days'

journey from the aforesaid haven; yet have we no way by sea from

Alexandria to the Moluccas for that isthmus or little trait of land

between the two seas. In like manner, although the northern passage be

free at sixty-one degrees latitude, and the west ocean beyond America,

usually called Mare del Sur, known to be open at forty degrees elevation

for the island of Japan, yea, three hundred leagues northerly of Japan,

yet may there be land to hinder the through passage that way by sea, as

in the examples aforesaid it falleth out, Asia and America there being

joined together in one continent. Nor can this opinion seem altogether

frivolous unto any one that diligently peruseth our cosmographers'

doings. Josephus Moletius is of that mind, not only in his plain

hemispheres of the world, but also in his sea-card. The French

geographers in like manner be of the same opinion, as by their map cut

out in form of a heart you may perceive as though the West Indies were

part of Asia, which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the

schools, _Quid-quid praeter Africum et Europam est_, _Asia est_,

"Whatsoever land doth neither appertain unto Africa nor to Europe is part

of Asia."

Furthermore, it were to small purpose to make so long, so painful, so

doubtful a voyage by such a new found way, if in Cathay you should

neither be suffered to land for silks and silver, nor able to fetch the

Molucca spices and pearl for piracy in those seas. Of a law denying all

aliens to enter into China, and forbidding all the inhabiters under a

great penalty to let in any stranger into those countries, shall you read

in the report of Galeotto Petera, there imprisoned with other Portuguese,

as also in the Japanese letters, how for that cause the worthy traveller

Xavierus bargained with a barbarian merchant for a great sum of pepper to

be brought into Canton, a port in Cathay. The great and dangerous piracy

used in those seas no man can be ignorant of that listeth to read the

Japanese and Indian history.

Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these charges spent in

vain, if in the end our travellers might not be able to return again, and

bring safely home into their own native country that wealth and riches

they in foreign regions with adventure of goods and danger of their lives

have sought for. By the north-east there is no way; the South-East

Passage the Portuguese do hold, as the lords of those seas. At the

south-west, Magellan's experience hath partly taught us, and partly we

are persuaded by reason, how the eastern current striketh so furiously on

that strait, and falleth with such force into that narrow gulf, that

hardly any ship can return that way into our west ocean out of Mare del

Sur. The which, if it be true, as truly it is, then we may say that the

aforesaid eastern current, or Levant course of waters, continually

following after the heavenly motions, loseth not altogether its force,

but is doubled rather by another current from out the north-east, in the

passage between America and the North Land, whither it is of necessity

carried, having none other way to maintain itself in circular motion, and

consequently the force and fury thereof to be no less in the Strait of

Anian, where it striketh south into Mare del Sur beyond America (if any

such strait of sea there be), than in the strait of Magellan, both

straits being of like breadth, as in Belognine Salterius' table of "New

France," and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo's card for navigation in that

region, we do find precisely set down.

Nevertheless, to approve that there lieth a way to Cathay at the

north-west from out of Europe, we have experience, namely of three

brethren that went that journey, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a

name unto that strait, whereby now it is called Fretum Trium Fratrum. We

do read again of a Portuguese that passed this strait, of whom Master

Frobisher speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many years in Lisbon,

to verify the old Spanish proverb, "I suffer for doing well." Likewise,

An. Urdaneta, a friar of Mexico, came out of Mare del Sur this way into

Germany; his card, for he was a great discoverer, made by his own

experience and travel in that voyage, hath been seen by gentlemen of good

credit.

Now if the observation and remembrance of things breedeth experience, and

of experience proceedeth art, and the certain knowledge we have in all

faculties, as the best philosophers that ever were do affirm truly the

voyage of these aforesaid travellers that have gone out of Europe into

Mare del Sur, and returned thence at the north-west, do most evidently

conclude that way to be navigable, and that passage free; so much the

more we are so to think, for that the first principle and chief ground in

all geography, as Ptolemy saith, is the history of travel, that is,

reports made by travellers skilful in geography and astronomy, of all

such things in their journey as to geography do belong. It only

remaineth, that we now answer to those arguments that seemed to make

against this former conclusion.

The first objection is of no force, that general table of the world, set

forth by Ortellius or Mercator, for it greatly skilleth not, being

unskilfully drawn for that point, as manifestly it may appear unto any

one that compareth the same with Gemma Frisius' universal map, with his

round quartered card, with his globe, with Sebastian Cabot's table, and

Ortellius' general map alone, worthily preferred in this case before all

Mercator's and Ortellius' other doings: for that Cabot was not only a

skilful seaman, but a long traveller, and such a one as entered

personally that strait, sent by King Henry VII. to make this aforesaid

discovery, as in his own discourse of navigation you may read in his card

drawn with his own hand, that the mouth of the north-western strait lieth

near the 318th meridian, between 61 and 64 degrees in the elevation,

continuing the same breadth about ten degrees west, where it openeth

southerly more and more, until it come under the tropic of Cancer; and so

runneth into Mare del Sur, at the least 18 degrees more in breadth there

than it was where it first began; otherwise I could as well imagine this

passage to be more unlikely than the voyage to Moscovy, and more

impossible than it for the far situation and continuance thereof in the

frosty clime: as now I can affirm it to be very possible and most likely

in comparison thereof, for that it neither coasteth so far north as the

Moscovian passage doth, neither is this strait so long as that, before it

bow down southerly towards the sun again.

The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolemy knew not what was above

16 degrees south beyond the equinoctial line, he was ignorant of all

passages northward from the elevation of 63 degrees, he knew no ocean sea

beyond Asia, yet have the Portuguese trended the Cape of Good Hope at the

south point of Africa, and travelled to Japan, an island in the east

ocean, between Asia and America; our merchants in the time of King Edward

the Sixth discovered the Moscovian passage farther north than Thule, and

showed Greenland not to be continent with Lapland and Norway: the like

our north-western travellers have done, declaring by their navigation

that way the ignorance of all cosmographers that either do join Greenland

with America, or continue the West Indies with that frosty region under

the North Pole. As for Virgil, he sang according to the knowledge of men

in his time, as another poet did of the hot zone.

Quarum quae media est, non est habitabilis aestu. Imagining, as most men

then did, Zonam Torridam, the hot zone, to be altogether dishabited for

heat, though presently we know many famous and worthy kingdoms and cities

in that part of the earth, and the island of S. Thomas near Ethiopia, and

the wealthy islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in

hand, to be inhabited even under the equinoctial line.

To answer the third objection, besides Cabot and all other travellers'

navigations, the only credit of Master Frobisher may suffice, who lately,

through all these islands of ice and mountains of snow, passed that way,

even beyond the gulf that tumbleth down from the north, and in some

places, though he drew one inch thick ice, as he returning in August did,

came home safely again.

The fourth argument is altogether frivolous and vain, for neither is

there any isthmus or strait of land between America and Asia, nor can

these two lands jointly be one continent. The first part of my answer is

manifestly allowed by Homer, whom that excellent geographer, Strabo,

followeth, yielding him in this faculty the prize. The author of that

book likewise _On the Universe_ to Alexander, attributed unto Aristotle,

is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in two or three

places. Dionysius, in his _Periegesis_, hath this verse, "So doeth the

ocean sea run round about the world:" speaking only of Europe, Africa,

and Asia, as then Asia was travelled and known. With these doctors may

you join Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Pius, in his description of Asia. All

the which writers do no less confirm the whole eastern side of Asia to be

compassed about with the sea; then Plato doth affirm in is _Timaeus_,

under the name Atlantis, the West Indies to be an island, as in a special

discourse thereof R. Eden writeth, agreeable unto the sentence of

Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato it is gathered that

America is an island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Dionysius, Mela, Pliny,

Pius, affirm the continent of Asia, Africa, and Europe, to be environed

with the ocean. I may therefore boldly say (though later intelligences

thereof had we none at all) that Asia and the West Indies be not tied

together by any isthmus or strait of land, contrary to the opinion of

some new cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath been brought

in controversy. And thus much for the first part of my answer unto the

fourth objection.

The second part, namely, that America and Asia cannot be one continent,

may thus be proved:--"The most rivers take down that way their course,

where the earth is most hollow and deep," writeth Aristotle; and the sea

(saith he in the same place), as it goeth further, so is it found deeper.

Into what gulf do the Moscovian rivers Onega, Dwina, Ob, pour out their

streams? northward out of Moscovy into the sea. Which way doth that sea

strike? The south is main land, the eastern coast waxeth more and more

shallow: from the north, either naturally, because that part of the earth

is higher, or of necessity, for that the forcible influence of some

northern stars causeth the earth there to shake off the sea, as some

philosophers do think; or, finally, for the great store of waters

engendered in that frosty and cold climate, that the banks are not able

to hold them. From the north, I say, continually falleth down great

abundance of water; so this north-eastern current must at the length

abruptly bow toward us south on the west side of Finmark and Norway, or

else strike down south-west above Greenland, or betwixt Greenland and

Iceland, into the north-west strait we speak of, as of congruence it

doth, if you mark the situation of that region, and by the report of

Master Frobisher experience teacheth us. And, Master Frobisher, the

further he travelled in the former passage, as he told me, the deeper

always he found the sea. Lay you now the sum hereof together, the rivers

run where the channels are most hollow, the sea in taking his course

waxeth deeper, the sea waters fall continually from the north southward,

the north-eastern current striketh down into the strait we speak of and

is there augmented with whole mountains of ice and snow falling down

furiously out from the land under the North Pole. Where store of water

is, there is it a thing impossible to want sea; where sea not only doth

not want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discovered no land. Finally,

whence I pray you came the contrary tide, that Master Frobisher met

withal, after that he had sailed no small way in that passage, if there

be any isthmus or strait of land betwixt the aforesaid north-western gulf

and Mare del Sur, to join Asia and America together? That conclusion

arrived at in the schools, "Whatsoever land doth neither appertain unto

Africa, nor to Europe, is part of Asia," was meant of the parts of the

world then known, and so is it of right to be understood.

The fifth objection requireth for answer wisdom and policy in the

traveller to win the barbarians' favour by some good means; and so to arm

and strengthen himself, that when he shall have the repulse in one coast,

he may safely travel to another, commodiously taking his convenient

times, and discreetly making choice of them with whom he will thoroughly

deal. To force a violent entry would for us Englishmen be very hard,

considering the strength and valour of so great a nation, far distant

from us, and the attempt thereof might be most perilous unto the doers,

unless their park were very good.

Touching their laws against strangers, you shall read nevertheless in the

same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is wont to

grant free access unto all foreigners that trade into his country for

merchandise, and a place of liberty for them to remain in; as the Moors

had, until such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that

coast to be a circumcised Saracen: wherefore some of them were put to the

sword, the rest were scattered abroad; at Fuquien, a great city in China,

certain of them are yet this day to be seen. As for the Japanese, they

be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portuguese, though

they were straitly handled there at the first, yet in the end they found

great favour at the prince's hands, insomuch that the Loutea or President

that misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian canoe

voyageth in those seas, the Portuguese, the Saracens, and Moors travel

continually up and down that reach from Japan to China, from China to

Malacca, from Malacca to the Moluccas, and shall an Englishman better

appointed than any of them all (that I say no more of our navy) fear to

sail in that ocean? what seat at all do want piracy? what navigation is

there void of peril?

To the last argument our travellers need not to seek their return by the

north-east, neither shall they be constrained, except they list, either

to attempt Magellan's strait at the south-west, or to be in danger of the

Portuguese on the south-east; they may return by the north-west, that

same way they do go forth, as experience hath showed.

The reason alleged for proof of the contrary may be disposed after this

manner: And first, it may be called in controversy, whether any current

continually be forced by the motion of primum mobile, round about the

world or no; for learned men do diversely handle that question. The

natural course of all waters is downward, wherefore of congruence they

fall that way where they find the earth most low and deep: in respect

whereof, it was erst said, the seas do strike from the northern lands

southerly. Violently the seas are tossed and troubled divers ways with

the winds, increased and diminished by the course of the moon, hoisted up

and down through the sundry operations of the sun and the stars: finally,

some be of opinion that the seas be carried in part violently about the

world, after the daily motion of the highest movable heaven, in like

manner as the elements of air and fire, with the rest of the heavenly

spheres, are from the east unto the west. And this they do call their

eastern current, or Levant stream. Some such current may not be denied

to be of great force in the hot zone, for the nearness thereof unto the

centre of the sun, and blustering eastern winds violently driving the

seas westward; howbeit in the temperate climes the sun being farther off,

and the winds more diverse, blowing as much from the north, the west, and

south, as from the east, this rule doth not effectually withhold us from

travelling eastwards, neither be we kept ever back by the aforesaid

Levant winds and stream. But in Magellan strait we are violently driven

back westward, ergo through the north-western strait or Anian frith shall

we not be able to return eastward: it followeth not. The first, for that

the north-western strait hath more sea room at the least by one hundred

English miles than Magellan's strait hath, the only want whereof causeth

all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would I say in the

Anian Gulf, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius have painted

it out, any return that way to be full of difficulties, in respect of

such straitness thereof, not for the nearness of the sun or eastern

winds, violently forcing that way any Levant stream; but in that place

there is more sea room by many degrees, if the cards of Cabot and Gemma

Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted, be true.

And hitherto reasons see I none at all, but that I may as well give

credit unto their doings as to any of the rest. It must be

_Peregrinationis historia_, that is, true reports of skilful travellers,

as Ptolemy writeth, that in such controversies of geography must put us

out of doubt. Ortellius, in his universal tables, in his particular maps

of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the northern kingdoms, of the East

Indies; Mercator in some of his globes and general maps of the world,

Moletius in his universal table of the Globe divided, in his sea-card and

particular tables of the East Indies Zanterius and Don Diego with

Fernando Bertely, and others, do so much differ both from Gemma Frisius

and Cabot among themselves, and in divers places from themselves,

concerning the divers situation and sundry limits of America, that one

may not so rashly as truly surmise these men either to be ignorant in

those points touching the aforesaid region, or that the maps they have

given out unto the world were collected only by them, and never of their

own drawing.

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF MASTER MARTIN FROBISHER

_To the North-West for the search of the passage or strait to China_,

_written by Christopher Hall_, _and made in the year of our Lord 1576_.

Upon Monday, the thirteenth of May, the barque _Gabriel_ was launched at

Redriffe, and upon the twenty-seventh day following she sailed from

Redriffe to Ratcliffe.

The seventh of June being Thursday, the two barques, viz., the _Gabriel_

and the _Michael_, and our pinnace, set sail at Ratcliffe, and bare down

to Deptford, and there we anchored. The cause was, that our pinnace

burst her bowsprit and foremast aboard of a ship that rowed at Deptford,

else we meant to have passed that day by the court, then at Greenwich.

The eighth day being Friday, about twelve o'clock, we weighed at Deptford

and set sail all three of us and bare down by the court, where we shot

off our ordinance, and made the best show we could; her Majesty beholding

the same commended it, and bade us farewell with shaking her hand at us

out of the window. Afterwards she sent a gentleman aboard of us, who

declared that her Majesty had good liking of our doings, and thanked us

for it, and also willed our captain to come the next day to the court to

take his leave of her.

The same day, towards night, Master Secretary Woolley came aboard of us,

and declared to the company that her Majesty had appointed him to give

them charge to be obedient, and diligent to their captain and governors

in all things, and wished us happy success.

The ninth day about noon, the wind being westerly, having our anchors

aboard ready to set sail to depart, we wanted some of our company, and

therefore stayed and moored them again.

Sunday, the tenth of June, we set sail from Blackwall at a south-west and

by west sun, the wind being at north-north-west, and sailed to Gravesend,

and anchored there at a west-north-west sun, the wind being as before.

The twelfth day, being over against Gravesend, by the Castle or

Blockhouse, we observed the latitude, which was 51 degrees 33 minutes,

and in that place the variation of the compass is 11 degrees and a half.

This day we departed from Gravesend at a west-south-west sun, the wind at

north and by east a fair gale, and sailed to the west part of Tilbury

Hope, and so turned down the Hope, and at a west sun the wind came to the

east-south-east, and we anchored in seven fathoms, being low water.

[Here there follows an abstract of the ship's log, showing the navigation

until the 28th of July, when they had sight of land supposed to be

Labrador.]

July 28th. From 4 to 8, 4 leagues: from 8. to 12, 3 leagues: from 12 to

4, north and by west, 6 leagues, but very foggy; from thence to 8 of the

clock in the morning little wind, but at the clearing up of the fog we

had sight of land, which I supposed to be Labrador, with great store of

ice about the land; I ran in towards it, and sounded, but could get no

land at 100 fathoms, and the ice being so thick I could not get to the

shore, and so lay off and came clear of the ice. Upon Monday we came

within a mile of the shore, and sought a harbour; all the sound was full

of ice, and our boat rowing ashore could get no ground at 100 fathom,

within a cable's length of the shore; then we sailed east-north-east

along the shore, for so the land lieth, and the current is there great,

setting north-east and south-west; and if we could have gotten anchor

ground we would have seen with what force it had run, but I judge a ship

may drive a league and a half in one hour with that tide.

This day, at four of the clock in the morning, being fair and clear, we

had sight of a headland as we judged bearing from us north and by east,

and we sailed north-east and by north to that land, and when we came

thither we could not get to the land for ice, for the ice stretched along

the coast, so that we could not come to the land by 5 leagues.

Wednesday, the first of August, it calmed, and in the afternoon I caused

my boat to be hoisted out, being hard by a great island of ice, and I and

four men rowed to that ice, and sounded within two cables' length of it,

and had 16 fathoms and little stones, and after that sounded again within

a minion's shot, and had ground at 100 fathoms, and fair sand. We

sounded the next day a quarter of a mile from it, and had 60 fathoms

rough ground, and at that present being aboard, that great island of ice

fell one part from another, making a noise as if a great cliff had fallen

into the sea. And at 4 of the clock I sounded again, and had 90 fathoms,

and small black stones, and little white stones like pearls. The tide

here did set to the shore.

We sailed this day south-south-east ofward, and laid it a tric.

The next day was calm and thick, with a great sea.

The next day we sailed south and by east two leagues, and at 8 of the

clock in the forenoon we cast about to the eastward.

The sixth day it cleared, and we ran north-west into the shore to get a

harbour, and being towards night, we notwithstanding kept at sea.

The seventh day we plied room with the shore, but being near it it waxed

thick, and we bare off again.

The eighth day we bended in towards the shore again.

The ninth day we sounded, but could get no ground at 130 fathoms. The

weather was calm.

The tenth I took four men and myself, and rode to shore, to an island one

league from the main, and there the flood setteth south-west along the

shore, and it floweth as near as I could judge so too. I could not tarry

to prove it, because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a

fog; but when I came ashore it was low water. I went to the top of the

islands and before I came back it was hied a foot water, and so without

tarrying I came aboard.

The eleventh we found our latitude to be 63 degrees and 8 minutes, and

this day entered the strait.

The twelfth we set sail towards an island called the Gabriel's Island,

which was 10 leagues then from us.

We espied a sound, and bare with it, and came to a sandy bay, where we

came to an anchor, the land bearing east-south-east of us, and there we

rode all night in 8 fathom water. It floweth there at a south-east moon;

we called it Prior's Sound, being from the Gabriel's Island 10 leagues.

The fourteenth we weighed and ran into another sound, where we anchored

in 8 fathoms water, fair sand, and black ooze, and there caulked our

ship, being weak from the gunwales upward, and took in fresh water.

The fifteenth day we weighed, and sailed to Prior's Bay, being a mile

from thence.

The sixteenth day was calm, and we rode still without ice, but presently

within two hours it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an inch

thick, and that bay very fair and calm.

The seventeenth day we weighed, and came to Thomas William's Island.

The eighteenth day we sailed north-north-west and anchored again in 23

fathoms, and caught ooze under Bircher's Island, which is from the former

island 10 leagues.

The nineteenth day in the morning, being calm, and no wind, the captain

and I took our boat, with eight men in her, to row us ashore, to see if

there were there any people, or no, and going to the top of the island,

we had sight of seven boats, which came rowing from the east side toward

that island; whereupon we returned aboard again. At length we sent our

boat, with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a

white cloth brought one of their boats with their men along the shore,

rowing after our boat, till such time as they saw our ship, and then they

rowed ashore. Then I went on shore myself, and gave every of them a

threaden point, and brought one of them aboard of me, where he did eat

and drink, and then carried him on shore again. Whereupon all the rest

came aboard with their boats, being nineteen persons, and they spake, but

we understood them not. They be like to Tartars, with long black hair,

broad faces, and flat noses, and tawny in colour, wearing seal skins, and

so do the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked

in the face with blue streaks down the cheeks and round about the eyes.

Their boats are made all of seal skins, with a keel of wood within the

skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save only they be

flat in the bottom and sharp at both ends.

The twentieth day we weighed, and went to the east side of this island,

and I and the captain, with four men more, went on shore, and there we

saw their houses, and the people espying us, came rowing towards our

boat, whereupon we plied to our boat; and we being in our boat and they

ashore, they called to us, and we rowed to them, and one of their company

came into our boat, and we carried him aboard, and gave him a bell and a

knife; so the captain and I willed five of our men to set him ashore at a

rock, and not among the company which they came from, but their

wilfulness was such that they would go to them, and so were taken

themselves and our boat lost.

The next day in the morning we stood in near the shore and shot off a

fauconet, and sounded our trumpet, but we could hear nothing of our men.

This sound we called the Five Men's Sound, and plied out of it, but

anchored again in 30 fathoms and ooze; and riding there all night, in the

morning the snow lay a foot thick upon our hatches.

The two-and-twentieth day in the morning we weighed, and went again to

the place where we lost our men and our boat. We had sight of fourteen

boats, and some came near to us, but we could learn nothing of our men.

Among the rest, we enticed one in a boat to our ship's side with a bell;

and in giving him the bell we took him and his boat, and so kept him, and

so rowed down to Thomas William's island, and there anchored all night.

The twenty-sixth day we weighed to come homeward, and by twelve of the

clock at noon we were thwart of Trumpet's Island.

The next day we came thwart of Gabriel's Island, and at eight of the

clock at night we had the Cape Labrador west from us ten leagues.

The twenty-eighth day we went our course south-east.

We sailed south-east and by east, twenty-two leagues.

The first day of September, in the morning, we had sight of the land of

Friesland, being eight leagues from us, but we could not come nearer it

for the monstrous ice that lay about it. From this day till the sixth of

this month we ran along Iceland, and had the south part of it at eight of

the clock east from us ten leagues.

The seventh day of this month we had a very terrible storm, by force

whereof one of our men was blown into the sea out of our waste, but he

caught hold of the foresail sheet, and there held till the captain

plucked him again into the ship.

The twenty-fifth day of this month we had sight of the island of Orkney,

which was then east from us.

The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld, and so sailed along

the coast, and anchored at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into

Harwich.

THE LANGUAGE OF THE PEOPLE OF META INCOGNITA.

Argotteyt, a hand. Attegay, a coat.

Cangnawe, a nose. Polleuetagay, a knife.

Arered, an eye. Accaskay, a ship.

Keiotot, a tooth. Coblone, a thumb.

Mutchatet, the head. Teckkere, the foremost finger.

Chewat, an ear. Ketteckle, the middle finger.

Comagaye, a leg. Mekellacane, the fourth finger.

Atoniagay, a foot.

Callagay, a pair of breeches. Yachethronc, the little finger.

THE SECOND VOYAGE OF MASTER MARTIN FROBISHER,

_Made to the West and North-West Regions in the year 1577_, _with a

Description of the Country and People_, _written by Dionise Settle_.

On Whit Sunday, being the sixth-and-twentieth day of May, in the year of

our Lord God 1577, Captain Frobisher departed from Blackwall--with one of

the Queen's Majesty's ships called the _Aid_, of nine score ton or

thereabout, and two other little barques likewise, the one called the

_Gabriel_, whereof Master Fenton, a gentleman of my Lord of Warwick's,

was captain; and the other the _Michael_, whereof Master York, a

gentleman of my lord admiral's, was captain, accompanied with seven score

gentlemen, soldiers, and sailors, well furnished with victuals and other

provisions necessary for one half year--on this, his second year, for the

further discovering of the passage to Cathay and other countries

thereunto adjacent, by west and north-west navigations, which passage or

way is supposed to be on the north and north-west parts of America, and

the said America to be an island environed with the sea, where through

our merchants might have course and recourse with their merchandise from

these our northernmost parts of Europe, to those Oriental coasts of Asia

in much shorter time and with greater benefit than any others, to their

no little commodity and profit that do or shall traffic the same. Our

said captain and general of this present voyage and company, having the

year before, with two little pinnaces to his great danger, and no small

commendations, given a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof, is

also pressed when occasion shall be ministered to the benefit of his

prince and native country--to adventure himself further therein. As for

this second voyage, it seemeth sufficient that he hath better explored

and searched the commodities of those people and countries, with

sufficient commodity unto the adventurers, which, in his first voyage the

year before, he had found out.

Upon which considerations the day and year before expressed, he departed

from Blackwall to Harwich, where making an accomplishment of things

necessary, the last of May we hoisted up sails, and with a merry wind the

7th of June we arrived at the islands called Orchades, or vulgarly

Orkney, being in number thirty, subject and adjacent to Scotland, where

we made provision of fresh water, in the doing whereof our general

licensed the gentlemen and soldiers, for their recreation, to go on

shore. At our landing the people fled from their poor cottages with

shrieks and alarms, to warn their neighbours of enemies, but by gentle

persuasions we reclaimed them to their houses. It seemeth they are often

frighted with pirates, or some other enemies, that move them to such

sudden fear. Their houses are very simply builded with pebble stone,

without any chimneys, the fire being made in the midst thereof. The good

man, wife, children, and other of their family, eat and sleep on the one

side of the house, and their cattle on the other, very beastly and rudely

in respect of civilisation. They are destitute of wood, their fire is

turf and cow shardes. They have corn, bigge, and oats, with which they

pay their king's rent to the maintenance of his house. They take great

quantity of fish, which they dry in the wind and sun; they dress their

meat very filthily, and eat it without salt. Their apparel is after the

nudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all base. Their Church and

religion is reformed according to the Scots. The fishermen of England

can better declare the dispositions of those people than I, wherefore I

remit other their usages to their reports, as yearly repairers thither in

their courses to and from Iceland for fish.

We departed here hence the 8th of June, and followed our course between

west and north-west until the 4th of July, all which time we had no

night, but that easily, and without any impediment, we had, when we were

so disposed, the fruition of our books, and other pleasures to pass away

the time, a thing of no small moment to such as wander in unknown seas

and long navigations, especially when both the winds and raging surges do

pass their common and wonted course. This benefit endureth in those

parts not six weeks, whilst the sun is near the tropic of Cancer, but

where the pole is raised to 70 or 80 degrees it continueth the longer.

All along these seas, after we were six days sailing from Orkney, we met,

floating in the sea, great fir trees, which, as we judged, were, with the

fury of great floods, rooted up, and so driven into the sea. Iceland

hath almost no other wood nor fuel but such as they take up upon their

coasts. It seemeth that these trees are driven from some part of the

Newfoundland, with the current that setteth from the west to the east.

The 4th of July we came within the making of Friesland. From this shore,

ten or twelve leagues, we met great islands of ice of half a mile, some

more, some less in compass, showing above the sea thirty or forty

fathoms, and as we supposed fast on ground, where, with our lead, we

could scarce sound the bottom for depth.

Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant smells of sweet gums and

pleasant notes of musical birds, which other countries in more temperate

zones do yield, we tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts, mixed with

snow and hail, in the months of June and July, nothing inferior to our

untemperate winter: a sudden alteration, and especially in a place of

parallel, where the pole is not elevated above 61 degrees, at which

height other countries more to the north, yea unto 70 degrees, show

themselves more temperate than this doth. All along this coast ice lieth

as a continual bulwark, and so defendeth the country, that those which

would land there incur great danger. Our general, three days together,

attempted with the ship boat to have gone on shore, which, for that

without great danger he could not accomplish, he deferred it until a more

convenient time. All along the coast lie very high mountains, covered

with snow, except in such places where, through the steepness of the

mountains, of force it must needs fall. Four days coasting along this

land we found no sign of habitation. Little birds which we judged to

have lost the shore, by reason of thick fogs which that country is much

subject unto, came flying to our ships, which causeth us to suppose that

the country is both more tolerable and also habitable within than the

outward shore maketh show or signification.

From hence we departed the 8th of July, and the 16th of the same we came

with the making of land, which land our general the year before had named

the Queen's Forehand, being an island, as we judge, lying near the

supposed continent with America, and on the other side, opposite to the

same, one other island, called Halles Isle, after the name of the master

of the ship, near adjacent to the firm land, supposed continent with

Asia. Between the which two islands there is a large entrance or strait,

called Frobisher's Strait, after the name of our general, the first

finder thereof. This said strait is supposed to have passage into the

sea of Sur, which I leave unknown as yet.

It seemeth that either here, or not far hence, the sea should have more

large entrance than in other parts within the frozen or untemperate zone,

and that some contrary tide, either from the east or west, with main

force casteth out that great quantity of ice which cometh floating from

this coast, even unto Friesland, causing that country to seem more

untemperate than others much more northerly than the same.

I cannot judge that any temperature under the Pole, being the time of the

Sun's northern declination, half a year together, and one whole day

(considering that the sun's elevation surmounteth not twenty-three

degrees and thirty minutes), can have power to dissolve such monstrous

and huge ice, comparable to great mountains, except by some other force,

as by swift currents and tides, with the help of the said day of half a

year.

Before we came within the making of these lands, we tasted cold storms,

insomuch that it seemed we had changed with winter, if the length of the

days had not removed us from that opinion.

At our first coming, the straits seemed to be shut up with a long mure of

ice, which gave no little cause of discomfort unto us all; but our

general (to whose diligence, imminent dangers and difficult attempts

seemed nothing in respect of his willing mind for the commodity of his

prince and country), with two little pinnaces prepared of purpose, passed

twice through them to the east shore, and the islands thereunto adjacent;

and the ship, with the two barques, lay off and on something farther into

the sea from the danger of the ice.

Whilst he was searching the country near the shore, some of the people of

the country showed themselves, leaping and dancing, with strange shrieks

and cries, which gave no little admiration to our men. Our general,

desirous to allure them unto him by fair means, caused knives and other

things to be proffered unto them, which they would not take at our hands;

but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and

took up, leaving something of theirs to countervail the same. At the

length, two them, leaving their weapons, came down to our general and

master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to stay, and

went unto them, who, after certain dumb signs and mute congratulations,

began to lay hands upon them, but they deliverly escaped, and ran to

their bows and arrows and came fiercely upon them, not respecting the

rest of our company, which were ready for their defence, but with their

arrows hurt divers of them. We took the one, and the other escaped.

Whilst our general was busied in searching the country, and those islands

adjacent on the east shore, the ships and barques, having great care not

to put far into the sea from him, for that he had small store of

victuals, were forced to abide in a cruel tempest, chancing in the night

amongst and in the thickest of the ice, which was so monstrous that even

the least of a thousand had been of force sufficient to have shivered our

ship and barques into small portions, if God (who in all necessities hath

care upon the infirmity of man) had not provided for this our extremity a

sufficient remedy, through the light of the night, whereby we might well

discern to flee from such imminent dangers, which we avoided within

fourteen bourdes in one watch, the space of four hours. If we had not

incurred this danger amongst these monstrous islands of ice, we should

have lost our general and master, and the most of our best sailors, which

were on the shore destitute of victuals; but by the valour of our master

gunner, Master Jackman and Andrew Dier, the master's mates, men expert

both in navigation and other good qualities, we were all content to incur

the dangers afore rehearsed, before we would, with our own safety, run

into the seas, to the destruction of our said general and his company.

The day following, being the 19th of July, our captain returned to the

ship with good news of great riches, which showed itself in the bowels of

those barren mountains, wherewith we were all satisfied. A sudden

mutation. The one part of us being almost swallowed up the night before,

with cruel Neptune's force, and the rest on shore, taking thought for

their greedy paunches how to find the way to Newfoundland; at one moment

we were racked with joy, forgetting both where we were and what we had

suffered. Behold the glory of man: to-night contemning riches, and

rather looking for death than otherwise, and to-morrow devising how to

satisfy his greedy appetite with gold.

Within four days after we had been at the entrance of the straits, the

north-west and west winds dispersed the ice into the sea, and made us a

large entrance into the Straits, that without impediment, on the 19th

July, we entered them; and the 20th thereof our general and master, with

great diligence, sought out and sounded the west shore, and found out a

fair harbour for the ship and barques to ride in, and named it after our

master's mate, Jackman's Sound, and brought the ship, barques, and all

their company to safe anchor, except one man which died by God's

visitation.

At our first arrival, after the ship rode at anchor, general, with such

company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order entered

the land, having special care by exhortations that at our entrance

thereinto we should all with one voice, kneeling upon our knees, chiefly

thank God for our safe arrival; secondly, beseech Him that it would

please His Divine Majesty long to continue our Queen, for whom he, and

all the rest of our company, in this order took possession of the

country; and thirdly, that by our Christian study and endeavour, those

barbarous people, trained up in paganry and infidelity, might be reduced

to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of salvation in Christ

our Redeemer, with other words very apt to signify his willing mind and

affection towards his prince and country, whereby all suspicion of an

undutiful subject may credibly be judged to be utterly exempted from his

mind. All the rest of the gentlemen, and others, deserve worthily herein

their due praise and commendation.

These things in order accomplished, our general commanded all the company

to be obedient in things needful for our own safeguard to Master Fenton,

Master Yorke, and Master Beast, his lieutenant, while he was occupied in

other necessary affairs concerning our coming thither.

After this order we marched through the country, with ensign displayed,

so far as was thought needful, and now and then heaped up stones on high

mountains and other places, in token of possession, as likewise to

signify unto such as hereafter may chance to arrive there that possession

is taken in the behalf of some other prince by those which first found

out the country.

Whose maketh navigation to these countries hath not only extreme winds

and furious seas to encounter withal, but also many monstrous and great

islands of ice: a thing both rare, wonderful, and greatly to be regarded.

We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anchor, to

have continual watch, with boats and men ready with hawsers, to knit fast

unto such ice which with the ebb and flood were tossed to and fro in the

harbour, and with force of oars to hail them away, for endangering the

ship.

Our general certain days searched this supposed continent with America,

and not finding the commodity to answer his expectations, after he had

made trial thereof, he departed thence, with two little barques, and men

sufficient, to the east shore, being he supposed continent of Asia, and

left the ship, with most of the gentlemen soldiers and sailors, until

such time as he either thought good to send or come for them.

The stones on this supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled

and glister in the sun like gold; so likewise doth the sand in the bright

water, yet they verify the old proverb, "All is not gold that

glistereth."

On this west shore we found a dead fish floating, which had in his nose a

horn, straight and torquet, of length two yards lacking two inches, being

broken in the top, where we might perceive it hollow, into which some of

our sailors putting spiders they presently died. I saw not the trial

hereof, but it was reported unto me of a truth, by the virtue whereof we

supposed it to be the sea unicorn.

After our general had found out good harbour for the ship and barques to

anchor in, and also such store of gold ore as he thought himself

satisfied withal, he returned to the _Michael_, whereof Master Yorke

aforesaid was captain, accompanied with our master and his mate, who

coasting along the west shore, not far from whence the ship rode, they

perceived a fair harbour, and willing to sound the same, at the entrance

thereof they espied two tents of seal skins, unto which the captain, our

said master, and other company resorted. At the sight of our men the

people fled into the mountains; nevertheless, they went to their tents,

where, leaving certain trifles of ours as glasses, bells, knives, and

such like things, they departed, not taking anything of theirs except one

dog. They did in like manner leave behind them a letter, pen, ink, and

paper, whereby our men whom the captain lost the year before, and in that

people's custody, might (if any of them were alive) be advertised of our

presence and being there.

On the same day, after consultation, all the gentlemen, and others

likewise that could be spared from the ship, under the conduct and

leading of Master Philpot (unto whom, in our general's absence, and his

lieutenant, Master Beast, all the rest were obedient), went ashore,

determining to see if by fair means we could either allure them to

familiarity, or otherwise take some of them, and so attain to some

knowledge of those men whom our general lost the year before.

At our coming back again to the place where their tents were before, they

had removed their tents farther into the said bay or sound, where they

might, if they were driven from the land, flee with their boats into the

sea. We, parting ourselves into two companies, and compassing a

mountain, came suddenly upon them by land, who, espying us, without any

tarrying fled to their boats, leaving the most part of their oars behind

them for haste, and rowed down the bay, where our two pinnaces met them

and drove them to shore. But if they had had all their oars, so swift

are they in rowing, it had been lost time to have chased them.

When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our men with their bows and

arrows, who wounded three of them with our arrows, and perceiving

themselves thus hurt they desperately leaped off the rocks into the sea

and drowned themselves; which if they had not done but had submitted

themselves, or if by any means we could have taken alive (being their

enemies as they judged), we would both have saved them, and also have

sought remedy to cure their wounds received at our hands. But they,

altogether void of humanity, and ignorant what mercy meaneth, in

extremities look for no other than death, and perceiving that they should

fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death than

otherwise to be saved by us. The rest, perceiving their fellows in this

distress, fled into the high mountains. Two women, not being so apt to

escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being

encumbered with a young child, we took. The old wretch, whom divers of

our sailors supposed to be either a devil or a witch, had her buskins

plucked off to see if she were cloven-footed, and for her ugly hue and

deformity we let her go; the young woman and the child we brought away.

We named the place where they were slain Bloody Point, and the bay or

harbour Yorke's Sound, after the name of one of the captains of the two

barques.

Having this knowledge both of their fierceness and cruelty, and

perceiving that fair means as yet is not able to allure them to

familiarity, we disposed ourselves, contrary to our inclination,

something to be cruel, returned to their tents, and made a spoil of the

same, where we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shoes of

our men, whom we lost the year before; on nothing else unto them

belonging could we set our eyes.

Their riches are not gold, silver, or precious drapery, but their said

tents and boats made of the skins of red deer and seal skins, also dogs

like unto wolves, but for the most part black, with other trifles, more

to be wondered at for their strangeness than for any other commodity

needful for our use.

Thus returning to our ship the 3rd of August, we departed from the west

shore, supposed firm with America, after we had anchored there thirteen

days, and so the 4th thereof we came to our general on the east shore,

and anchored in a fair harbour named Anne Warwick's Sound, and to which

is annexed an island, both named after the Countess of Warwick--Anne

Warwick's Sound and Isle.

In this isle our general thought good for this voyage to freight both the

ships and barques with such stone or gold mineral as he judged to

countervail the charges of his first and this his second navigation to

these countries, with sufficient interest to the venturers whereby they

might both be satisfied for this time and also in time to come (if it

please God and our prince) to expect a much more benefit out of the

bowels of those septentrional parallels, which long time hath concealed

itself till at this present, through the wonderful diligence and great

danger of our general and others, God is contented with the revealing

thereof. It riseth so abundantly, that from the beginning of August to

the 22nd thereof (every man following the diligence of our general) we

raised above ground 200 ton, which we judged a reasonable freight for the

ship and two barques in the said Anne Warwick's Isle.

In the meantime of our abode here some of the country people came to show

themselves unto us sundry times from the main shore, near adjacent to the

said isle. Our general, desirous to have some news of his men whom he

lost the year before, with some company with him repaired with the ship

boat to commune or sign with them for familiarity, whereunto he is

persuaded to bring them. They at the first show made tokens that three

of his five men were alive, and desired pen, ink, and paper, and that

within three or four days they would return, and, as we judged, bring

those of our men which were living with them.

They also made signs or tokens of their king, whom they called Cacough,

and how he was carried on men's shoulders, and a man far surmounting any

of our company in bigness and stature.

With these tokens and signs of writing, pen, ink, and paper were

delivered them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid

upon the shore, and the party gone away, they took up; which likewise

they do when they desire anything for change of theirs, laying for that

which is left so much as they think will countervail the same, and not

coming near together. It seemeth they have been used to this trade or

traffic with some other people adjoining, or not far distant from their

country.

After four days some of them showed themselves upon the firm land, but

not where they were before. Our general, very glad thereof, supposing to

hear of our men, went from the island with the boat and sufficient

company with him. They seemed very glad, and allured him about a certain

point of the land, behind which they might perceive a company of the

crafty villains to lie lurking, whom our general would not deal withal,

for that he knew not what company they were, so with few signs dismissed

them and returned to his company.

Another time, as our said general was coasting the country with two

little pinnaces, whereby at our return he might make the better relation

thereof, three of the crafty villains with a white skin allured us to

them. Once again our general, for that he hoped to hear of his men, went

towards them; at our coming near the shore whereon they were we might

perceive a number of them lie hidden behind great stones, and those three

in sight labouring by all means possible that some would come on land;

and perceiving we made no haste, by words nor friendly signs, which they

used by clapping their hands, and being without weapon, and but three in

sight, they sought further means to provoke us thereunto. One alone laid

flesh on the shore, which we took up with the boat-hook as necessary

victuals for the relieving of the man, woman, and child whom we had

taken, for that as yet they could not digest our meat; whereby they

perceived themselves deceived of their expectation for all their crafty

allurements. Yet once again to make, as it were, a full show of their

crafty natures and subtle sleights, to the intent thereby to have

entrapped and taken some of our men, one of them counterfeited himself

impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend to the water's side

with great difficulty, and to cover his craft the more one of his fellows

came down with him, and in such places where he seemed unable to pass, he

took him on his shoulders, set him by the water's side, and departed from

him, leaving him, as it should seem, all alone; who, playing his

counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to provoke some of us to

come on shore, not fearing but that one of us might make our party good

with a lame man.

Our general, having compassion of his impotency, thought good, if it were

possible, to cure him thereof; wherefore he caused a soldier to shoot at

him with his calever, which grazed before his face. The counterfeit

villain deliverly fled without any impediment at all, and got him to his

bow and arrows, and the rest from their lurking holes with their weapons,

bows, arrows, slings, and darts. Our general caused some calevers to be

shot off at them, whereby, some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in

more fear of us.

This was all the answer for this time we could have of our men, or of our

general's letter. Their crafty dealing at these three several times

being thus manifest unto us, may plainly show their disposition in other

things to be correspondent. We judged that they used these stratagems

thereby to have caught some of us for the delivering of the man, woman,

and child, whom we had taken.

They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion; their colour is

not much unlike the sunburnt countryman, who laboureth daily in sun for

his living.

They wear their hair something long, and cut before either with stone or

knife, very disorderly. Their women wear their hair long, knit up with

two loops, showing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest

faltered upon a knot. Also, some of their women tint their faces

proportionally, as chin, cheeks, and forehead and the wrists of their

hands, whereupon they lay a colour which continueth dark azurine.

They eat their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and fowl, or something

parboiled with blood, and a little water, which they drink. For lack of

water, they will eat ice that is hard frozen as pleasantly as we will do

sugar-candy, or other sugar.

If they, for necessity's sake, stand in need of the premises, such grass

as the country yieldeth they pluck up and eat, not daintily, or

saladwise, to allure their stomachs to appetite, but for necessity's

sake, without either salt, oils, or washing, like brute beasts devouring

the same. They neither use table, stool, or table-cloth for comeliness:

but when they are imbrued with blood, knuckle deep, and their knives in

like sort, they use their tongues as apt instruments to lick them clean;

in doing whereof they are assured to lose none of their victuals.

They keep certain dogs, not much unlike wolves, which they yoke together,

as we do oxen and horses, to a sled or trail, and so carry their

necessaries over the ice and snow, from place to place, as the captain,

whom we have, made perfect signs. And when those dogs are not apt for

the same use, or when with hunger they are constrained for lack of other

victuals, they eat them, so that they are as needful for them, in respect

of their bigness, as our oxen are for us.

They apparel themselves in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed

together with the sinews of them. All the fowl which they kill they

skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other to defend them from

the cold.

They make their apparel with hoods and tails, which tails they give, when

they think to gratify any friendship shown unto them; a great sign of

friendship with them. The men have them not so syde as the women.

The men and women wear their hose close to their legs, from the waist to

the knee, without any open before, as well the one kind as the other.

Upon their legs they wear hose of leather, with the fur side inward, two

or three pair on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they

put their knives, needles, and other things needful to bear about. They

put a bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foot to the knee,

whereupon they draw their said hose, and so in place of garters they are

holden from falling down about their feet.

They dress their skins very soft and supple with the hair on. In cold

weather or winter they wear the fur side inward, and in summer outward.

Other apparel they have none but the said skins.

Those beasts, fishes, and fowls which they kill are their meat, drink,

apparel, houses, bedding, hose, shoes, thread, and sails for their boats,

with many other necessaries, whereof they stand in need, and almost all

their riches.

The houses are tents made of seal skins, pitched up with four fir

quarters, four-square, meeting at the top, and the skins sewed together

with sinews, and laid thereupon; they are so pitched up, that the

entrance into them is always south, or against the sun.

They have other sort of houses, which we found not to be inhabited, which

are raised with stones and whalebones, and a skin laid over them to

withstand the rain, or other weather; the entrance of them being not much

unlike an oven's mouth, whereunto, I think, they resort for a time to

fish, hunt, and fowl, and so leave them until the next time they come

thither again.

Their weapons are bows, arrows, darts, and slings. Their bows are of

wood, of a yard long, sinewed on the back with firm sinews, not glued to,

but fast girded and tied on. Their bow strings are likewise sinews.

Their arrows are three pieces, nocked with bone and ended with bone; with

those two ends, and the wood in the midst, they pass not in length half a

yard, or little more. They are feathered with two feathers, the pen end

being cut away, and the feathers laid upon the arrow with the broad side

to the wood, insomuch, that they seem, when they are tied on, to have

four feathers. They have likewise three sorts of heads to those arrows;

one sort of stone or iron, proportioned like to a heart; the second sort

of bone much like unto a stopt head, with a hook on the same, the third

sort of bone likewise, made sharp at both sides, and sharp pointed. They

are not made very fast, but lightly tied to, or else set in a nocke,

that, upon small occasion, the arrow leaveth these heads behind them;

they are of small force except they be very near when they shoot.

Their darts are made of two sorts: the one with many forks of bones in

the fore end, and likewise in the midst; their proportions are not much

unlike our toasting-irons, but longer; these they cast out of an

instrument of wood very readily. The other sort is greater than the

first aforesaid, with a long bone made sharp on both sides, not much

unlike a rapier, which I take to be their most hurtful weapon.

They have two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side

with quarters of wood, artificially tied together with thongs of the

same; the greater sort are not much unlike our wherries, wherein sixteen

or twenty men may sit; they have for a sail dressed the guts of such

beasts as they kill, very fine and thin, which they sew together; the

other boat is but for one man to sit and row in, with one oar.

Their order of fishing, hunting, and fowling, are with these said

weapons; but in what sort or how they use them we have no perfect

knowledge as yet.

I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither

their houses nor apparel are of such force to withstand the extremity of

cold that the country seemeth to be infected withal; neither do I see any

sign likely to perform the same.

Those houses, or rather dens, which stand there, have no sign of footway,

or anything else trodden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of

habitation. And those tents, which they bring with them, when they have

sufficiently hunted and fished, they remove to other places; and when

they have sufficiently stored them of such victuals as the country

yieldeth, or bringeth forth, they return to their winter stations or

habitations. This conjecture do I make for the infertility which I

perceive to be in that country.

They have some iron, whereof they make arrow-heads, knives, and other

little instruments, to work their boats, bows, arrows, and darts withal,

which are very unapt to do anything withal, but with great labour.

It seemeth that they have conversation with some other people, of whom

for exchange they should receive the same. They are greatly delighted

with anything that is bright or giveth a sound.

What knowledge they have of God, or what idol they adore, we have no

perfect intelligence. I think them rather _anthropophagi_, or devourers

of man's flesh, than otherwise; that there is no flesh or fish which they

find dead (smell it never so filthily), but they will eat it as they find

it without any other dressing. A loathsome thing, either to the

beholders or the hearers. There is no manner of creeping beast hurtful,

except some spiders (which as many affirm are signs of great store of

gold), and also certain stinging gnats, which bite so fiercely that the

place where they bite shortly after swelleth, and itcheth very sore.

They make signs of certain people that wear bright plates of gold in

their foreheads and other places of their bodies.

The countries on both sides the straits lie very high, with rough stony

mountains, and great quantity of snow thereon. There is very little

plain ground, and no grass except a little, which is much like unto moss

that groweth on soft ground, such as we get turfs in. There is no wood

at all. To be brief, there is nothing fit or profitable for the use of

man which that country with root yieldeth or bringeth forth; howbeit

there is great quantity of deer, whose skins are like unto asses, their

heads or horns do far exceed, as well in length as also in breadth, any

in these our parts or countries: their feet likewise are as great as our

oxen's, which we measure to be seven or eight inches in breadth. There

are also hares, wolves, fishing bears, and sea-fowl of sundry sorts.

As the country is barren and unfertile, so are they rude, and of no

capacity to culture the same to any perfection; but are contented by

their hunting, fishing, and fowling, with raw flesh and warm blood, to

satisfy their greedy paunches, which is their only glory.

There is great likelihood of earthquakes or thunder, for there are huge

and monstrous mountains, whose greatest substance are stones, and those

stones so shapen with some extraordinary means, that one is separated

from another, which is discordant from all other quarries.

There are no rivers or running springs, but such as through the heat of

the sun, with such water as descendeth from the mountains and hills,

whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are engendered.

It argueth also that there should be none; for that the earth, which with

the extremity of the winter is so frozen within, that that water which

should have recourse within the same to maintain springs hath not his

motion, whereof great waters have their origin, as by experience is seen

otherwhere. Such valleys as are capable to receive the water, that in

the summer time, by the operation of the sun, descendeth from great

abundance of snow, which continually lieth on the mountains, and hath no

passage, sinketh into the earth, and so vanisheth away, without any

runnel above the earth, by which occasion or continual standing of the

said water the earth is opened and the great frost yieldeth to the force

thereof, which in other places, four or five fathoms within the ground,

for lack of the said moisture, the earth even in the very summer time is

frozen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments

with great force can unknit them.

Also, where the water in those valleys can have no such passage away, by

the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yearly

descent from the mountains filleth them full, that at the lowest bank of

the same they fall into the next valley, and so continue as fishing

ponds, in summer time full of water, and in the winter hard frozen, as by

scars that remain thereof in summer may easily be perceived; so that the

heat of summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolve the

extremity of cold that cometh in winter.

Nevertheless, I am assured, that below the force of the frost, within the

earth, the waters have recourse, and empty themselves out of sight into

the sea, which, through the extremity of the frost, are constrained to do

the same; by which occasion, the earth within is kept the warmer, and

springs have their recourse, which is the only nutriment of gold and

minerals within the same.

There is much to be said of the commodities of these countries, which are

couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let pass till more

perfect trial be made thereof.

Thus conjecturing, till time, with the earnest industry of our general

and others (who, by all diligence, remain pressed to explore the truth of

that which is unexplored, as he hath to his everlasting praise found out

that which is like to yield an innumerable benefit to his prince and

country), offer further trial, I conclude.

The 23rd August, after we had satisfied our minds with freight sufficient

for our vessels, though not our covetous desires, with such knowledge of

the country, people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed, the

24th thereof we departed there hence: the 17th of September we fell with

the Land's End of England, and so to Milford Haven, from whence our

general rowed to the court for order to what port or haven to conduct the

ship.

We lost our two barques in the way homeward, the one the 29th of August,

the other the 31st of the same month, by occasion of great tempest and

fog; howbeit, God restored the one to Bristol, and the other making his

course by Scotland to Yarmouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in

the way by God's visitation, and the other homeward, cast overboard with

a surge of the sea.

I could declare unto the readers the latitude and longitude of such

places and regions as we have been at, but not altogether so perfectly as

our masters and others, with many circumstances of tempests and other

accidents incident to seafaring men, which seem not altogether strange,

but I let them pass to their reports as men most apt to set forth and

declare the same. I have also left the names of the countries on both

the shores untouched for lack of understanding the people's language, as

also for sundry respects not needful as yet to be declared.

Countries new explored, where commodity is to be looked for, do better

accord with a new name given by the explorers than an uncertain name by a

doubtful author.

Our general named sundry islands, mountains, capes, and harbours after

the names of divers noblemen, and other gentlemen his friends, as well on

the one shore as also on the other.

THE THIRD AND LAST VOYAGE INTO META INCOGNITA,

_Made by Master Martin Frobisher_, _in the year_ 1578, _written by Thomas

Ellis_.

These are to let you know, that upon the 25th May, the _Thomas Allen_,

being vice-admiral, whose captain was Master Yorke; Master Gibbes,

master; Master Christopher Hall, pilot, accompanied with the

rear-admiral, named the _Hopewell_, whose captain was Master Henry Carew,

the Master Andrew Dier, and certain other ships, came to Gravesend, where

we anchored, and abode the coming of certain other of our fleet, which

were not yet come.

The 27th of the same month, our fleet being now come together, and all

things pressed in a readiness, the wind favouring and tide serving, we

being of sails in number eight, weighed anchors, and hoisted our sails

towards Harwich, to meet with our admiral and the residue, which then and

there abode our arrival, where we safely arrived the 28th thereof;

finding there our admiral, whom we, with the discharge of certain pieces,

saluted (according to order and duty), and were welcomed with the like

courtesy, which being finished we landed, where our general continued

mustering his soldiers and miners, and setting things in order

appertaining to the voyage, until the last of the said month of May,

which day we hoisted our sails, and committing ourselves to the

conducting of Almighty God, we set forward toward the West Country, in

such lucky wise and good success, that by the 5th June we passed the

Dursies, being the utmost part of Ireland, to the westward.

And here it were not much amiss, nor far from our purpose, if I should a

little discourse and speak of our adventures and chances by the way, as

our landing at Plymouth, as also the meeting of certain poor men, which

were robbed and spoiled of all that they had by pirates and rovers;

amongst whom was a man of Bristol, on whom our general used his

liberality, and sent him away with letters into England.

But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will return

(without any more mentioning of the same) to that from which I have

digressed and swerved, I mean our ships, now sailing on the surging seas,

sometimes passing at pleasure with a wished eastern wind, sometimes

hindered of our course again by the western blasts, until the 20th day of

the foresaid month of June, on which day in the morning we fell in with

Friesland, which is a very high and cragged land, and was almost clean

covered with snow, so that we might see nought but craggy rocks and the

tops of high and huge hills, sometimes (and for the most part) all

covered with foggy mists. There might we also perceive the great isles

of ice lying on the seas like mountains, some small, some big, of sundry

kinds of shapes, and such a number of them, that we could not come near

the shore for them.

Thus sailing along the coast, at the last we saw a place somewhat void of

ice, where our general (accompanied with certain other) went ashore,

where they saw certain tents made of beasts' skins, and boats much like

unto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh,

fish, skins, and other trifles: amongst the which was found a box of

nails, whereby we did conjecture that they had either artificers amongst

them, or else a traffic with some other nation. The men ran away, so

that we could have no conference or communication with them. Our general

(because he would have them no more to flee, but rather encouraged to

stay through his courteous dealing) gave commandment that his men should

take nothing away with them, saving only a couple of white dogs, for

which he left pins, points, knives, and other trifling things, and

departed, without taking or hurting anything, and so came aboard, and

hoisted sails and passed forwards.

But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there fell such a fog and

hideous mist that we could not see one another; whereupon we struck our

drums, and sounded our trumpets to the end we might keep together; and so

continued all that day and night, till the next day, that the mist brake

up; so that we might easily perceive all the ships thus sailing together

all that day, until the next day, being the 22nd of the same, on which

day we saw an infinite number of ice, from the which we cast about to

shun the danger thereof.

But one of our small barques named the _Michael_, whose captain was

Master Kinderslie, the master, Bartholomew Bull, lost our company,

insomuch that we could not obtain the sight of her many days after, of

whom I mean to speak further anon, when occasion shall be ministered, and

opportunity served. Thus we continued on our course until the 2nd of

July, on which day we fell with the Queen's Foreland, where we saw so

much ice, that we thought it impossible to get into the straits, yet at

the last we gave the adventure, and entered the ice.

Being in amongst it, we saw the _Michael_, of whom I spake before,

accompanied with the, _Judith_, whose captain was Master Fenton, the

master, Charles Jackman, bearing into the aforesaid ice, far distant from

us, who in a storm that fell that present night (whereof I will at large,

God willing, discourse hereafter), were severed from us, and being in,

wandered up and down the straits amongst the ice, many days in great

peril, till at the last (by the providence of God) they came safely to

harbour in their wished port in the Countess of Warwick's Sound the 20th

July aforesaid, ten days before any of the other ships; who going on

shore, found where the people of the country had been, and had hid their

provision in great heaps of stone, being both of flesh and fish, which

they had killed, whereof we also found great store in other places after

our arrival. They found also divers engines, as bows, slings, and darts.

They found likewise certain pieces of the pinnace which our general left

there the year before; which pinnace he had sunk, minding to have it

again the next year.

Now, seeing I have entreated so much of the _Judith_ and the _Michael_, I

will return to the rest of the other ships, and will speak a little of

the storm which fell, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put

into the ice, whereof I made mention before.

At the first entry into the ice, in the mouth of the straits, our passage

was very narrow and difficult; but being once gotten in, we had a fair,

open place without any ice for the most part; being a league in compass,

the ice being round about us, and enclosing us, as it were, within the

pales of a park. In which place (because it was almost night) we minded

to take in our sails and lie a hull all that night. But the storm so

increased, and the waves began to mount aloft, which brought the ice so

near us, and coming in so fast upon us, that we were fain to bear in and

out, where ye might espy an open place. Thus the ice coming on us so

fast we were in great danger, looking every hour for death, and thus

passed we on in that great danger, seeing both ourselves and the rest of

our ships so troubled and tossed amongst the ice, that it would make the

strongest-heart to relent.

At the last, the barque _Dionyse_, being but a weak ship, and bruised

afore amongst the ice, being so leak that she no longer could carry above

water, sank without saving any of the goods which were in her: the sight

so abashed the whole fleet, that we thought verily we should have tasted

of the same sauce. But nevertheless, we seeing them in such danger,

manned our boats, and saved all the men, in such wise that not one

perished. (God be thanked.)

The storm still increased and the ice enclosed us, that we were fain to

take down top and topmasts; for the ice had so environed us, that we

could see neither land nor sea as far as we could ken; so that we were

fain to cut our cables to hang overboard for fenders, somewhat to ease

the ship's sides from the great and dreary strokes of the ice; some with

capstan bars, some fending off with oars, some with planks of two inches

thick, which were broken immediately with the force of the ice, some

going out upon the ice, to bear it off with their shoulders from the

ships. But the rigorousness of the tempest was such, and the force of

the ice so great, that not only they burst and spoiled the foresaid

provision, but likewise so raised the sides of the ships that it was

pitiful to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint.

Thus continued we all that dismal and lamentable night, plunged in this

perplexity, looking for instant death; but our God (who never leaveth

them destitute which faithfully call upon Him), although He often

punisheth for amendment's sake, in the morning caused the winds to cease,

and the fog, which all that night lay on the face of the water, to clear,

so that we might perceive about a mile from us a certain place clear from

any ice, to the which with an easy breath of wind, which our God sent us,

we bent ourselves, and furthermore He provided better for us than we

deserved, or hoped for; for when we were in the foresaid clear place, He

sent us a fresh gale at west, or at west-south-west, which set us clear

without all the ice. And further He added more, for He sent us so

pleasant a day, as the like we had not of a long time before, as after

punishment consolation.

Thus we joyful whites, being at liberty, took in all our sails, and lay a

hull, praising God for our deliverance, and stayed to gather together our

fleet; which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great

hurt, neither any of them wanted, saving only they of whom I spake

before, and the ship which was lost, then at the last we hoisted our

sails, and lay bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God

to take away the ice, that we might get into the straits.

As we thus lay off and on, we came by a marvellous huge mountain of ice,

which surpassed all the rest that ever we saw, for we judged it to be

near four score fathoms above water, and we thought it to be aground for

anything that we could perceive, being there nine score fathoms deep, and

of compass about half a mile.

Also the fifth of July there fell a hideous fog and mist, that continued

till the nineteenth of the same, so that one ship could not see another.

Therefore we were fain to bear a small sail, and to observe the time, but

there ran such a current of tide, that it set us to the north-west of the

Queen's Forehand, the back side of all the straits, where (through the

contagious fog having no sight either of sun or star) we scarce knew

where we were. In this fog the 10th July we lost the company of the

_Vice-Admiral_, the _Anne Francis_, the _Busse of Bridgewater_, and the

_Francis of Foy_.