seemed likely to promote the welfare of his brother-in-law, was
manifested on this occasion. In his answer to Dr. Smith’s letter,
written a week after, he says: “Your letter by Mr. Slough was so truly
obliging and friendly, that I cannot think of words strong enough to
express my gratitude. Rittenhouse, I trust, will always be sensible of
the favours you have shewn him, and of the uncommon pains you have taken
to serve him on this occasion, which have been represented to me, fully,
by Mr. Slough.[154] Accept then, dear sir, my most hearty thanks for
your kind offices in behalf of Mr. Rittenhouse. Accept of my wife’s best
thanks, also — —. She shed tears of gratitude, when she read your
letter, (for her attachment to her brother David is very great,) and
declared, in a high strain of enthusiasm, that Dr. Smith was the most
steady friend and obliging man that ever lived; that she should honour
and respect him, while living, and, should she survive him, would always
revere his memory. Thus it was, that the sister of your ‘optical and
mathematical’ friend expressed herself on the occasion.”
-----
Footnote 154:
Matthias Slough, Esq. who served several years with reputation as a
representative in the assembly, from the county of Lancaster.
-----
Notwithstanding the fair prospects which Mr. Rittenhouse thus had, in
the beginning of the year 1770, of being enabled to establish himself in
Philadelphia, with a handsome salary of 200_l._ _per annum_ from the
government, in addition to such funds as he might reasonably calculate
on acquiring, in that capital, by his professional occupation, both he
and his friends were disappointed, in regard to the contemplated
official station: The assembly rose, as Dr. Smith seemed to have
anticipated a very short time before, without passing the loan-office
bill.
Mr. Rittenhouse’s actual removal into the city, in the succeeding
autumn, appears to have been made in pursuance of a previous
determination more recently formed;[155] one founded on some plan, not
liable to be affected by such contingencies as have been just noticed.
Prior to that period, his Orrery was nearly if not quite completed: for
it appears by a letter which he wrote to Mr. Barton from Norriton, on
the 12th of May preceding his removal to the city, that the trustees of
Nassau-Hall, in New-Jersey, had then agreed on some terms with him, as
the inventor, maker, and proprietor, for the purchase of it.[156] The
trustees of the College of Philadelphia had likewise been in treaty with
him, for the same purpose: but the Princeton College succeeded in their
negociation, and thus acquired the property of the Orrery first
constructed.
-----
Footnote 155:
On the 4th of Feb. 1770, he mentioned to Mr. Barton his then
contemplated removal into that city, in these terms—“Dr. Smith, to
whom I am indebted for many kindnesses, is very urgent to have me come
to Philadelphia to reside, which it is probable I may do shortly: but
I am not yet determined. If I live to write again, you shall know more
of my mind; in the mean time, I shall be glad to have your opinion of
the matter.”
Footnote 156:
Since writing the above the author has ascertained, that towards the
close of April, 1770, the orrery was purchased for the college of
New-Jersey. On the 23d of that month, Dr. Witherspoon, then the
president of that college, accompanied by some gentlemen, went to
Norriton for that purpose, and it appears that the orrery was then
nearly finished.
-----
This circumstance gave, at the time, some dissatisfaction to the more
immediate friends of the Philadelphia institution; though it is
confidently believed that no degree of censure, whatever, could be
justly imputed to Mr. Rittenhouse, on the occasion; perhaps, none was
fairly chargeable on any of the parties. Mr. Rittenhouse, however,
experienced some unpleasant sensations; although, in order to avoid any
suspicion of his having been actuated by an undue partiality towards the
College of Princeton, he had made such a stipulation in favour of its
sister-institution, as could not fail, when made known, to remove any
imputation of impropriety of conduct on his part, in the transaction.
This is explained by the following passage in the letter to his
brother-in-law, last referred to,—evidently penned without any reserve.
After noticing the dissatisfaction just mentioned, he says—“I would not,
on any account, incur the imputation of cunning; nor are there,
probably, many persons living who deserve it less: yet I am greatly
mistaken if this matter” (his transfer of the Orrery to Princeton
College) “does not, in the end, turn out to my advantage, and
consequently, to your satisfaction. At present, the point is settled as
follows: I am to begin another” (Orrery) “immediately, and finish it
expeditiously, for the College of Philadelphia. This I am not sorry for;
since the making of a second will be but an amusement, compared with the
first: And who knows, but that the rest of the colonies may catch the
contagion.”[157]
-----
Footnote 157:
The following extract of a letter from Dr. Smith to Mr. Barton,
written the day after Mr. Rittenhouse’s on the same subject, will
further explain the embarrassing circumstances that attended this
transaction, and the delicate situation in which Mr. Rittenhouse,
particularly, was placed.
“I never,” said the Doctor, “met with greater mortification, than to
find Mr. Rittenhouse had, in my absence, made a sort of agreement to
let his Orrery go to the Jersey College. I had constantly told him,
that if the Assembly did not take it, I would take it for our College,
and would have paid the full sum, should I have begged the money. I
thought I could depend, as much as on any thing under the sun, that
after Mr. Rittenhouse knew my intentions about it, he would not have
listened to any proposal for disposing of it, without advising me, and
giving our College the first opportunity to purchase. I think Mr.
Rittenhouse was never so little _himself_, as to suffer himself to be
taken off his guard on this occasion. This province is willing to
honour him, as her _own_: and believe me, many of his friends wondered
at the newspaper article; and regretted that he should think so little
of his _noble_ invention, as to consent to let it go to a village;
unless he had first found, on trial, that his friends in this city had
not spirit to take it: For if he would wish to be known by _this
work_—and introduced to the best business and commissions for
instruments, from all parts of the continent,—his _Orrery_ being
placed in our College, where so many strangers would have an
opportunity of seeing it, was the sure way to be serviceable to
Himself.
“You will think, by all this, that I am offended with him, and that
our friendship may hereby be interrupted: Far from it—I went to see
him, the day the newspaper announced the affair. I soon found that I
had little occasion to say any thing: he was convinced, before I saw
him, that he had gone too far. But still, as no time was fixed for
delivering the Orrery, I was glad to find he had concluded that it
should not be delivered till next winter; against which time, he said,
he could have a _second_ one made, if this one staid with him for his
hands to work by. As I love Mr. Rittenhouse, and would not give a man
of such delicate feelings a moment’s uneasiness, I agreed to wave the
_honour_ of having the first Orrery, and to take the second.”
In fact, the Orrery was not at that time finished; for Mr. Rittenhouse
then informed Dr. Smith, that he was under the necessity of waiting
for brass from England, to enable him to complete it. “The result
(continued the Doctor) will be, I think, that he will keep his Orrery
till towards winter; and should they not _then_ receive it, in the
Jersies, they will take it at New-York.”
On the 7th of the following month, Dr. Smith wrote thus finally, to
Mr. Barton, on this subject—“Your and my friend, Mr. Rittenhouse, will
be with you on Saturday. The Governor says, the Orrery shall not go:
he would rather pay for it, himself. He has ordered a meeting of the
Trustees on Tuesday next; and declares it as his opinion, that we
ought to have the _first_ Orrery, and not the second,—even if the
second should be the best.”
-----
The second Orrery was soon completed: for, on the 15th of March, 1771,
only ten months after the date of his last quoted letter to the Rev. Mr.
Barton, he wrote to that gentleman, on the subject, in these words. “Dr.
Smith bids me to tell you he will write by your son William. He is fully
employed, at present, with his Lectures, and has great success, having
raised upwards of two hundred pounds.[158] I am sure you would afford me
_some additional compassion_, if you knew the drudgery of explaining the
Orrery to two hundred persons,[159] in small companies of ten or twelve,
each: the satisfaction they universally express, makes however some
amends.”[160]
-----
Footnote 158:
The Rev. Dr. Peters wrote thus to Mr. Barton, under the date of March
22, 1771—“Dr. Smith has done wonders in favour of our friend
Rittenhouse. His zeal has been very active: he has got enough to pay
him for a second orrery; and the assembly has given him 300_l._ The
Doctor, in his introductory lecture, was honoured with the principal
men of all denominations, who swallowed every word he said, with the
pleasure that attends eating the choicest viands; and in the close,
when he came to mention the orrery, he over-excelled his very
self!”—“Your son will acquaint you with all the particulars respecting
it. The lectures are crowded by such as think they can, thereby, be
made capable of understanding that wonderful machine: whereas, after
all, their eyes only will give them the truth, from the figures, and
motions, and places, and magnitudes of the heavenly bodies.”
Footnote 159:
The author of _The Vision of Columbus_, a Poem, (first published at
Hartford in Connecticut, in the beginning of the year 1787,) alludes
to the Rittenhouse-Orrery, and to the numerous resort of persons to
the College-Hall, for the purpose of viewing that machine, in the
following lines, (book vii.)
“See the sage RITTENHOUSE, with ardent eye,
Lift the long tube and pierce the starry sky;
Clear in his view the circling systems roll,
And broader splendours gild the central pole.
He marks what laws th’ eccentric wand’rers bind,
Copies Creation in his forming mind,
And bids, beneath his hand, in semblance rise,
With mimic orbs, the labours of the skies.
There wond’ring crouds with raptur’d eye behold
The spangled Heav’ns their mystic maze unfold;
While each glad sage his splendid Hall shall grace,
With all the spheres that cleave th’ ethereal space.”
Footnote 160:
In a letter from Dr. Smith to Mr. Barton, dated March 23, 1771, is
this paragraph:—
“I have been so busy these two months past, that I could not find a
moment’s leisure to write. A good deal of time was to be given to the
public lectures, the Orrery, and the getting our dear friend
Rittenhouse brought into as advantageous a light as possible, on his
first entrance into this town as an inhabitant; all which has
succeeded to our utmost wishes; and the notice taken of him by the
province, is equally to his honour and theirs. The loss of his wife
has greatly disconcerted him; but we try to keep up his spirits, under
it.”
-----
The _italicised_ words, in the foregoing paragraph, have reference to a
great domestic calamity Mr. Rittenhouse had experienced, only a very few
months before,—the death of an affectionate wife, whom he tenderly
loved. This afflicting event appears to have overspread, for some time,
the highly sensible and delicate mind of our Philosopher, with a
considerable degree of gloominess. In this mood, then, he thus commenced
the letter just quoted: “_You_ are not unacquainted with the dismal
apprehensions of losing what is most dear to you” (alluding, here, to a
dangerous fit of illness from which Mrs. Barton, the writer’s sister,
had recently recovered;) “and therefore you can better judge, than I can
describe, what I feel at present. I do, indeed, endeavour to bear my
loss in the manner you recommend: but how irksome does every thing seem!
Nothing interesting, nothing entertaining! except my two little girls;
and yet my reflecting on their loss sinks me the deeper in affliction.
What adds to my misfortune, is the hurry of business I am engaged in,
and know not how to get rid of. My design, at present, is to keep the
children with me, until I can conveniently take a ramble to Europe.”
And, in the same strain of melancholy reflections, he concluded this
letter to his friend and brother-in-law: “I suppose,” said he, “you have
been informed, that the Assembly have made me a donation of three
hundred pounds. This would have been very agreeable to me, if my poor
Eleanor had lived: but now, neither money—nor reputation—has any charms;
though I must still think them valuable, because absolutely necessary in
this unhappy life.”
Although such was the keen sensibility of this amiable man, on so
distressing an occasion, his numerous avocations of business and
studies, aided by the correctness of his own reflections, gradually
dispelled these over-shadowings of his dejected mind; and ere long, he
very naturally regained his usual serenity and cheerfulness of temper.
A new phænomenon in the heavens soon after engaged his attention: this
was the Comet which appeared in June and July, 1770. His Observations on
this Comet, with the elements of its Motion and the Trajectory of its
Path, were communicated to the American Philosophical Society, through
his friend Dr. Smith, on the 3d of August, soon after the Comet’s
disappearance, and were dated at Norriton the 24th of the preceding
month. The letter to Dr. Smith, that covered this communication, and in
which he says, “Herewith I send you the fruit of three or four days
labour, during which I have covered many sheets, and literally drained
my ink-stand several times”—will demonstrate how completely his mind was
occupied in those researches.
About the close of the following autumn, some accounts of Observations
of this Comet in England and France, respectively, reached this country,
when a further correspondence on the subject took place between Dr.
Smith and Mr. Rittenhouse. These communications are published, entire,
in the first volume of the Philosophical Society’s Transactions; and,
with those already noticed, complete the list of our Astronomer’s papers
in that volume. It is here worthy of remark, that a comparison of Mr.
Rittenhouse’s Observations of this Comet with those of M. Messier in
France and Mr. Six in England, confirmed the theory of the American
Observer.
Before this subject is dismissed, however, it may not be deemed
uninteresting to subjoin an extract of a letter which Mr. Rittenhouse
addressed to the Rev. Mr. Barton (from Norriton,) on the 30th of July,
respecting the same Comet: it will, at least, serve to shew the zeal of
our Astronomer, on the occasion.
“I told you,” said Mr. Rittenhouse, “that some intricate calculation, or
other, always takes up my idle hours” (he seems to have considered all
his hours as “idle” ones, which were not occupied in some manual
employment,) “that I cannot find time to write to my friends as often as
I could wish: a new object has lately engrossed my attention. The Comet
which appeared a few weeks since was so very extraordinary, that I could
not forbear tracing it in all its wanderings, and endeavouring to reduce
that motion to order and regularity, which seemed void of any. This, I
think, I have accomplished, so far as to be able to compute its visible
place for any given time: and I can assure you, that the account from
York, of its having been seen again near the place where it first
appeared, is a mistake. Nor is Mr. Winthrop of Boston happier, in
supposing that it yet crosses the Meridian, every day, between twelve
and one o’clock, that it has already passed its perihelion, and that it
may, perhaps, again emerge from the Southern Horizon. This Comet is now
to be looked for no where but a little to the North of, and very near
to, the Ecliptic. It rises now a little before day-break; and will
continue to rise sooner and sooner, every morning. Yet perhaps, on
account of its smallness, we may see it no more; though I rather think
we shall: But I must stop, for fear of tiring you.”
The subjects of all Mr. Rittenhouse’s philosophical papers, comprised in
the first volume of the Society’s Transactions, having been now noticed,
some public acts connected with two of the objects to which those papers
relate, and which took place about the time to which these memoirs are
brought down shall, at present, be adverted to.
The Orrery had attracted a very general attention, among learned,
ingenious, and well-informed persons, in this country: it could not,
therefore, escape the notice of the then Legislature of Pennsylvania.
Accordingly, the honourable testimony borne by that very respectable
body, to the merits of Mr. Rittenhouse, is thus expressed in the Journal
of the House, under the date of March the 8th, 1771.
“The members of assembly, having viewed the Orrery constructed by Mr.
David Rittenhouse, a native of this Province, and being of opinion that
it greatly exceeds all others hitherto constructed, in demonstrating the
true Situations of the celestial Bodies, their Magnitudes, Motions,
Distances, Periods, Eclipses, and Order, upon the principles of the
Newtonian System:
“_Resolved_, That the sum of three hundred pounds be given to Mr.
Rittenhouse, as a Testimony of the high sense which this House entertain
of his Mathematical genius and Mechanical abilities, in constructing the
said Orrery. And a Certificate for the said sum, being drawn at the
table, was signed by the Speaker and delivered to Mr. Evans.
“_Ordered_, That Mr. Evans, Mr. Rhoads, Mr. James, Mr. Rodman, Mr.
Morton, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Montgomery, and Mr. Edwards, with the
Speaker,[161] be a Committee to agree with and purchase from Mr.
Rittenhouse a new Orrery, for the use of the Public, at any sum not
exceeding four hundred pounds, lawful money of this Province.”[162]
-----
Footnote 161:
Joseph Galloway, Esq. was then speaker.
Footnote 162:
The committee, named in the above order of the general assembly, made
the following report to that body, on the 24th of September, 1771;
viz.
“The committee appointed to agree with, and purchase from Mr.
Rittenhouse a new Orrery for the use of the public, beg leave to
report, that they have, in pursuance of the order of assembly, agreed
with Mr. Rittenhouse for a new Orrery, at the price of four hundred
pounds, the price limited by the house; to consist of one principal
square (face,) of eight feet or more each way, with two wings; making
in the whole one large front, as nearly resembling the form of the
Orrery now standing in the College of the city of Philadelphia, as its
superior size will admit.” (Signed by all the members of the
committee.)
-----
Unfortunately, the important object designed to have been obtained “for
the use of the Public,” by the Order which closes this legislative
resolution was not executed. This disappointment of the liberal
intentions of the Legislature arose, probably, from the many and arduous
employments in which Mr. Rittenhouse was almost constantly engaged, in
the short period which intervened between that time and the commencement
of the troubles in America. But, whatever may have been the cause, the
consequence is much to be regretted.
In January, 1771, Mr. Rittenhouse was elected one of the Secretaries of
the American Philosophical Society; and on the 22d of February
following, an Address was presented to the General Assembly by that
Society, requesting the acceptance, by each Member of the House, of the
first volume of the Society’s Transactions, then recently published.
This Address, which was signed by order and in behalf of the Society, by
Dr. Smith, Dr. Ewing, and Mr. Robert Strettel Jones, together with Mr.
Rittenhouse, as the Secretaries, was favourably received by the
Assembly.
Some short time prior to this, viz. on the 22d of September, 1770, Dr.
Thomas Bond and Samuel Rhoads, Esq. two of the Vice-Presidents of the
American Philosophical Society, had, by their Order and in their behalf,
transmitted to the General Assembly the Observations on the Transits of
Venus and Mercury, then unpublished; not only those which had been made
under the directions of that Society, but such as had, in the
intermediate time, been received from the other American Colonies and
from England: the Society expressing, at the same time, a due sense of
the obligations they were under to the Assembly, “for the countenance
and encouragement they had given them, in carrying on the designs of the
Institution; and, that they were particularly thankful for the generous
assistance granted to them, for making those Observations.” They say
further: “We have the pleasure to find they have been highly acceptable
to those learned Bodies in Europe, to whom they have been communicated;”
and, that they were “likely to be of great service, in settling that
important point in Astronomy, which was proposed from the Transit of
Venus.”
It is evident from these proceedings, that there was, at that day, a
reciprocation of good will between the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and
a most valuable Scientific Institution, established within the bounds of
their jurisdiction. While the legislative body, on the one hand,
encouraged such institutions, and extended a liberal patronage to
persons of genius and useful talents; men of learning and abilities, on
the other, were stimulated by a sense of gratitude, and a laudable
desire of honourable fame, to exert themselves for the public welfare.
Among the Members of the then General Assembly of Pennsylvania, were
John Dickinson, William Allen, George Ross, Edward Biddle, Charles
Humphreys, John Sellers, John and Israel Jacobs, and James Wright,
besides the very respectable characters named in the foregoing
resolution and order of the House.[163]
-----
Footnote 163:
Messrs. Dickinson, Humphreys, Morton, Ross and Biddle, together with
Mifflin and Franklin, were delegated on the part of Pennsylvania to
the first general congress, which met in Philadelphia on the 5th of
September, 1774; and the same gentlemen, with the addition of Messrs.
Willing and Wilson, were also delegates from Pennsylvania in the
second general congress, which met in the same city on the 10th of
May, 1775. Of these “dignified and ever memorable assemblies,”
composed of that “illustrious band of patriots whose worth sheds a
lustre on the American character,” the great Washington was also a
member.
Mr. Dickinson, the writer of the celebrated _Farmer’s Letters_, was a
distinguished lawyer, statesman and scholar. Dr. Ramsay (who published
his _History of the American Revolution_ at the close of the year
1789,) remarks, that “the stamp-act, which was to have taken place in
1765, employed the pens and tongues of many of the colonists,” and,
that “the duties imposed in 1767, called forth the pen of John
Dickinson, who in a series of letters, signed ‘_A Pennsylvania
Farmer_,’ may be said to have sown the seeds of the revolution.”
From the commencement of the momentous controversy between the
North-American colonies and the parent state, Mr. Dickinson was an
able and strenuous assertor of the rights of the colonists. In the
summer of the year 1768, the Rev. Mr. Barton sent him a little
artificial fountain or jet-d’eau, called a perpetual fountain,
prettily contrived and ornamented. On that occasion, the patriotic
feelings of Mr. Dickinson were thus expressed, in an handsome allusion
to this engine; feelings, called forth by some sentiments contained in
the letter which accompanied this small present,—“I wish” (said he, in
his answer to Mr. Barton’s letter, dated the 29th of August,)—“I wish
‘a perpetual fountain’ may water the tree of American liberty—I shall
always be ready and willing, with pious hands, to sprinkle its roots;
even though, for every drop of the pure element I throw upon them, the
free-booters should pour upon me all the foul waters in which they
delight to dabble. I have acted from the best of motives, the love of
freedom and of my country. If reproaches can influence the weak and
malicious, they never can blot from my memory the pleasing
consciousness of having endeavoured to do my duty. I am extremely
sensible of my own frailties; and yet I think I have so much charity,
that I reflect with pleasure, that perhaps these very people who abuse
me, may derive some little advantage from those very actions of mine
for which they abuse me. May heaven grant this to be the case! It is
all the revenge I desire to take of them; and this I think, my good
sir, is a Christian revenge.”
Messrs. Allen, Ross, and Biddle, shall be noticed in another place.
Mr. Sellers was a sensible and ingenious country-gentleman, possessed
of some skill in mathematical and astronomical science. Messrs. John
and Israel Jacobs (whose sister was the second wife of Mr.
Rittenhouse) were also well-informed country-gentlemen: the former was
speaker of the general assembly of Pennsylvania, and the latter a
member of congress, after the revolution. Mr. James Wright was a very
respectable representative of the county of Lancaster, before the
revolution. The gentlemen named in the committee of the general
assembly, to treat with Mr. Rittenhouse for the purchase of an Orrery
for the use of the public, were likewise conspicuous for their worth.
Of these, Mr. Rhoads was one of the vice-presidents of the American
Philosophical Society, and Mr. Morton, a judge of the supreme court of
Pennsylvania, before the revolution: both were afterwards members of
congress.
-----
The various agitations which the public mind underwent in this country,
in the succeeding four years, in consequence of its disputes with the
parent state, and until the commencement of hostilities between the two
countries, seem to place Mr. Rittenhouse more out of view for some time,
with respect to any public employments. Then, all classes of people
appeared to have become Politicians. The interests of Literature were
neglected; Science, abstracted from Politics, was little cultivated; and
all other considerations were, in general, apparently absorbed in the
views which the American people entertained of their public affairs, and
in the prosecution of measures, adapted either for the obtaining a
redress of the then existing grievances, or to meet the possible
contingency of an adverse event. There was, in fact, for about four
years preceding the year 1775, a great interruption, sometimes an almost
total suspension, in the American colonies of Great Britain, of all
pursuits, except the ordinary and indispensable ones of Industry and
Commerce. Yet about the commencement of this period, (viz. in the summer
of 1771,) Mr. Rittenhouse was engaged with Mr. Kinnersley and some other
gentlemen, several days successively, in making a series of experiments
at Philadelphia, on the Gymnotus Electricus, or Electric Eel; for the
purpose of ascertaining the nature of the faculty by which this fish is
enabled, on being touched, to impart a shock, very similar in sensation
to that produced by the electric fluid. An account of these experiments
was long afterwards communicated by Mr. Rittenhouse to Professor Barton
of Philadelphia, and will be found in the first volume of his
_Philadelphia Medical and Physical Journal_.
It was during this interval that Mr. Rittenhouse experienced a long
course of exemption from any very conspicuous public employments, which
could interfere with his favourite studies; an interval, in which he was
disposed to have enjoyed a kind of dignified leisure, amidst the
tranquillity of domestic employments; so far as the existing state of
things in the political world would permit a man, solicitous for his
country’s happiness, to participate in any sort of gratification, that
might be deemed incompatible with a due degree of interest in the public
weal. He possessed too enlightened and patriotic a mind not to be keenly
sensible of the delicate, as well as alarming situation, in which his
country was then placed. But nature had fitted him for the quiet station
of domestic life, and the delightful pursuits of natural science; rather
than for the bustle of official situation, and for those speculative
projects in politics, wherein specious theories often terminate in the
most deceptive results.
He had been investigating principles founded in Truth, from his
childhood; this object was always near to his heart; and he set little
value on any thing that did not lead to its attainment. This
predominating disposition of his mind is indeed plainly evinced by a
single sentence, contained in a letter which he addressed to Mr. Barton,
so early as the 16th of February, 1764. Having had a personal interview
with an eminent and worthy clerical gentleman, well disposed to befriend
him, but who was more a metaphysical than a natural philosopher, he thus
expressed himself on the occasion: “I had a good deal of conversation
with Mr. ******, not, perhaps, greatly to the satisfaction of either of
us; for he appears to me to be a Mystical Philosopher, and you know I
care not a farthing for any thing but sober Certainty in Philosophy.”
Fifteen years elapsed between the publication of the first and second
volumes of the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society; and
there is an interval of about ten years between the latest of Mr.
Rittenhouse’s communications, contained in the first volume, and the
earliest in the second. These facts, alone, are sufficient to
demonstrate to what a state of depression all philosophical pursuits had
sunk, not only during the war of the revolution, but for some years
preceding it. It is true, that long before the close of that war, an
attempt was made by a few individuals to revive the long interrupted
meetings of the Society, at the stated times of their convening; and
that, for this purpose, a Charter of Incorporation was granted to the
members of that Institution, by an act of the Pennsylvania Legislature,
passed the 15th of March 1780: but that act itself contains an
acknowledgment of the truth, that, “The Society, after having been long
interrupted in their laudable pursuits by the calamities of war and the
distresses of our country,” had “found means to revive their
design,”—“in hopes of being able to prosecute the same with their former
success.”
But, at the date of Mr. Rittenhouse’s letter to Mr. Barton, of the 3d of
February, 1772,[164] he appears to have been chiefly engaged in his
domestic concerns and professional employment. He remained, even then,
very sensible of the loss he had sustained in the death of his wife: and
his reflections on that circumstance, together with the serious aspect
of the times and his frequent indisposition, depressed his mind,
occasionally, much below its natural state of cheerfulness. It must have
been in one of these hours of mental gloom, that he penned the
succeeding passage, in the letter last referred to.
-----
Footnote 164:
See Note 167.
-----
“I do not doubt, my dear Brother, but that you condemn me, as usual, for
not writing: but much writing ill suits a Mechanic. After the
comfortless toil of the day, when evening comes, I am glad to sooth my
mind with a favourite poet, or some other book of amusement. That you
may not be disappointed, I would have you to expect nothing of me, in
future. I no longer feel any inducement to exert myself: every
thing—even life itself—is insipid. Yet you will be told, I suppose, that
I am paying my addresses to some one:—I sincerely wish sad experience
may never teach you to reconcile these contradictions.”
“It is still my intention to go to England, as soon as my business will
permit. I have had my health as well as usual, until the last fortnight;
but have now a violent cold.”
The tenor of this quotation manifests, that our Philosopher did not, at
that time, enjoy his accustomed serenity of mind. Some of the causes of
his depression of spirits appeared to his friend and correspondent to be
of such a nature, as might, perhaps, be removed by a little pleasantry.
Under this impression, Mr. Barton, in his answer, thus rallied him:
“I am extremely sorry,”—said this gentleman, after replying to some
other parts of Mr. Rittenhouse’s letter—“to find your Ambition so low,
as to render you indifferent to that _Fame_ to which you might justly
aspire; and your Spirits so sunk, as to put you out of humour with the
world. My dear Brother, what can this be owing to? You have, indeed,
received a severe blow: but I am sure that your Philosophy has taught
you, with the Poet,—that,
“To be from all things that disquiet, free,
Is not consistent with Humanity.”
“Your case is not singular;—nay, it is favourable in comparison with
that of thousands. Though you have been deprived of one comfort, yet
many have been continued to you; such as, a tolerable share of
health—-your children—the means of subsistence—the esteem of your
friends—the applause of your countrymen, &c. &c. Banish therefore, I
beseech you, this serious sadness—these melancholy reflections; which,
if _Dr. Cadogan_[165] is to be credited, must be more injurious to your
health than any other cause can be.”
-----
Footnote 165:
Dr. William Cadogan’s “Dissertation on the Gout and all Chronic
Diseases,” &c. made its appearance in America about that time; and the
Rev. Mr. Barton, who had long experienced an hereditary gouty
affection, then thought favourably of the Doctor’s general theory,
although he could not adopt that ingenious theorist’s doctrine,
denying the existence of any hereditary diseases.
-----
“I know not, indeed, what kind of _Melancholy_ yours can be. To use the
words of the immortal Shakespeare,—
“You have neither the Scholar’s Melancholy,
Which is Emulation; nor the Musician’s,
Which is fantastical; nor the Courtier’s,
Which is Pride; nor the Lawyer’s, which is politic;
Nor the Lady’s, which is nice; nor the Lover’s,
Which is all these: but it is a Melancholy
Of your own,—compounded of many simples,
Extracted from many objects,—and, indeed,
The sundry Contemplation of the”——STARS.
“If you will promise to pardon your saucy niece, I will tell you what
she attributes it to. She says you are _in Love_; and, really, you seem
to insinuate as much, yourself: If it be so, I sincerely wish you
success in your “Addresses;” or a happy deliverance from the effects of
Love.”
“It would give me great pleasure to hear, that you had fairly resolved
upon going to England;[166] because it would be the means not only of
cheering your spirits, but of establishing your interest as well as
reputation. You give me some hopes of seeing you soon: your Sister and I
would be extremely glad, indeed, to see you at Lancaster.[167]
-----
Footnote 166:
Mr. Barton and some others of Mr. Rittenhouse’s friends had repeatedly
recommended to him to visit England: the former, particularly, often
urged him to it, and for the reasons assigned in the text. That he
had, himself, long contemplated that voyage, is apparent from the
extract of his letter to Mr. Barton, of the 15th of March 1771,
already quoted; and his last mentioned letter to the same gentleman
shews, that, nearly a year afterwards, he still had that object
steadily in view.
Footnote 167:
In a preceding letter, Mr. Barton had sent him some Mathematical
Problems, for solution. These had been furnished by a schoolmaster, in
Mr. Barton’s neighbourhood; who, although reputed a pretty good
mathematician, possessed but a small share of genius or invention,
while he had a large portion of confidence in his own abilities. In
noticing these problems, Mr. Rittenhouse could not refrain from
shewing some little irritation: he thought the communications too
trifling, too destitute of originality, or too useless, to merit his
attention; and, accordingly, he thus expressed himself on the
occasion, in a letter dated Feb. 3, 1772:
“I entreat you not to insist on my measuring heads with any
pragmatical schoolmaster, who is heartily welcome, for me, to divert
himself with his _x. y. z’s_, at which he may be very expert, and yet
be, as you say, both ignorant and conceited. His first question,
however, may be answered by any young algebraist: the second and third
are more difficult, and will admit of various answers. The fourth
contains four observations, picked out, (and carelessly enough,
several of the figures being wrong,) of a set made on the comet of
1682, which I shewed your son William in about half a dozen different
books; you will find them in Dr. Halley’s Astronomical Tables. Every
thing relating to this comet has long ago been settled by Dr. Halley;
so that, to give a complete answer to the question, I need only
transcribe from him: but you cannot conceive how much I despise this
kind of juggle, where no use is proposed. If your schoolmaster will
give me but three good observations (I do not want four) of the comet
of 1769, I will accept them with thanks, and soon undertake the
laborious task of determining its orbit, which we yet know nothing
about.”
To this Mr. Barton replied, in a vein of good-humoured pleasantry:
“I imagine you have mistaken me, with regard to the mathematical
questions. They were not sent as trials of your abilities: but, for
reasons with which W. B. is acquainted, and which I have desired him
to give you, in order to afford you a laugh. I shalt never “insist” on
your “measuring heads” with a “schoolmaster,” of any kind; because I
know full well, already, that your head is longer than all the heads
of the whole tribe. Had you known what diversion your solutions would
have afforded me, you would have sent them.”
-----
Although no doubt can be entertained, that, in the early part of the
year 1772, Mr. Rittenhouse had it very seriously in contemplation to
visit England, as soon, to use his own words, as his business would
permit, his intention in that particular was eventually frustrated: but
it is now uncertain, to what cause was owing a change of his views or
the disappointment of his plan.[168] He married, however, in the month
of December following, Miss Hannah Jacobs, of the city of
Philadelphia.[169]
-----
Footnote 168:
It is not improbable, that about the time of writing the letter of the
3d of Feb. 1772, from which extracts are given in the text, he began
to think seriously of marrying again. Both his natural disposition and
his habits endeared to him the comforts of domestic society; and these
he could not enjoy in a single state, his two only children being
infants. He therefore married, in December 1772; at which time he was
only in the forty-first year of his age. The lady he chose as his
companion, was a sensible, prudent and valuable woman; whose family
were members of the religious society of Friends, and with whose
brothers Mr. Rittenhouse had long been intimately acquainted. By that
marriage there was but one child, a daughter, who died in her infancy.
Mrs. Rittenhouse survived her husband little more than three years.
She died in October, 1799.
Footnote 169:
See the preceding note.
-----
By an act of the legislature of Pennsylvania, passed the 26th of
February, 1773, Mr. Rittenhouse was appointed one of the Commissioners
for making the river Schuylkill navigable;[170] and by two subsequent
laws, passed on the 24th of March, 1781, and the 15th of March, 1784, he
was again appointed a Commissioner, at those two periods, for the same
purpose. And by a list of the incidental expences of the government, for
the first mentioned of those years, it appears that he received 41_l._
15_s._ 11_d._ for his services in that business. In these several
appointments of commissioners, during a term of eleven years, Mr.
Rittenhouse was uniformly first-named; and, consequently, became
president of their board.
-----
Footnote 170:
The first law of Pennsylvania, for removing rocks, sandbars and
gravel, from the bed of the river Schuylkill, so as to render it
passable with rafts, boats, and other small river-craft, was passed
the 14th of March 1761.
-----
The last important business of a public nature, in which Mr. Rittenhouse
was engaged, prior to the American war, was in fixing, jointly with a
Commissioner on the part of New-York, the beginning of the 43° of North
latitude, and to establish a Line, thence Westward, as the Boundary
between Pennsylvania and New-York.
Mr. Rittenhouse was appointed the Commissioner for this purpose, on the
part of the then province of Pennsylvania, by Gov. John Penn, on the
24th of October, 1774; and Samuel Holland, Esquire, was the Commissioner
on the part of New-York, appointed by Lieutenant-Governor Colden. As
Captain Holland’s[171] commission was not made out until the 8th of
November, these Joint-Commissioners could not proceed on the business of
their appointment, before that late period. It appears, however, by the
duplicate returns made by these gentlemen to their respective
governments, under the date of December the 14th in the same year, that
they “ascertained and fixed the beginning of the forty-third degree of
North latitude on the Mohawk or Western branch of the Delaware; and
there, in a small island of the said river, planted a stone, marked,
&c.”[172]—“but that the rigour of the season prevented them from
proceeding further in running the said line, &c.”[173]
-----
Footnote 171:
Mr. Holland was an able engineer in the British service, and held the
military rank of captain.
Footnote 172:
The Marks, &c. are particularly described in the Pennsylvania Act of
Assembly, passed the 29th of Sept. 1779, entitled “An Act to
establish and confirm the Boundary Line between this state and the
state of New-York.”
Footnote 173:
The Law, referred to in the preceding note, states the extent of
their further progress in the business at that time, which was
inconsiderable.
-----
In September 1772, the Philosophical Society announced in the public
prints, the receipt, by them, of sundry communications: among which
were various astronomical observations, made in Canada, by this
gentleman and two other military officers, from June 1765, to May
1770, (captain Holland being, at that period, surveyor-general of the
district of Quebec.) These observations were communicated to the
society by Mr. Rittenhouse; but, having been received after the first
volume of the Society’s Transactions was published, their publication
in the subsequent volumes was by some means omitted.
This Line remained thus unsettled, until after the conclusion of the
American war. Mr. Rittenhouse and Captain Holland having previously
established the North-Eastern Corner of Pennsylvania, on that boundary,
by ascertaining and marking thereon the beginning of the 43° of North
latitude, the Pennsylvania Legislature, on the 31st of March, 1785,
enacted a law, authorizing the Executive of the State to appoint a
Commissioner, in conjunction with one or more on the part of New-York,
to run and complete the Line. The person selected for this service by
Pennsylvania, in addition to Mr. Rittenhouse, was Andrew Ellicott, Esq.
an able Mathematician and Astronomer, and well qualified also, by his
practical knowledge of Surveying or Land-Mensuration: this gentleman was
accordingly commissioned[174] by the hon. Charles Biddle, Esquire, then
Vice-President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on the
16th of June, 1786.[175] The Commissioners on the part of New-York, were
James Clinton and Simeon De Witt, Esquires: And by these gentlemen,
appointed on behalf of their respective governments, this business was
prosecuted; but it was not then completed.[176]
-----
Footnote 174:
Although Mr. Ellicott’s commission bears date the 16th of June, 1786,
his appointment took place some months sooner. On the 3d of April, in
that year, Mr. Rittenhouse wrote him thus:—
“Dear Sir,
“By direction of Council” (the Supreme Executive Council of
Pennsylvania,) “I wrote some time ago to the gentlemen appointed by
the state of New-York for running the northern boundary of this state.
I have received their answer; which is, that they will meet us at
Philadelphia on the 20th of this month, in order to concert measures
for carrying that business into execution. It will be necessary for
you to attend, and I shall confidently expect you—’till then, I must
defer many things I have to say to and settle with you: perhaps
copying the Nautical Almanack may wait until I see you. Hurry of
business will not permit me add more, than that I am,
Dear Sir,
Your very humble serv’t.
DAV. RITTENHOUSE.”
“ANDREW ELLICOTT, Esq.
Baltimore.”
And on the 29th of September, in the succeeding year, he addressed
another letter on the subject of this boundary, to Messrs. Ellicott
and Porter, jointly; wherein he says:
“Your packet came safe to hand, about three weeks after the date of
the letters. I am much obliged to you for the intelligence it
contains; you have succeeded beyond my expectation, and I have no
longer any doubt of your completing the line this season. I should
have been glad, if, to the account of your work, you had added some
description of the country: but my curiosity must wait till your
return.”
Mr. Rittenhouse continued in commission, for the establishing of this
line, until its entire completion: but his non-attendance with the
other commissioners in the actual running of the line, in the year
1787, was prevented by his being then engaged in fixing the
territorial boundary between the states of Massachusetts and New-York.
In the letter, last quoted, is this paragraph:—“Dr. Ewing and myself
were absent seven weeks, on the line between New-York and
Massachusetts, in which time we happily completed it, to the
satisfaction of all parties; and, with this business, I have bid
adieu, forever, to all running of lines.”
Footnote 175:
Dr. Rush has been led into a mere mistake of the date on this
occasion; probably, by an hasty perusal of the confirmatory law, of
Sept. 29, 1789. He states, in his eulogium, that it was the year 1786,
in which Mr. Rittenhouse “was employed in fixing the northern line
which divides Pennsylvania from New-York: his services on that
business were originally employed in 1774, He did, indeed, again act
as a commissioner, in the year 1786, and it was on the 16th day of
June, in that year, that Mr. Ellicott was commissioned to complete, in
conjunction with Mr. Rittenhouse, what the latter had begun to execute
eleven years and an half before the last mentioned date.
Footnote 176:
“In order to carry on the parallel of latitude with as much expedition
and economy as possible,” says Mr. Ellicott, “we dispensed with the
method of tracing a line on the arc of a great circle, and correcting
into the parallel; as pursued by Messrs. Mason and Dixon, in
determining the boundary between this state” (Pennsylvania,) “and the
state of Maryland, and which we followed in completing their line in
the year 1784. We commenced our operations by running a guide-line,
West, with a surveying compass, from the point mentioned on the
Delaware” (the one which was fixed by Dr. Rittenhouse and Capt.
Holland, in the year 1774,) 20¼ miles; and there corrected by the
following zenith lines” (laid down in the sequel,) “taken, at its
western termination, by a most excellent Sector, constructed and
executed by Dr. Rittenhouse.”
-----
The following letter, addressed by Mr. Rittenhouse to his wife, while he
was engaged in this service, will not only furnish the reader with some
idea of the manner in which the commissioners, with their attendants,
were obliged to live in the wilderness, and the nature of their
accommodations; but it will also present him with an interesting little
story, illustrative of the manners and condition, in our day, of some of
that unfortunate race of men, who were once the independent lords of
that vast territory, over which the descendants of a grant transatlantic
people now exercise all the rights of sovereignty and ownership. This
letter is dated the 6th of August, 1786.
“It is,” says Mr. Rittenhouse, “six long weeks since I have had the
happiness of seeing you or hearing from you; and this is the first
opportunity I have had of conveying a letter to you, since I left
Wyoming. As I cannot hope to receive a line from you until we approach
nearer to the habitable world, my next greatest pleasure is to inform
you of the favourable state of my health: this pleasure is indeed damped
in some degree, by my fears that you will not give full credit to what I
say, though I mean to abide strictly by the truth. The head-ach has been
unknown to me, almost ever since I left you; my cough, though much
better, is not quite removed; and I have no other complaint, except,
that which will never leave me in this world: this, however, far from
being worse than usual, is certainly something less troublesome; which I
attribute to my being more at liberty to use moderate exercise, and less
exposed to summer heats than I should be at home. This seems to be a
different climate from that you are in; the weather is constantly cool,
but not cold. We are at present situated on a pleasant bank of the
Susquehanna, about fifteen miles above the mouth of the Chenango, one of
the principal branches of this river. From this place to Middletown in
Lancaster county, is, by estimation, 270 miles along the river: much of
the road is very bad, so that we had a tedious journey.
“At Chenango, there are a few Indian families settled, amounting to
forty souls. Some of these people frequently visit us, and bring us fish
and venison; in return for which, they are very desirous to have flour
or salted provisions: and we live in the greatest harmony with them.
Five or six days ago, one of the Onondago Sachems with his family came
up in three canoes, and encamped in the evening, just below us. Next
morning, we received a message from them, requesting an audience for two
young ladies of the family. To this, a proper answer was returned,
(General Clinton having prudently brought an interpreter with him,) and
at the time appointed they were introduced to us in our tent, unattended
by any other Indians. After a draught of punch, and a decent silence,
our visitors were told that we were ready to hear what they had to say.
The eldest of the two, a fine girl of about twenty, and extremely well
dressed, with a becoming modesty made a short speech; concluding with an
handsome apology for acquitting herself no better, on account of her
youth and sex. The purport of her speech was, that thinking it would not
be disagreeable to us, they were come to spend a few days in our
company: that they were poor, and in want of provisions, especially
flour; and hoped we would furnish them with a small portion of our
stores,—at least for present use, whilst they staid with us. We
encouraged them to bring us fish and other fresh provision; in return
for which, they should have salt meat and some bread. Business being
over, some cheerful conversation ensued: and we had reason to think our
interpreter went much further than he was warranted to do; for he made
some proposition which the young lady negatived strongly, though we are
ignorant of what it was. He was then bid to assure them, that no insult
should be offered, and that they might visit us at our tents whenever
they pleased: to this one gentleman added, that we would treat them as
we would our own country women.
“It seems the old interpreter mistook the word _treat_, and construed
it, the _giving them victual and drink_: in consequence of this mistake,
the ladies expected to dine with us every day. They then departed,
seeming well satisfied; but in the afternoon we received a message from
them, complaining that we had already broken the treaty, in not sending
for them to dinner. To this we sent a verbal answer, with an apology,
and letting the ladies know we should expect them to tea. To my great
surprise, we then received a written note, thanking us for our kindness
and promising to drink tea with us,—signed, _Jacowe and Sally_: it was
in the Indian language, and written by Miss Sally herself. We now
thought it our duty to return a written compliment likewise; and this
intercourse ended with a verbal message from Miss Sally, assuring us,
that she thought herself honoured by our letter and would carefully
preserve it. The ladies did not fail to come; and have drank tea every
day, and sometimes dined with us. They are cheerful and agreeable; but
cannot, or will not, speak one word of English. Mr. De Witt draws
prettily, and is taking a very good picture of the young princess, which
I hope to have the pleasure of shewing you in a few weeks. I have
mentioned their _writing_, which you will be surprised at: but these
Indians are in some measure civilized; many of them have learned to
read;—they have the Common Prayer Book of the Church, printed in their
own language, which is the Mohawk.[177] The family now with us have
several books with them; likewise paper, pens and ink. Every evening,
the females jointly sing several religious hymns, and their music is at
least equal to any of this kind I have heard: the old mistress is very
devout, and sometimes says her prayers with great fervency. They are,
nevertheless, still but Indians; and Miss Sally will sit, with all her
finery about her, flat on the ground for hours together, under a
miserable bark shed, making buckskin shoes, until her eyes are almost
smoked blind; then, by way of relaxation, she and her cousin will step
into a little tottering canoe, where, standing upright, they row away
with incredible swiftness.
-----
Footnote 177:
The Liturgy of the Church of England was first translated into the
Mohawk language, in the year 1714. Another translation was made under
the direction of three clergymen of that church; namely, the Rev. Mr.
William Andrews, Dr. Henry Barclay, and Dr. John Ogilvie: This was
printed in the year 1769; but the place where it was printed does not
appear. In the year 1787, an handsome edition of the English Book of
Common Prayer, with a translation into the Mohawk language by captain
Joseph Brant, was published in London.
-----
“You will excuse me for entertaining you so long with an account of
these poor wretches. But your news, and your politics, are almost
forgotten. Still, my principal happiness is, that not only waking but
frequently in my dreams, I feel all that esteem and affection for you,
which I hope will never end. My companions are agreeable enough; but as
every one has his own humours, it is by no means a desirable thing to be
cooped up in a little tent, night and day, for weeks together, with any
one. I want something to employ my leisure hours. This I could do by
writing, but here is no privacy: I am at present obliged to write badly
and in a small hand, to prevent its being overlooked. I cannot think of
taking my departure for Philadelphia, until we approach nearer the
inhabited country: our next station, but one, will be at or near Tioga,
and from thence I shall return.”
* * * * * * * * * *
“God grant you health and spirits,” &c.
---
In 1787, Mr. Ellicott’s associates, in completing this line, were Col.
Andrew Porter of Pennsylvania, and Abraham Hardenberg and William
Morris, Esquires, of New York; Mr. Rittenhouse, who was engaged the same
year in a similar occupation, being unable to attend the finishing of
this boundary. It was then finally run and marked, by the other
commissioners here named; and, in conformity to the return of these
commissioners, their proceedings were ratified by a confirmatory law of
Pennsylvania, passed on the 29th of September, 1789.
Thus did the labours of a great work,—of one which employed the talents
of Mr. Rittenhouse towards the close of the year 1774—which were resumed
by him in 1786, and were afterwards continued and completed by Mr.
Ellicott and his associates,—receive the legislative sanction of
Pennsylvania, fifteen years after the commencement of this arduous
undertaking.
His studious habits, and zealous investigation of the works of nature,
led Mr. Rittenhouse to devote as much of his time, as the delicate state
of his health permitted him to retrench from occasional public
employments and his private occupations, to those objects for the
promotion of which the American Philosophical Society was instituted.
After he fixed his residence in Philadelphia, the established seat of
that Society, he attended their Meetings pretty regularly; and by that
means had an opportunity of forming a more intimate acquaintance with
many persons, most conspicuous, at that time, for talents, knowledge,
and learning. His great abilities had then become almost universally
known; and these, in connexion with the suavity of his deportment, his
great modesty, and exemplary moral character, had not only procured him
the esteem and respect of all good men; but confirmed the friendship of
his old acquaintances, and attached to him the high and sincere regard
of many new ones.
As one instance, among many, of the distinguished estimation in which
Mr. Rittenhouse was held by his fellow-citizens, after a residence of
between four and five years in Philadelphia; the American Philosophical
Society petitioned the legislature, on the 6th of March, 1775, fer
pecuniary aid, to enable them to erect an Observatory; and to allow Mr.
Rittenhouse an annual salary, as the “Public Astronomical Observer.”
The objects of this application were important, in a public view; and
its whole tenor was alike honourable to the enlightened patriotism of
the Philosophical Society, and the merit of the person to whom, more
particularly, it had reference.[178] Indeed, such a public act of so
respectable a body as that society, is a testimonial reflecting great
honour on the character of Mr. Rittenhouse; insomuch, that it would be
doing injustice to his memory, not to insert it in these Memoirs of of
his Life. It is as follows:
-----
Footnote 178:
Mr. Rittenhouse is not mentioned in the petition, by name. This was
unnecessary: for it was universally known, that it could apply to no
other person in America, so unquestionable and pointed are its
allusions to him; and that, perhaps, no other Astronomer then living,
so well merited the high encomiums on his philosophical abilities,
which it contains.
-----
“To the honourable the Representatives of the Freemen of the province of
Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met:
“The Representation and Petition of the American Philosophical Society,
held at Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge.
“Gentlemen,
“It must yield a sensible satisfaction to the good people of this
province, whom you represent, to find, that although it be among the
youngest of our American settlements, its reputation has risen high
among the sister colonies, and has extended even to the remotest part
of Europe, on account of our many public-spirited institutions, and
our rapid improvements in all useful arts. This satisfaction is also
greatly increased, when we consider, that notwithstanding these
institutions, through the necessity of the case, were generally
obliged to derive much of their first support from the benevolence of
individuals; yet a liberal spirit, for their encouragement and final
establishment, has gone forth among our Representatives, in proportion
to the increase of our provincial funds. And indeed the savings of
public money, after supplying the exigencies of the state, are never
more laudably directed, than towards the promoting whatever is useful
and ornamental in society.
“It is with unfeigned gratitude that your petitioners recollect the
repeated occasions you have given them, of acknowledging your bounty
and protection, in carrying on their designs ‘for the advancement of
useful knowledge;’ and it is their firm resolution never to abuse your
former indulgence, by any future unnecessary or unimportant
applications. By the means now in their own power, they hope, in
general, to be able to prosecute their plan; except so far as they may
sometimes find it incumbent on them humbly to suggest to you the
encouragement of useful inventions, and the patronizing undertakings
beneficial to the whole community: And it is in this last view, that
they presume to address you at this time.
“Amidst the variety of fields, which, in this new world, lie open to
the investigation of your petitioners, they have, for several years,
turned their views towards one, wherein they hope to gather some of
their chief laurels, and to make discoveries alike honourable to their
country and themselves. Our distance from the chief Observatories in
the world, the purity and serenity of our atmosphere, invite us, nay
loudly call upon us, to institute a series of regular Astronomical
Observations; the comparison of which with those made in Europe, and
elsewhere, might settle some very important points, and contribute
greatly to give a last perfection to Geography and Navigation. The
advantages derived to those noble and useful sciences, from such
observations, are so obvious, that there is scarce a civilized nation
in the world that has not made some provision for prosecuting them;
and your petitioners have been honoured with repeated solicitations
from some of the greatest men in Europe, to join with them in this
great work, and in a mutual communication of our labours.
“It would be inexcusable, therefore, in your petitioners to neglect
the present opportunity of endeavouring to set such a design on foot,
when we have a Gentleman among us, whose Abilities, speculative as
well as practical, would do Honour to any Country, and who is,
nevertheless, indebted for bread to his daily toil, in an occupation
the most unfriendly both to health and study. Under his auspices, the
work may now be undertaken with the greatest advantages; and others
may be bred up by him, to prosecute it in future times: but if the
present opportunity is neglected, perhaps whole centuries may not
afford such another. To rescue such a Man from the drudgery of manual
labour, and give him an occasion of indulging his bent of genius, with
advantage to his Country, is an Honour which crowned heads might glory
in,—but it is an Honour also, which it is hoped, in the case of a
native, Pennsylvania would not yield to the greatest prince or people
on earth!
“The design, which your petitioners have projected, and now humbly beg
leave to lay before your honourable House, is as follows, viz.
“First, That the Honourable Proprietaries be petitioned to grant a Lot
of Ground, for erecting a Public Observatory, and to give such other
encouragement to the design as they may think proper. And from their
known attachment to the interest of this country, as well as their
professed readiness to serve the Gentleman who is proposed to conduct
the design, your petitioners cannot have any doubt of their kind
compliance with this humble request.
“Secondly, That the assistance of your honourable House be requested,
agreeably to the concluding prayer of this petition.
“Thirdly, That a subscription be promoted for erecting a Public
Observatory, and furnishing it with such instruments as may be wanted,
in addition to those valuable ones now in the province. Of the success
of this subscription among our benevolent fellow-citizens, there can
be no doubt; and the expense of the additional instruments will not be
great, as the Gentleman proposed to conduct the design, is capable of
constructing them all with his own hand, in the most masterly manner.
“Fourthly, That the Observatory shall be at all times open to the
curious; and, particularly, that captains and mates of vessels, and
young gentlemen desirous of obtaining a practical knowledge in
Astronomy, shall have admittance, and (under proper rules, to be
framed for that purpose,) be taught the use of Instruments, and the
method of making Observations, especially the _new method_ of
ascertaining the longitude at sea; for the perfecting of which, the
Parliament of Great Britain has of late given such ample rewards, to
the singular advantage of trade and navigation.
“Fifthly, That the Observations to be made by the Public Observer,
shall be annually published, under the inspection of the American
Philosophical Society, and communicated to the learned Societies in
Europe, with such remarks as may render them generally useful and
entertaining.
“Sixthly, That the same person might also be appointed Surveyor of the
high roads and waters; in order that when any public proposals are to
be made, for improving navigation, and shortening the communications
between capital trading places, there be always a person who has
leisure, and is skilled in measuring and reducing distances, taking
heights and levels, and who may be employed in conjunction with
others, when necessary, to make report on all such matters, either at
the expence of those who request such service, or at the public
expence, as the case may require.
“Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray, that your Honourable House
would take the premises into your consideration, and allow a yearly
salary for such person, at least as a Public Astronomer, if you should
not view the additional office of Surveyor of the high roads and
waters in the same important light as it is viewed by your
petitionors; and they further pray, that you would give them leave to
bring in a bill for the legislative appointment of such Public
Observer, and for regulating his duty in the execution of his trust:
and your petitioners shall ever pray, &c.
Signed in behalf and by order of the American Philosophical Society,
at Philadelphia, March 6th 1775.