CHAPTER XL

LOOKING FORWARD

It is difficult to write history, but it is impossible to write

prophecy. We can no more tell what lies before us than the Fathers of

the Republic could foresee the future a century ago. They little guessed

that slavery, which seemed hastening to its end, would take new vigor

from an increase of its profits,--that, stimulated by the material gain,

a propaganda of religious and political defense would spring up,--that a

passionate denunciation and a passionate defense would gradually inflame

the whole country,--that meanwhile the absorption of the mass of

citizens in private pursuits would blind them to the evil and peril, and

prevent that disinterested, comprehensive statesmanship which ought to

have assumed as a common burden the emancipation of the slaves,--that

the situation would be exasperated by hostility of the sections and

complicated by clashing theories of the national Union,--that only by

the bitter and costly way of war would a settlement be reached,--and

that emancipation, being wrought by force and not by persuasion, would

leave the master class "convinced against its will," and a deep gulf

between the races, whose spanning is still an uncertain matter,--all

this was hidden from the eyes of the wisest, a century ago. So is hidden

from our eyes the outworking of the century to come.

But the essential principles of the situation, the true ideals, the

perils,--these were seen of old. Jefferson wrote, "I tremble for my

country when I reflect that God is a God of justice." And Washington

said, "I can already foresee that nothing but the rooting out of

slavery can perpetuate the existence of our Union, by consolidating it

in a common bond of principle." Just so clearly can we read the basal

principles on which depends our national safety. We look forward to-day,

not to predict what will be, but to see what ought to be, and what we

purpose shall be.

We, the people of the United States, are to face and deal with this

matter. We are all in it together. Secession has failed, colonization is

impossible. Southerner and Northerner, white man and black man, we must

work out our common salvation. It is up to us,--it is up to us all!

The saving principle is as simple as the multiplication table or the

Golden Rule. Each man must do his best, each must be allowed to do his

best, and each must be helped to do his best. Opportunity for every one,

according to his capacity and his merit,--that is democracy. Help for

the weaker, as the strong is able to give it,--that is Christianity.

Start from this center, and the way opens out through each special

difficulty. The situation is less a puzzle for the intellect than a

challenge to the will and heart.

First of all, it is up to the black man himself. His freedom, won at

such cost, means only opportunity, and it is for him to improve the

opportunity. As he shows himself laborious, honest, chaste, loyal to his

family and to the community, so only can he win to his full manhood. The

decisive settlement of the whole matter is being worked out in cotton

fields and cabins, for the most part with an unconsciousness of the

ultimate issues that is at once pathetic and sublime,--by the upward

pressure of human need and aspiration, by family affection, by hunger

for higher things.

On the leaders of the negroes rests a great responsibility. Their ordeal

is severe, their possibilities are heroic. The hardship of a rigid race

severance acts cruelly on those whose intelligence and refinement fit

them for a companionship with the best of the whites, which they needs

must crave, which would be for the good of both races, but which is

withheld or yielded in scanty measure. Self-abnegation, patience, power

alike to wait and to do,--these are the price they are called to pay.

But the prize set before them is worth it all,--the deliverance of their

people, and the harmonizing of the long alienated races. They need to

beware of jealousies and rivalries of leadership such as have made

shipwreck of many a good cause. There is room and need for various

contributions. They have a common bond in that ideal which is the most

precious possession of the American negro. It is the old simple idea of

goodness, set in close relation to this age of productive activity. It

requires that a man be not only good but good for something, and sets

faithful and efficient service as the gateway to all advance.

But for the right adjustment of the working relations of the two races,

the heavier responsibility rests with the whites, because theirs is the

greater power. They can prescribe what the blacks can hardly do other

than accept.

What we are now facing is not slavery,--an institution that may be

abolished by statute--but its offspring, Caste--a spirit pervasive,

subtle, sophistical, tyrannic. It can be overcome only by a spirit more

pervasive, persistent and powerful--the spirit of brotherhood.

Puzzling as the situation is at some points, its essential elements are

far simpler and easier to deal with than slavery presented. There is no

longer a vast property interest at stake,--on the contrary, material

interest points the same way with moral considerations. There are

complexities of the social structure, but nothing half so formidable as

the aristocratic system based on slavery. The gravest difficulty now is

a race prejudice, deep-rooted and stubborn, yet at bottom so irrational

that civilization and Christianity and human progress should be

steadily wearing it away. Let us take heart of grace. If our wills are

true, it should be no great puzzle for our heads to find the way

in this business. Let us test the practical application of our

principle--namely, that each man should do his best, each should be

allowed to do his best, and helped to do his best--let us see how this

should work in industry, education, politics, and social relations.

First in importance is the industrial situation. Broadly, the negro in

this country shows himself able and willing to work. The sharp spur of

necessity urges him, and his inherited habit carries him on. But he

needs a training in youth that shall fit him to work more effectively.

For that matter, his white brother needs it, too. But here is the

inequality of their situations,--whatever the white worker is qualified

to do he is allowed to do, but how is it with the black worker? Let the

Northern reader of these pages see at his door the palpable instance of

a limitation more cruel than can be found at the South. Let him note, as

the children stream out from the public school, the dark-skinned boy,

playing good-naturedly with his white mates, at marbles or ball or

wrestling,--just as he has been studying on the same bench with

them,--he is as clean, as well-dressed, as well-behaved, as they. Now,

five years hence, to what occupation can that colored boy turn? He can

be a bootblack, a servant, a barber, perhaps a teamster. He may be a

locomotive fireman, but when he is fit to be an engineer, he is turned

back. Carpentry, masonry, painting, plumbing, the hundred mechanical

trades,--these, for the most part, are shut to him; so are clerkships;

so are nineteen-twentieths of the ways by which the white boys he plays

and studies with to-day can win competence and comfort and serve the

community. It is a wrong to whose acuteness we are blunted by

familiarity. It can be changed only as sentiment is changed; and for

that there must be white laboring men who will bravely go ahead and

break the cruel rule by welcoming the black laborer to their side.

In the South the negro as yet enjoys industrial freedom, in the choice

of an occupation--or a near approach to it--because his labor is so

necessary that he cannot be shut out. But the walls are beginning to

narrow. White immigration is coming in. The industrial training of the

old plantation is no longer given, and industrial schools are yet very

imperfectly developed. Some trades are being lost to the negroes; they

have fewer carpenters, masons, and the like; they find no employment in

cotton mills, and are engaged only in the least skilful parts of iron

manufacture. The trade unions, gradually spreading through the South,

begin to draw back from their early professions of the equality and

brotherhood of all toilers. An instance comes to hand as these pages are

being written--one instance out of a plenty. "The convention at Detroit,

Mich., of the amalgamated association of steel and iron workers has

postponed for a year consideration of a proposition to organize the

colored iron, steel and tin workers of the South. The white employes of

the Southern mills led the opposition. They objected to seeing the

negroes placed on an equality, and it was further argued that once a

colored man obtained a standing in the association, there was nothing to

prevent his coming North. President Shaffer urged that all men who are

competent workers should be members of the association." Now for next

year it is up to President Shaffer, and those of like mind! On this

question, of comradeship between black and white laborers, there is a

call to the leaders of labor organizations to lead right. These chiefs

of labor hold a place of the highest possibilities and obligations. In

their hands largely lies the advance or retrogression of the industrial

community--and that means our entire community. It is one of the most

hopeful signs of the times that stress of necessity is bringing to

labor's front rank men of a higher type, men often of large brain, high

purpose, and strong will. Brains, purpose, will,--all are needed by

these unofficial statesmen. They must look many ways at once, but this

way they ought not to fail to look,--to the industrial harmonizing and

equality of the two races.

Exclude the colored men from the unions, and what can be expected but

that they serve as a vast reserve for the employers when strikes arise

between the capitalists and the employes? We read now and then of the

introduction of negroes as "strike-breakers," and the bitterness it

causes. But will not this be repeated on the largest scale if the

millions of negroes are to be systematically excluded from the unions?

There may be difficulties in including them,--difficulties partly

running back into other injustices, such as the practice of different

wage-rates for whites and blacks. But it would seem to be the larger

wisdom, in point of strategy, to enroll the two great wings of the host

of labor into a united army. And apart from strategy, that character of

the labor movement which most deeply appeals to the conscience and

judgment of mankind,--the uplift of the great multitude to better and

happier things,--that should rise above the barrier of race-prejudice as

above all other conventional and foolish divisions. Will the labor

leaders see and seize their opportunity at once to strengthen and to

ennoble their cause?

The education of the negroes presents a hundred special questions, but

its basal principles are not difficult to discern. Here, fortunately, we

have in the main an admirable loyalty and good-will on the part of the

white South. It is proved by deeds more than by words. The sum spent by

the Southern States in the last thirty years for the schooling of the

blacks--it is reckoned at $132,000,000, most of it, of course, from

white taxpayers--is the best evidence of its disposition. The occasional

complaints and protests seem no more significant than the occasional

grumbling at the North against its best-rooted institutions,--everywhere

and always the children of light must keep up some warfare with the

Philistines. The main difficulties at the South are two; limited means

for so great a task,--three or four months of schooling burdens

Mississippi more than ten months burdens Massachusetts; and the grave

puzzle as to what kind of elementary education best fits the negro

child.

This puzzle applies almost equally to the white child; throughout the

country and the world a reconstruction of education is struggling

forward, through great uncertainties but under strong pressure of

necessity. It is felt that the old-time book-education, and even its

modern revision--all as yet come vastly short of rightly fitting the

child for manhood or womanhood. We have advanced, but we have still far

to go. To rightly educate "the hand, head and heart," (the watchword of

Tuskegee)--to develop strong, symmetrical character and intelligence,

the sound mind in the sound body,--to train the bread-winner and the

citizen, as well as to open the gates of intellectual freedom and

spiritual power,--this is what we have not quite learned. Socrates and

More and Rousseau and Pestalozzi and Froebel and Armstrong have done

much, but they have left abundant room for their successors. The

millionaire's child, as well as the field-hand's, must wait awhile yet.

So it is small wonder if the Southern public school is still a challenge

to the best wits.

The combined industrial and educational need of the South is excellently

summed up by a sympathetic observer, Ernest Hamlin Abbott:

"The chief industrial problem of the South is, therefore, that of

transforming an indolent peasantry accustomed to dependence into an

active, independent people. This involves an educational problem.

Industrial education is something very different from training a few

hundred girls to cook and sew for others; it is something, even, very

different from supplying a few hundreds of young men with a trade.

Industrial training is this larger undertaking, namely, to train

hundreds of thousands of young people in habits of industry, in

alertness of mind, and in strength of will that shall enable them to

turn to the nearest opportunity for gaining the self-respect that comes

with being of use to the community."

One thing is clear. More than the system is the teacher. Now and always

the first requisite must be instructors of devotion, intelligence,

sympathy, inspiration. To train such, and train them in multitudes,

there must be institutions, ample in intellectual resource and high in

their standards. There can be no fit common schools for the blacks

unless there are worthy normal schools and colleges. Atlanta and its

class are necessary as well as Tuskegee and its class,--and Atlanta

reinforces Tuskegee with a large proportion of its teachers. On broader

grounds, too, the need of the higher education for the black man is

imperative. It can hardly be better stated than in the words of

Professor DuBois, in his book of irresistible appeal, _The Souls of

Black Folk_:

"That the present social separation and acute race-sensitiveness must

eventually yield to the influence of culture, as the South grows

civilized, is clear. But such transformation calls for singular wisdom

and patience. If, while the healing of this vast sore is progressing,

the races are to live for many years side by side, united in economic

effort, obeying a common government, sensitive to mutual thought and

feeling, yet subtly and silently separate in many matters of deeper

human intimacy,--if this unusual and dangerous development is to

progress amid peace and order, mutual respect and growing intelligence,

it will call for social surgery, at once the delicatest and nicest in

modern history. It will demand broad-minded, upright men, both white and

black, and in its final accomplishment American civilization will

triumph. So far as white men are concerned, this fact is to-day being

recognized in the South, and a happy renaissance of university education

seems imminent. But the very voices that cry hail to this good work are,

strange to relate, largely silent or antagonistic to the higher

education of the negro."

It must be remembered that in the growth of a tree the upper boughs must

have space and air and sunlight, as much as the roots must have earth

and water,--and so with a race. There is need of scholars and idealists,

as well as toilers; and for these there should be their natural

atmosphere. Again let us hear the moving words of Professor DuBois: "I

sit with Shakespeare, and he does not wince. Across the color line I

move arm in arm with Balzac and Dumas, where smiling men and welcoming

women glide in gilded halls. From out the caves of evening that swing

between the strong-limbed earth and the tracery of the stars, I summon

Aristotle and Aurelius and what soul I will, and they come all

graciously with no scorn nor condescension. So, wed with Truth, I dwell

above the veil. Is this the life you grudge us, O knightly America? Is

this the life you long to change into the dull red hideousness of

Georgia? Are you so afraid lest, peering from this high Pisgah, between

Philistine and Amalekite, we sight the Promised Land?"

Yet it is not for himself or the cultured few that he makes the

strongest plea:

"Human education is not simply a matter of schools, it is much more a

matter of family and group life, the training of one's home, of one's

daily companions, of one's social class. Now the black boy of the South

moves in a black world--a world with its own leaders, its own thoughts,

its own ideals. His teachers here are the group leaders of the negro

people--the physicians, clergymen, the trained fathers and mothers, the

influential and forceful men about him of all kinds--here it is, if

anywhere, that the culture of the surrounding world trickles through,

and is handed on by the graduates of the higher schools. Can such

culture training of group leaders be neglected? Can we afford to ignore

it? Do you think that if the leaders of thought among negroes are not

trained and educated themselves, they will have no leaders? On the

contrary, a hundred half-trained demagogues will still hold the places

they so largely occupy now, and hundreds of vociferous busy-bodies will

multiply. We have no choice; either we must help furnish this race from

within its own ranks with thoughtful men, of trained leadership, or

suffer the consequences of a headless misguided rabble."

Turning now to the political status of the negro, it may be said that

the most pressing need will be substantially met if the South will carry

out in good faith the provisions of her statute-books. By some of those

statute-books, suffrage is still equal and universal. In others, the

negro in required to own $300 worth of property, or to be able to read

and write, or to understand the Constitution when read to him. That the

white man is practically exempt from these tests, by the "soldier" or

"grandfather" clause, whatever be its theoretic injustice or unwisdom,

would be no great practical grievance to the negro if only he were

fairly allowed to cast his own vote when he can meet the statutory

tests. At present, throughout the greater part of the South, the

practical attitude of the election officials, and the social sentiment

enforced in subtle, effectual ways, debars the negro vote almost as

thoroughly as if it were disallowed by law. That this should be so may

be satisfactory enough for those to whom the matter ends with "This is a

white man's country," or "Damn the niggers anyhow." But will the

intelligent, large-minded Southerners,--the men of light and

leading--always allow the theory of their own statute-books to be

nullified? Will they forever maintain a suffrage-test of race rather

than of property and intelligence?

It is said, no doubt truly enough, that a large part of the negroes are

indifferent to the suffrage, and do not care to vote. But is this a

desirable state of things? Taking the class to whom the law awards the

suffrage,--the men of some modest property qualification and

intelligence,--is it well for the community that they should be

indifferent to questions of taxation, of law-making, of courts and

schools and roads and bridges? Is it not in every sense desirable that

they should be encouraged to take an intelligent and active interest in

such matters? John Graham Brooks tells of his recent observations in

Gloucester county, Virginia, where whites and blacks have been

co-operating for good local government, and the curse of liquor-selling

has been restrained by the votes of a black majority. Surely we should

all like to see that precedent widely followed. That is a very crude

idea of politics which sees in it only a scramble for public offices.

That is an obsolete idea which construes Southern politics as a struggle

for power between whites and blacks. Politics, in a large sense, is the

common housekeeping of the community. It is the administration of the

broadest and highest common interests. The importance to the Southern

negro of the political function was greatly overrated when he emerged

from chattelhood. But is there any wiser course now than to educate and

train and encourage him to a living membership in the body politic?

In this connection we naturally recur to the relation of the national

government to the negro problem. In general, the let-alone policy of the

last twenty-eight years is likely to continue, and there is every reason

why it should. The termination of Federal interference in 1877 was not

due to criminal indifference or lassitude on the part of the North, or

to political accident. It was essentially the gravitation of the nation

to its normal position, after the shock of war and the adjustment of the

vital changes involved in the abolition of slavery. Those changes

recognized in the national Constitution, and the new order set on its

feet, it was natural, inevitable, and right, that the States should

resume the control of their local affairs. The division of governmental

functions between State and nation was one of the most fortunate

circumstances of our birth-period; it was the ripening of our historical

antecedents, felicitously grasped and molded by a group of great men. It

rests on the fitness of each local community to handle its own affairs,

while only the most general and fundamental interests are intrusted to

the central authority. When the Southern States were left to themselves,

they did some unwise and unjust things,--and there had been something of

unwisdom and injustice in the time of Federal supervision--but on the

whole it was the re-establishment of the normal order. The policy which

naturally followed on the part of the general government was the

avoidance of special legislation, especially of the restrictive kind.

But within its own sphere, the national government should follow those

principles which are in the best sense American. Thus the executive, in

its appointments to office, ought to recognize an equality of race, like

that which the Constitution affirm as to civil rights and the suffrage.

It is of vital moment that the American nation,--whatever local

communities may do,--should not bar competent men from office because of

race. Here as elsewhere,--the tools to him who can use them, the career

open to the fit talent. This should hold good wherever the national

executive acts, South as well as North. The principle should

be applied with reasonable regard to the sentiments of the local

community,--reasonable but not servile regard. In a city by character

and tradition a stronghold of the white race, it seems unwise to give a

principal office to a black man. But in a community where the black

element is strong in numbers and in character, and where the dark race

offers fit incumbents for office, there should be a fair number of such

appointments. If it is said "This is offensive to the Southern people,"

the answer is, Who are the Southern people? Not the white people only,

but the black people also.

As to legislation, a measure was recently proposed and somewhat

discussed, which has perhaps passed like other bubbles, but the proposal

of which caused natural agitation and apprehension at the South. This

was a scheme for applying the Fourteenth Amendment to the reduction of

Congressional representation in the South in proportion to the negroes

excluded from suffrage by the new State Constitutions. Some such

reduction may be permissible under the amendments,--for the later

Fifteenth Amendment only forbids the States to limit suffrage by "color,

race, or previous condition of servitude." Limitation by a property or

educational test is not forbidden; but under the Fourteenth Amendment it

might be made the ground for reducing a State's representation in

Congress. But when it has been said that the proposed measure of

reduction is permissible under the Constitution, there is nothing more

in its favor. From the standpoint of its proposers, it would be only

half-effective, for it could reach only those debarred by actual want

of property or education; the larger exclusion by the unfair

administration of election officers is an individual matter, beyond the

cognizance of statute-books. But the weighty objection is that it would

recognize, accept and confirm that very exclusion of the negro vote

against which it professes to be aimed. It would only enforce a penalty,

from which the gain would accrue solely to the Republican majority in

Congress and the electoral college. The Republican party, it is safe to

say, has too much virtue and intelligence in its rank and file to accept

such a gain at such a cost. For the cost would be a bitter intensifying

of race and sectional hostility. The Southern negro, his

disfranchisement accepted and ratified by the North, would be freshly

odious to his white neighbors on whom he had unconsciously brought this

humiliation. The fast closing breach between the North and South would

have a sharp and heavy wedge of division driven in. The peaceful forward

movement of the nation--for forward it is, spite of some lurches and

staggers--would be set back by a return to the old methods of sectional

conflict. But indeed the proposal hardly merits so much space as has

here been given it. It is a scheme of politicians and not of the people,

unhopeful even as a political scheme, unsupported by the sober thought

of the North, utterly unlikely to be realized or seriously attempted.

There is another kind of legislative action which may well be seriously

considered. Would it not be wise, just, and statesmanlike, for the

nation to give financial aid to the tremendous work of public education

with which the South is struggling? The Blair bill for this purpose,--in

a word, an appropriation of $100,000,000, running through ten years, on

the basis of illiteracy,--came very near success in Congress. It was

defeated by an ardent championship in the North of local independence

and self-reliance. It is questionable whether that championship was not

misdirected. Here are States burdening themselves beyond their Northern

neighbors, to give schooling for only a third of a year, and necessarily

sometimes of inferior quality. The deficiency, compared with the

standards of wealthier States, results in a widespread ignorance

detrimental not only to the community but to the nation. The interests

at stake are common to us all. The backlying cause of the

trouble,--slavery and its accompaniments--was in a sense our common

responsibility; we all ought to have united to get rid of it peaceably,

and the North ought to have paid its share. For the dereliction the

South has paid a terrible price. The North, too, suffered wofully, yet

in far less measure. Would it not be the part of patriotism and

statesmanship--of wisdom and good-will--that all should now take some

share in lifting the load which weighs heaviest on the South, but hurts

us all?

We are spending a hundred millions a year for a navy. Would not some of

that money be put to better use in training our own citizens, who will

otherwise go untaught? Someone has said: "The cost of one battleship

would endow the higher education of the Southern negro for half a

century to come."

It is not the negro only, it is his white neighbor also, for whom we are

to provide. So to plan the provision that the money be honestly and

wisely spent; to do it with just consideration of local feeling, yet on

firm lines of American democracy--this would take study and sagacity.

But could study and sagacity be better applied than to make this idea

practical? The project seems prompted by wise self-interest and by

justice. The South is carrying more than its share of national expense,

and without complaint. Our tariff system presses far heavier on the

agricultural South than on the manufacturing North. Of our payment of

pensions,--running up to $130,000,000 a year,--the South bears its

proportion, though it is paid to men for fighting against her, and the

South makes no remonstrance. Is it not simple justice, is it not a

matter of national conscience and honor, that the whole nation should

help her in educating the future citizens of the republic?

From this national aspect, we return to the more personal phases of our

theme. Shall we touch on that subject whose very name seems to prohibit

discussion?--what is called "social equality," or as others would prefer

"social intimacy." Either phrase seems to evoke a phantom before which

consideration and composure flee. But we may, as Epictetus suggests,

say, "Appearances, wait for me a little; let me see who you are and what

you are about, and put you to the test." Social equality--in what sense

does it exist among white men? People find their associates according to

fitness and congeniality. Clean people prefer the society of clean

people, and the dirty must go by themselves or change their habits. Men

and women of refinement and good manners welcome the company of the

refined and well-mannered. They do so no less if these pleasing traits

are found in a Japanese, a Chinese, or, a Hindu. This is the custom of

the civilized world. At the North, as already in Christendom at large,

the same usage is coming to extend to the African. A gentleman, a lady,

by breeding and education and behavior, is admitted to the society of

other ladies and gentlemen, whether in the business office, the

committee-room, or the home. When the Grand Army of the Republic in

Massachusetts this year chose their district commander, the almost

unanimous choice fell on a soldier, a lawyer, and a gentleman, of

African blood. When last fall the students of the Amherst agricultural

college elected the captain of their football team, they took as their

leader a young man of the dark race. A few years since a class in

Harvard awarded their highest honor, the class oratorship, to Mr. Bruce

of Mississippi, of negro blood. When a Springfield lawyer, meeting in

Philadelphia an old classmate in the law school, accepted his invitation

to dinner at his boarding-house, and there found himself among a score

of ladies and gentlemen, all dark-skinned, elegant in dress and manners,

agreeable in conversation, and meeting their guest with entire ease and

composure,--he did not feel that the meeting had injured either him or

them, or shaken the foundations of the social order. Such is the

growing, if not the general, practice in the Northern States; such is

the well-established custom of Christendom. If the white people of the

Southern States, for reasons peculiar to their section, follow a

different rule, they have still no occasion for wonder and dismay at the

practice in other sections, or for indignation when the highest official

in the American capital follows the general usage of the civilized

world.

The reasons given by the Southern whites for their own course in the

matter call no less for respectful consideration. They say: "We are

encompassed and intermingled with a people of negro and mixed blood. If

we associate with them familiarly, the natural result will be

intermarriage. There is no drawing the line short of that. Meet at the

dining-table and in the drawing-room,--visit, study, play, associate

familiarly and intimately,--and the young people of the two races, in

many instances, will pass through acquaintance and friendship to love

and marriage. Then springs a mixed and degenerate race; then the white

race, with its proud tradition, its high ideals, its grand power, shades

off into an inferior, mongrel breed. Our inheritance, our civilization,

our honor, bid us shut out and forbid that degeneracy at the very

threshold."

Let it be assumed that for the present the white South resolutely

maintains its attitude of social separation. But let its defenders

consider some of the consequences it involves, and make account with

them as best they may. Does not this social code strongly confirm, and

indeed carry as a necessary implication, that industrial separation

which must work injuriously not only to the negro but to the community?

If the white gentleman will not associate with a black gentleman in a

committee on school or public affairs, if he will not admit him to his

pew or his drawing-room, is it not to be expected that the white

carpenter or mill-hand will refuse to work side by side with the black?

What that means where the black man is in a small minority, we see here

at the North,--it shuts him out. Where he is in stronger force, as at

the South, the refusal of industrial fellowship means growing

bitterness, and the complication and aggravation of labor difficulties.

It all goes along together,--the social separation and the industrial.

Further, this means that each race is to be ignorant and aloof from the

other, on its best side. The best side of every civilized people is seen

in its homes. The white and the black homes of the South are strangers

to each other. Edgar Gardner Murphy in his admirable book, _The Present

South_, while he does not for a moment question the necessity of the

social barrier, laments that ignorance of each other's best which it

involves. He dwells hopefully on that development of the family life

which marks the negro's best advance,--but what, he asks, can the white

people really see or know of it? Surely it is a very grave matter to

keep two intermingled peoples thus mutually ignorant of each other's

best.

If it be asked, "What course can reasonably be considered as a possible

alternative to the jealous safeguarding of our race integrity?" the

answer might suggest itself: "Simply deal with every man according to

his fitness, his merits, and his needs, regardless of the color of his

skin. Decide to-day's questions on the broad principles of justice and

humanity. Leave the ultimate relation of the races to those sovereign

powers working through Nature and mankind, which we dimly understand,

but with which we best co-operate by doing the right deed here and now."

Some things we say--and think, too,--when we are in debate with our

opponents, and some other things we think when we quietly commune with

ourselves. Any social ordinance or usage finds its final test when we

bring it into the companionship of our highest ideal. We may here borrow

an apologue:

"The other night I fell asleep when soothed by vivid memories of a visit

to Charleston soon after the war. The place was then new to me, and the

warmth of old friends from whom I had long been parted and the cordial

hospitality of those now first met seemed to blend with the delicious

atmosphere which soothed and charmed my senses. The memory prompted a

dream, in which I sat again at that hospitable board, where my host had

summoned a company to meet a special guest. The stranger delighted us

all, partly by his suggestive comments, but still more by some subtle

sympathy which moved us all to free and even intimate speech. Gradually

the company enlarged; presently entered a man, and my host whispered to

me, 'That fellow tried to ruin me, but I can't shut him out now'--and

place was made. Then came in one with marked Jewish features, and the

company drew their chairs together and made room for him. More intimate

and sympathetic grew the talk,--strangely we all felt ourselves in a

region of thought and feeling above our wont, and brought close together

in it. It dawned on me 'this Presence among us is the same that once

walked in Jerusalem and Galilee.' At that moment there appeared at the

door a newcomer of dark hue. A frost fell on the company; they seemed to

stiffen and close their ranks; the host's face turned in trouble and

uncertainty from the newcomer to the guest of honor. The Guest arose

and spoke to the stranger,--'Take my place!' he said."

Each of us dreams his own dream, and thinks his own thought. Differ as

we may, let us unite wherever we can in purpose and action. The perfect

social ideal will be slow in realization, but it is to-day's

straightforward step along some plain path that is bringing us nearer to

it. The black workman who every day does his best work; the white

workman who welcomes him to his side; the trade-union that opens its

doors alike to both colors; the teacher spending heart and brain for her

pupils; the statesman planning justice and opportunity for all; the

sheriff setting his life between his prisoner and the mob; the

dark-skinned guest cheerfully accepting a lower place than his due at

life's feast; the white-skinned host saying, Friend, come up higher,--it

is these who are solving the race problem.

Slowly but surely we are coming together. We confront our difficulties

as a people, however we may differ among ourselves, with a oneness of

spirit which is a help and pledge of final victory. We are one by our

most sacred memories, by our dearest possessions, and by our most solemn

tasks. Our discords are on the lower plane; when the rich, full voices

speak, in whatever latitude and longitude, they chord with one another.

When Uncle Remus tells Miss Sally's little boy about Brer Rabbit and

Brer Fox, the children from the Gulf to the Lakes gather about his

knees. Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn are claimed as comrades by all the boys

between the Penobscot and the Rio Grande. Lanier's verse rests on the

shelf with Longfellow's. The seer of Concord gives inspiration in Europe

and India and Japan. Frances Willard stands for the womanhood of the

continent. When Fitzhugh Lee died, it was not Virginia only but America

that mourned a son. When Mary Livermore passed away, we all did honor to

her heroic spirit. When Dunbar sings his songs, or DuBois speaks in the

tones of scholar and poet, we all listen. The great emancipators of the

successive generations,--Woolman, Lundy, Channing, Mrs. Stowe, Lincoln,

Armstrong, Booker Washington--do we not all claim a share in them? Just

as all Englishmen feel themselves heirs alike of the Puritan Hampden and

the Royalist Falkland, so we Americans all pay our love and reverence to

the heroes of our war,--Grant and Lee, Jackson and Sheridan, Johnston

and Thomas, and all their peers.

And we are one by the common tasks that confront us. This problem of the

races,--it is a challenge to do our best. "Impossible? What are we put

into the world for, but to do the impossible in the strength of God?"

The rich man and the poor man, the employer and the laborer, must find

some common ground of justice and harmony. The nation must be steered

away from commercial greed and military glory, toward international

arbitration, toward peace, toward universal brotherhood. Knowledge and

faith are to join hands, and the human spirit is to reach nobler

heights. These are the tasks which we Americans are to meet and

master--together.

The hope of Lincoln is finding its late fulfillment: "The mystic chords

of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot

grave"--Northern and Southern graves alike--"to every living heart and

hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the

Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels

of our nature." The pathetic melody of the negro spirituals, the brave

and rollicking strains of "Dixie," and the triumphant harmony of "The

Star Spangled Banner," blend and interweave in the Symphony of

America.

INDEX

Abbott, Ernest Hamlin, on industrial problem of South, 397.

Abolition, see Emancipation.

Abolitionists (Cf. Anti-slavery men), in England, 38;

opinions of North and South on, 54;

inclusiveness of term, 54 ff;

characterized, 56 ff;

conservatives ally themselves with Republicans, 130;

extremists not opposed to secession, 212;

favor disunion, 217.

Adams, Charles Francis, joins "Free Soil" party, 81;

nominated for Vice-President, 82;

proposes compromise on slavery, 229;

candidate for Presidential nomination, 328.

Adams, John Quincy, characteristics, 28;

relations with Clay, 29;

in Congress, 72;

believes abol. of slavery as war measure legal, 253.

Adams, Nehemiah (Dr.), 141.

Adams, Samuel, 8.

Alabama, admitted as slave State, 23;

forbids importation of slaves, later repeals, 36;

secedes, 225;

emancipation in, 260;

gives qualified assent to thirteenth amendment, 262;

provisional govt. formed, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

negro voters in majority in, 311;

Federal interference in election (1872), 323;

Democrats regain control in, 324;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 383, 384.

Alabama Claims, the, settled, 325.

Alcorn, J. M., first Republican governor of Mississippi, 336.

Alcott, Amos Bronson, characterizes John Brown, 160;

futile views of on war, 242.

Allen, Charles, refuses to support Whig party, 81.

Amendments, constitutional, Thirteenth, 262;

ratified, 268, 276;

declared adopted, 276;

Fourteenth formulated and discussed, 297 ff;

prob. reason for mistake of exclusion art. in, 301;

disqualifications under removed by Congress, 302;

restoration offered to South upon adoption of, 303;

rejected by South, 304, 310;

Grant against exclusion clauses in, 310;

scheme to apply to reduction of Southern representation, 403 ff;

Fifteenth proposed, 314;

adopted, 315, 403.

American Missionary Asso'n, labors of for freedmen, 362.

American Party. (See KNOW-NOTHING PARTY), 115, 151;

death of, 153.

"American system," 31.

Ames, Adelbert, governor of Mississippi, 336;

calls for Federal troops; impeached; driven from state, 340.

Ames, Charles G., characterizes Stroud's Slave Laws, 110.

Amherst agricultural college, chooses negro foot ball captain, 406.

Anderson, Major, at Ft. Moultrie, 223;

Buchanan refuses aid to; withdraws to Ft. Sumter; supported, 224;

surrenders, 235.

Andersonville, terrors of, 245.

Andrew, John A. (Gov.), denounces slavery, 154;

on John Brown, 165;

strongly opposes secession, 230;

course as war governor, 279;

suggests principles of reconstruction, 280;

endeavors to interest Northern capital in South, 319.

"Anti-Nebraska" party, 115.

Anti-secessionists, in North and South, 212.

Anti-slavery men (Cf. ABOLITIONIST),

distinguished from abolitionists, 55;

disheartened by "Free Soil" nomination, 82;

outbreaks against in South, 169, 186.

Anti-slavery movement grows, 35 ff, 37, 51, 52, 71, 91;

women and literary men in, 56;

public leaders keep aloof from, 57;

petitions, 71;

documents excluded

from Southern mails, 72, 73;

made political issue, 74;

strong growth of in North, 113 ff;

assumed by Republican party, 127;

tabooed at South, 129.

Anti-slavery society, American, founded, 44;

purposes of, 45;

dissolution of, 367.

Arkansas, admitted as slave state, 23;

postpones action on secession, 227;

secedes, 235;

emancipation in, 260;

provisional govt. estab. in, 269, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

relative number of negro voters in, 311;

becomes Democratic, 323;

Grant recommends state govt. be declared illegal, 344;

bill defeated, 345.

Armstrong, Samuel Chapman (Gen.), birth and early life of, 356;

in Union Army;

begins labors for freedmen in Virginia; characterization of, 357;

special fitness for work, 359;

religious views, 360;

forms ideals of negro education, 360 ff;

founds Hampton Institute, 362 ff;

personality, 364 ff;

labors of for school, 365 ff;

death of; summary of life work; personal appearance, 366;

sayings of, 367;

Booker Washington, pupil and successor to, 378.

Arnold, Matthew, poem on his father, 369.

Atchison, Senator, of Missouri, 117.

Atlanta University, 358, 398.

_Atlantic Monthly_, begun, 144

Aycock, Governor, of N. C., 388.

Bacon, Leonard, 36.

Baltimore, Maryland, Mass. troops attacked at, 237.

Banks, Nathaniel P., joins "Free Soil" party, 81;

speaker of House, 115;

in Republican party, 127;

refuses nomination of "Know-nothing" seceders,

supports Fremont, 129;

governor of Mass., 193;

in House, 284.

Baptists, champion cause of freedom, 22.

"Barnburners," the, 82.

Barnwell, Senator, advocates secession, 89.

Bates, Edward, candidate for Presidential nomination (1860), 191;

attitude of on emancipation proclamation, 257.

Beauregard, Gen., leads attack on Fort Sumter, 235.

Beecher, Edward, 36.

Beecher, Henry Ward, characterization of, 141 ff;

active in political discussion, 142;

criticises Lincoln in _Independent_, 254;

labors in behalf of Union, 277;

outlines plan of reconstruction, 277 ff;

views on suffrage, 308.

Bell, John, nominated for President, 189;

popular vote for (1860), 194; 214.

Bennett, James Gordon, 141.

Berea College, beginnings of, 73;

discriminated against by Kentucky educational law, 385.

Bernard, John, meets Washington, 1 ff.

"Biglow Papers," Lowell attacks slavery and war in, 77; 144; 254.

Birney, James G., 36;

incidents in life of, 58 ff;

political ideas of, 59;

nominated for President, 74;

views of on slavery question, 74;

again nominated, 75.

Black, Jeremiah S., Attorney-General, 222;

Secretary of State, 244;

defends Johnson, 312.

"Black Codes" of 1865-6, 281 ff, 372.

Blaine, James G., in House, 284;

proposes amend. to Stevens's reconstruction bill, 306;

on debate of bill, 307;

on negro suffrage, 310;

leader in House, characterized, 331;

speaks against Davis, reputation discredited, Presidential

candidate, 346.

Blair, Francis P. (Gen.), nominated for Vice-Presidency; defeated, 314.

Blair, Senator, of N. H., bill of for aid to local education on basis

of existing illiteracy, 372, 404.

"Border Ruffians," the, 116, 118.

Border States, severity of war greatest in, 242;

Lincoln's scheme for compensated emancipation in, 252;

slave owners in alienated by emancipation proclamation, 261.

_Boston Courier_, denounces Republican party in 1860 campaign, 194.

Bourne, George (Rev.), denounces slavery, 37.

Boutwell, George S., governor of Mass., 92;

in House, 284;

House prosecutor of Johnson, 311.

Bowles, Samuel, 124;

"Life and Times of," 124 note;

gives opinion of Johnson imbroglio, 296.

Bradley, Joseph (Justice), on Hayes-Tilden commission, 349.

Breckinridge, John C., nominated for President, 188;

scheme for electing, 189;

popular vote for (1860), 194;

declines to repudiate secession, 194.

Bristow, Benjamin H., Presidential candidate, Sec'y of

Treasury, 346, 347.

Brooks, John Graham, observations of on Virginia politics, 401.

Brooks, Preston S., assaults Sumner, 122;

re-elected and honored, effect on North, 123.

Brown, B. Gratz, leads independent movement in Mo., 327;

aspirant for Presidential nomination, 328.

Brown, John, sketch of, 119 ff;

leads massacre in Kansas, 120;

schemes for extinction of slavery, 159 ff;

in Springfield, Mass., 159, 162;

aided by leading anti-slavery men, 160;

pen pictures of by Alcott and Emerson, 160;

characterization of, 161 ff;

makes raid on Harper's Ferry, 162;

captured, 163;

hanged, 164;

honored as martyr, 164 ff;

eulogized by Emerson, 165, 167;

characterization of his acts and schemes, 166 ff.

Bruce, B. K., U. S. Senator, 336.

Bruce, R. C., of Miss., awarded class oratorship at Harvard, 407.

Bryant, William Cullen, editor of N. Y. _Evening Post_, 327.

Buchanan, James, 72;

Democratic Presidential candidate, characterized, 128;

with Mason and Soulé issues Ostend manifesto, 128;

administration of (1857-61), 147;

sends Gov. Walker to Kansas, 150;

supports Lecompton constitution, 151;

announces position on secession, 222;

refuses aid to Ft. Moultrie, 224;

cabinet, 224.

Burgess, J. W. (Prof), shows effects of John Brown's raid, 170;

comments on laws governing negroes after war, 291.

Burns, Anthony, fugitive slave, 91.

Butler, Senator, from S. C., Sumner attacks in Congressional speech, 122.

Butler, Benjamin F., joins seceding Democratic convention (1860), 188;

candidate for governor of Mass., 192;

declares fugitive slaves "contraband of war," 248;

House prosecutor of Johnson, 311;

in Congress, characterized, 331;

labors for "force bill" (1875), 345.

Butler, Fanny Kemble. See KEMBLE, FANNY.

Calhoun, John C., Vice-President, relations with Jackson, 30;

defends right of nullification, 32;

prophesies concerning relations between North and South, 34;

becomes leader of South, 34, 44;

characterization of, 47 ff;

social theories of, 50;

in Senate, opposes anti-slavery petitions, claims State control of

mails, 72;

in Tyler's cabinet, leader in Texas annexation, 75;

returns to Senate, 76;

politically isolated, 79;

opposes war with Eng., 80;

claims of for nationionalization of slavery, 80;

last speech of, 86;

his opinion of struggle bet. North and South, 87.

California, taken from Mexico, 79;

admission as free State advocated, 88, 90;

swift settlement of; applies for admission with slavery excluded,

South opposes, 84;

rejects Fifteenth amendment, 315.

Cameron, Simon, candidate for Presidential nomination; supports

Lincoln, 190.

Carolinas, the (see also NORTH, SOUTH),

slavery foundation of aristocracy in, 6;

number of slaves in in 1790, 9.

Carpenter, Frank, Lincoln's conversation with, 256.

"Carpet-baggers," the, 318, 336, 338.

Casey, F. F., in government of Louisiana, 341.

Cass, Lewis, nominated for President, 81;

resigns from cabinet, 224.

Chamberlain, Daniel H., governor of So. Carolina, 332, 348.

Chandler, Zachariah, 270;

sketch of, 283;

as radical leader, 285;

party leader, 331;

chairman Republican national committee; disputes Tilden's

election, 348.

Channing, William Ellery, plan of emancipation, 39;

sketch of, attitude toward anti-slavery movement, 59 ff;

treatise on Slavery, 62.

Chase, Salmon P., in "Free Soil" convention, 82;

in Senate, 83;

against extension of slavery, 90;

in Lincoln's cabinet, 249;

attitude of on emancipation proclamation, 257;

becomes chief justice, 274;

candidate for Presidential nomination, Lincoln's opinion of, services

of in supreme court, 313.

Chestnutt, Charles W., 379;

shows discrimination against negro suffrage, 384.

Child, Lydia Maria, 56;

opinion of Channing, 63.

Church, the, early, accepts slavery, works toward abolition, 4;

casuistical defense of slavery by, 5;

in America, justifies slavery, 50;

split over slavery, 53;

united in South in defense of slavery in North divided, 141;

labors of in North in behalf of Union, 277.

Civil rights bill (1866) passed, 296;

vetoed by Johnson, becomes law, 297;

of 1875, 345.

Civil war, the, causes of, 211 ff; 237 ff;

views on in North and South, 237;

moral results of, 240, 244, 247;

emancipation measures discussed and adopted during, 248 ff;

disappointment over protraction of, 254;

negroes in, 261, 263;

courage of both North and South in, 262;

suffering in, 265;

ended, 270.

"Civil War and the Constitution, The," 170.

Clay, Cassius M., opposes slavery, 73;

in founding of Berea College, 73; 170.

Clay, Henry, votes for slavery in Arkansas, 23;

favors Missouri compromise, aspires to Presidency, dislikes but

supports slavery, 26;

relations of with J. Q. Adams, 29;

advocates protective tariff, 31;

proposed tariff compromise, 33;

Whigs nominate for President, 75;

defeated, 76;

opposed to annexation of Mexico, 79;

disappointed of Presidential nomination, 81;

in Senate (1849-50), frames compromise measures of 1850, 85;

opposes extension of slavery, denies right of secession, last

speech of, 86;

denounces threats of secession, 89.

Clayton, Powell, in Grant faction, 344.

Cobb, Howell, 138.

Coles, Edward (Gov.), 35.

Colfax, Schuyler, in House, 284;

Vice-President, 314.

Colonization, Jefferson's schemes for, 18;

Pennsylvania society, 22;

society attacked by New Eng. anti-slavery society, 44.

Compromise of 1820, see MISSOURI

of 1850, 85;

adopted, 90;

causes dissatisfaction in North and South, 91.

Confederacy, the Southern (see also SOUTH, the, etc.).

Secessionists propose to form, 215;

convention to organize, 225;

organized, constitution of, 226;

election of officers of, 226, 227;

disregards peace overtures from Republicans, 229;

courage displayed in, 262;

Lee the chief hero of, 263.

Conkling, Roscoe, in House, 284;

party leader, 331;

favors "force bill," 345;

Presidential candidate, 346.

Connecticut, passes emancipation law, 21.

"Conscience Whigs," 82.

Constitution (See CONVENTION OF 1787),

proposed convention to revise, 229.

Amendments to, see AMENDMENTS.

"Constitutional Union" party, 153, 189.

Convention of 1787, personnel, work, and difficulties of, 10 ff;

results of, 14 ff.

Corwin, Thomas, opposes Mexican war, 77.

Cotton gin, invention of stimulates cotton growing, 23.

Credit Mobilier, 344.

Crittenden, John J., Senator, 151, 214.

Crittenden, compromise, proposed, refused by Republicans, 228.

Cuba, emancipation in, 108;

annexation of demanded in Ostend manifesto, 128.

Curtis, Benj. R., defends President Johnson, 312.

Curtis, George William, editor _Harper's Weekly_, 330;

leads reform element in Republican convention of 1876, 346.

Curtis, Justice, dissents from Dred Scott decision, 148.

Cushing, Caleb, joins seceding Democratic convention, 188;

supports Breckinridge Democracy; bitter words of on Mass.

election, 193.

Dabney, Thomas, sketch of, 100 ff;

experiences of after war, 337, 339, 355.

Davis, David, on Hayes-Tilden commission; in Senate, 349.

Davis, Henry Winter, favors radical reconstruction, 270.

Davis, Jefferson, in Senate, 86, 89;

sketch of life and principles of, 132 ff;

active in politics, in Mexican war, in Senate, Sec'y of War,

leader in secession, 134;

hostility toward, 135;

final estimate of, 136;

presents ultimatum of South in Senate (1859), 184;

residence of at North, 193;

defends secession, 215;

opposes immediate secession (1860), 221;

with others withdraws from Congress to organize Confederacy, 225;

elected President of Confederacy, 226;

North's hatred of, 301;

imprisoned by Pres. Johnson, 329;

attacked by Blaine, 346.

Davis, Rebecca Harding (Mrs.), describes terrors of Civil war in border

states, 242.

Dawes, Henry L., in House, 284, 331.

Dayton, William L., Vice-Presidential candidate (1856), 129.

Declaration of Independence, clause in regarding wrongs of slave

trade suppressed, 9.

DeForest, J. W., 209.

Delaware, votes against extension of slave trade, 13;

rejects Thirteenth amendment, 262, 276;

rejects Fifteenth amendment, 315.

Democratic party (see DEMOCRATS),

power of South in, 185;

extreme South breaks up, 187;

Alex. H. Stephens explains move, 189;

geographical lines of in campaign of 1860, 192.

Democratic sentiment, growth of, 21, 29.

Democrats, opposed to strong central gov't, 21;

favor annexing Texas, 75;

nominate Cass for President, 81;

combine with Free Soilers, 92;

nominate Pierce for President, desert Free Soilers, 93;

vote for Kansas-Nebraska bill, 114;

in Republican party, 127;

platform (1856), campaign, Buchanan candidate of, 128;

uphold Ostend manifesto, 129;

divided over Lecompton constitution, 151;

convention of 1860, 185 ff;

delegates from S. C. and Gulf States leave, 187;

adjourns, 188;

regular convention at re-meeting nominates Douglas and Johnson,

seceders nominate Breckinridge and Lane, 188;

inharmonious in North, 253;

gain in 1862, 261;

nominate McClellan for Presidency, defeated, 265;

in Congress of 1865-6, 284;

hold convention of 1868, repudiate reconstruction acts, favor

repudiation, nominate Seymour, 313;

regain control in many Southern States, 323;

join Independent Republicans, 328;

indorse Greeley's nomination, Independent Democrats nominate

O'Conor, 329;

organize resistance to Republicans in South and begin

intimidation, 339 ff;

in Congress of 1875-6, 346;

nominate Tilden for President, 347;

claim election, 348 ff.

Denison, John, Dr., characterizes Gen. Samuel Armstrong, 357.

Devens, Charles, Attorney-General under Hayes, 353.

Dickinson, Edward, helps organize Republican party, 114.

Dickinson, John, opinion of slave trade, 12.

"Disfranchisement," paper on, by Charles W. Chestnutt, 384.

District of Columbia, slavery abolished in, 251.

Dix, John A. (Gen.), in Buchanan's cabinet, 224.

Dorsey, Stephen W., in Grant faction, 344.

Douglas, Stephen A., sketch of, 112;

introduces "Kansas-Nebraska" bill to aid his Pres. candidature, 112 ff;

doctrine of "popular sovereignty," 150;

supports Republicans on Lecompton bill, 151;

returns to Democrats and becomes Senator, 153;

famous debates of with Lincoln, 180;

elected U. S. Senator, 181;

struggle of, with extreme South on Democratic platform (1860), 185;

great power of in convention; principles of; followers defy Southern

Democracy, 186;

nominated for President, 188;

denounces secession; pop. vote for, 194;

assails Lincoln's position, proposes plans to conciliate South, 233;

supports Lincoln, 235.

Douglass, Frederick, 96.

"Dred," anti-slavery novel, 123 ff.

Dred Scott decision, 147 ff.

DuBois, Prof., 5, 379;

on need of higher education for negroes, 398, 399.

Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 379.

Duncan, James, 38.

Durell, E. H. (Judge), in Louisiana election struggle, 341.

Education, of negroes, 37;

urged by Beecher, 279;

nat'l, of negroes neglected, 325, 326;

higher, for negroes, 358, 377 ff, 398 ff;

Blair bill for local aid to, on basis of existing illiteracy, 372, 404;

of negroes undertaken by Southern whites, 373;

standard of in South being raised, 381;

efforts to restrict for negroes, unjust Kentucky law, 385;

estimate of amt. paid out for negro education to date, 388;

improved industrial for negroes, 388;

of negro presents great difficulty, 396-7;

amount spent by South for edu. of negro in past 30 years, 397;

problems of in South, 397 ff;

need of higher for negroes, 398-9;

gov't aid to in South advocated, 404.

Eggleston, General, Republican leader in Miss., 336.

Eliot, Thomas D., helps organize Republican party, 114.

Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln presents to cabinet, decides to

delay promulgation of, 257;

reintroduces, 258;

discussed and approved by cabinet, issued (1862), 259;

goes into effect, immediate results of, 260 ff.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, in anti-slavery movement, 56;

in literature, 94;

influence of, 143;

pen picture of John Brown by, 160; 243.

"End of an Era, The," 169.

English bill, the, 151.

Evarts, William M., in Republican convention (1860), 191, 192;

defends President Johnson, 312;

Secy. of State under Hayes, 353.

Everett, Edward, nominated for Presidency, 189.

Federalist Party, principles of, 20.

Fee, John G., and Berea College, 73, 170.

Fessenden, William P., in Senate, 114;

in Republican party, 127;

heads reconstruction committee, 281;

in U. S. Senate, 283;

sketch of, 284, 285;

opposes President Johnson's plan of reconstruction, 286;

votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312;

death of, 331.

Fillmore, Millard, becomes President, character of, 90;

candidate for Presidential nomination, 92;

nominated (1856) by "Know-nothings," 129.

Fish, Hamilton, in Senate, 114;

in settlement of Alabama claims, 325.

Fisk University, 358.

Florida, secedes, 225;

emancipation in, 260;

provisional gov't of, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

rel. number of negro voters in, 311;

Presidential vote of contested (1876), 348 ff.

"Flower de Hundred," 100.

Floyd, John B., Secy. of War, resigns, 224.

Foot, Solomon, in Senate, 114.

Force bill, of 1833, 33;

---- proposed, of 1875, defeated in Senate, 345.

Fort Moultrie, commanded by Anderson, 223;

Buchanan refuses to aid, 224;

abandoned by Anderson, 224;

occupied by So. Carolinians, 224.

Fort Sumter, Anderson removes to, 224;

debate over, 233;

Lincoln sends aid to, 234;

Confederates attack and take, 235.

Fortune, T. Thomas, 379.

Fowler, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312.

Franklin, Benjamin, 8;

labors against slavery, skill of as a leader, 19.

Freedmen's Bureau, 287, 289;

Pres. Johnson vetoes bill to increase powers of, 294;

bill amended, passed, 297;

labors of, 357, 362.

"Free Soil" party, previously "Liberty" party, gains from Whigs

and Democrats, 81.

"Free Soilers," convention of (1848), nominates Van Buren, 82;

form alliance with Democrats, 92;

nominate John P. Hale for President, lose Democratic allies, 93;

vote against Kansas-Nebraska bill in House, 114;

unite with Whigs in Mich. in formation of Republican party, 115;

in Republican party, 127.

Free State men, in Kansas struggle, 117 ff;

refuse to vote in Kansas, 150;

give up separate organization, and win, 152;

triumph of, 153.

Fremont, John C. (Gen.), nominated for President, 126;

sketch of, 126 ff;

declares martial law, and emancipation of slaves in Missouri, 248;

emancipation measure of set aside by Lincoln, results of incident, 249.

Fugitive slave law, demanded by South, 85;

resisted in North, dissatisfaction over, 91.

_Galveston Bulletin_, view of reconstruction in, 267.

Garfield, James A., in House, 284, 331.

Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, becomes interested in emancipation, 39;

early experiences, founds _Liberator_, principles, 40;

founds New England Anti-Slavery Society, 44;

fight of against slavery, 51 ff;

aims and methods of, 52, 53;

followers of divided, 54;

personality of, 54;

mobbed, 55;

scorns Republican party, 127;

propagandism of inflames North and South, 207;

declares all war unchristian, 210;

favors disunion, 217, 228.

Geary, John W., governor of Kansas, 117, 121.

_Genius of Universal Emancipation_, founded, 38, 39.

Georgia, demands representation in Congress based on slave numbers, 11;

refuses to join Union if slave trade forbidden, 12;

forbids entry of free negroes into State, forbids circulation of

insurrectionary pamphlets, 41;

citizens of characterized, 137;

becomes pivotal point of Southern politics, 138;

considers secession (1860), 221, 225;

secedes, 226;

emancipation in, 260;

provisional govt. formed, 275;

signs of promise in during reconstruction period, 301;

rights of negro conserved in, 302;

readmitted, relative number of negro voters in, 311;

Democrats regain control in, 323;

discrimination against negro suffrage in, 384.

Giddings, Joshua, in "Free Soil" convention, 82.

Godkin, E. L., 327.

Gold, at premium of 250, 264.

Gorman bill to limit suffrage, defeated (1905), 383, note.

Grand Army of the Republic, chooses negro commander in Mass., 406.

Grant, Ulysses S. (Gen.), votes for Buchanan, 130;

refuses to exchange prisoners, 246;

report of on conditions in South after war, 286;

on proper policy toward South, 302;

against exclusion clauses of 14th amendment, 310;

nominated for President, elected, 314;

problems of administration, displays lack of statesmanship, 324 ff;

defeats inflation policy, 325;

personal honesty of, 326;

strong opposition to develops, 327;

prominent men and events of second term, 331 ff;

growth of independence of, 332;

recommends State govt. of Arkansas be declared illegal, 344;

favors "Force bill," 345;

disinclination of to further interference in South, 345;

attitude of in disputed States in 1876, 349;

remarks of to Lee on surrender, 354.

Greeley, Horace, votes for Taylor, 82;

helps prolong Whig organization in N. Y., 115;

sketch of, 140;

opposes Seward in Republican convention. (1860), 191;

criticises Lincoln, Lincoln's reply to, 255;

supports Independ. Repub. movement, nominated for President, 328;

nomination of indorsed by Democrats, weakness of as candidate,

generous sentiment of toward South, 329;

bitter opposition to, defeat and death of, 330.

Grimes, Senator, votes to acquit President Johnson, 312.

Hale, Edward Everett, in New Eng. Emigrant Aid Society, 116.

Hale, Eugene, in House, 331.

Hale, John P., nominated for President, 93.

Hamlin, Hannibal, nominated for Vice-President, 192.

Hampton, Wade, nominated for governor of So. Carolina; violence

of campaign, 333;

claims governorship, 348;

governor, 353.

Hampton Institute, founded, 362;

work at begun, success and growth of, 363 ff;

work of, 377.

Harper's Ferry, raid on, by John Brown, 162 ff.

_Harper's Weekly_, opposes Greeley, 330.

Harrison, Mrs. Burton, personal reminiscences of Virginia before

the war, 100.

Harrison, William H., campaign of, 74.

Hart, Albert Bushnell, gives estimate of wealth of negroes, 375.

Harvard College, awards class oratorship to negro (Bruce of Miss.), 407.

Hawley, Joseph R. (Gen.), in House, 331.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 242.

Hayes, Rutherford B., in House, 284;

nominated for President, 347;

election of claimed, 348 ff;

declared elected, 352;

ends military interference in South, inaugurates new régime, 353.

Hayne, Robert, debate of with Webster, 33.

Hedrick, Prof., driven from North Carolina for anti-slavery

sentiments, 129.

Helper, Hinton R., publishes _The Impending Crisis_, 109, 154;

driven from N. C., 157.

Henderson, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312.

Henry, Patrick, 8; views of on slavery, 19.

Herndon, William H., Lincoln's partner and friend, 179, 180.

Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, supports John Brown, 160.

Hilo (Hawaii) Manual School, 360.

Hoar, George F., characterizes Sumner, 282;

describes polit. methods of Henry Wilson, 283;

in House, 331;

on Louisiana investigation committee, 343.

Hoar, Samuel, driven from So. Carolina, 73;

joins "Free Soil" party, 81.

Holt, Joseph, Secy. of War, 224.

Holtzclaw, William, story of, 378.

Hopkins, John H. (Bishop), 141.

Hopkins, Mark, as president of Williams College, 356.

Hopkins, Samuel (Dr.), denounces slave trade, 9.

Howard, O. O. (Gen.), chief of Freedmen's Bureau, 289.

Howard University, 358.

Howe, S. G. (Dr.), supports John Brown, 160, 168.

Hunter, David (Gen.), attempts partial emancipation as war measure, 253.

ILLINOIS, admitted as free State, 23;

attempt to introduce slavery in, 34;

anti-slavery rioting in, 74;

Abolitionists in, ally themselves with Republicans; Lincoln the

central figure at first State convention, 179.

_Impending Crisis, The_, 109;

resumé of, 154 ff;

effects of, 157.

_Independent, The_, criticises Lincoln, 254.

Indiana, admitted as free State, 23.

Indians, unfitness of for slavery, 5.

Jackson, Andrew, characteristics, administration, 29;

denounces nullification, 33;

opposes circulation of anti-slavery literature through U. S. mails, 72.

Jackson, Stonewall, 135.

Jefferson, Thomas, 8;

denounces slave trade in first draft of Decl. of Independ.;

plans of for gradual emancipation, 9, 17-18,

and for exclusion of slavery from unorganized territory, 9;

polit. ideals, views on slavery, 17;

unskillful as President, 21;

fears of for Union; sympathies with slave States, jealous of

State rights, 25, 250;

on dangers of slavery, 391.

Jenkins, Charles J. (Gov.), pleads for negro rights in inaugural, 301.

Jerry, fugitive slave, rescued, 91.

Johnson, Andrew, in Senate, 214;

early life and character of, becomes President, 273;

retains Lincoln's cabinet, Seward's influence on, 274;

issues proclamation of amnesty; appoints provisional governors

in South, 275;

favors qualified negro suffrage, 276;

message (1865), 281;

policy of reconstruction of opposed in Congress, 285 ff;

supported by Democrats, 286;

vetoes Freedmen's Bureau bill, 294, 296;

loses support of party; undignified speech of strengthens

opposition to, 295;

vetoes Civil Rights bill, 297;

strong opposition to reconstruction policy of, 303;

undignified conduct of during tour of North, 304;

impeachment and trial of, 311 ff;

acquitted; in Senate; place of in history, 312.

Johnson, Herschel V., nominated for Vice-President, 188;

opposes immediate secession, 225.

Johnson, Oliver, 44.

Johnson, Reverdy, in U. S. Senate, 284.

Jones, C. C. (Rev.), on condition of slaves, 49.

Kansas, struggle for, 116 ff;

stringent slavery laws in, 117;

forms issue of Repub. party's first campaign, 127;

Walker appointed governor of; struggle in, 150 ff;

admitted to Union, 152.

Kansas-Nebraska bill, 112;

effects of on election (1854), 115;

results of, 116.

Kealing, H. T., 379.

Keitt, Lawrence, with Brooks in assault on Sumner, 122.

Kellogg, William P., in government of Louisiana, 341.

Kemble, Fanny, describes slavery in "A Residence on a Georgia

Plantation," 103 ff.

Kendall, Amos, 72.

Kentucky, attempt to establish as free State, 22;

refuses to consider secession, but promises to aid South if

invaded, 227;

remains in Union, 235;

Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union, 252;

rejects 13th amendment, 262, 276;

rejects 15th amendment, 315;

law in to prohibit co-education of races, 385.

Kerr, Michael C., speaker of House, 346.

Key, David M., Postmaster-General under Hayes, 353.

"Kitchen Cabinet" of Gen. Grant, 325.

Knapp, Isaac, partner of Garrison, 40.

"Know-nothings," 115;

nominate ex-President Fillmore (1856); platform; seceders from

nominate Banks, 129.

Ku Klux Klan, 322, 326, 327.

Lane, Joseph, nominated for Vice-President, 188.

Lane Seminary, trouble at, over anti-slavery movement, 37.

Lanier, Sidney, 410.

Lawrence, Kansas, founded, 116;

attack on, 119.

Leavitt, Joshua, 44.

Lecompton constitution framed, scouted by free State men, 150;

urged by Buchanan administration, 151;

defeated, 152.

LeConte, Joseph, reminiscences of slavery, 49.

Lee, Fitzhugh, 410.

Lee, Robert E. (Gen.), 95, 135;

captures John Brown, 163;

opposes secession, 227;

chief hero of Confederacy, 263;

surrenders, 270, 354;

becomes president of Washington Univ., 355.

_Liberator_, The, founded, 40.

Liberia, colony estab., 22.

Liberty, Washington's conception of, 3.

Liberty party, 75 ff;

becomes "Free Soil" party, 81.

Lincoln, Abraham, views on Dred Scott decision, 149;

nominated for Senator, defeated, 153;

on endurance of Union, 153;

early life and characteristics of, 172 ff;

political career begins, 177;

attitude of on slavery, 178, 181;

central figure in Ills. Republican convention, 179;

debates with Douglas, 180;

Cooper Inst. address of; proves right of Congress to control slavery in

the Territories; shows stand Republicans must take, 182;

schemes of friends for in Repub. convention (1860), 190;

states principles, 191;

nominated for President, 192;

elected, 194;

answers secessionist arguments, 215;

personal interest of in slavery, 217;

immediate results of election of, 221;

pronounces inaugural, 231;

forms cabinet, difficulties, 233;

sends aid to Ft. Sumter, 234;

issues call for militia, 235;

attitude of toward emancipation, 249, 252, 253, 255;

tact and shrewdness of, 249, 256, 257;

in close touch with people, 249;

his conception of his mission, 249;

difficulties of administration, 249, 251;

his detestation of slavery, 250;

scheme of for compensated emancipation, 252;

announces his power as Commander-in-chief to emancipate slaves

as war measure, 253;

criticism of, 253 ff;

replies to Greeley's criticisms, 255;

lays emancipation proclamation before cabinet, 256;

adopts Seward's advice, to delay promulgation of, 257;

reintroduces to cabinet after McClellan's victory, 258;

issues prelim. proclamation; embodies views on emancipation in

message to Congress, 259;

administration of repudiated in election of 1862, 261;

re-elected, 262, 265;

delivers second inaugural, 266;

offers amnesty to Confederates, 268;

invites return of seceded States; leaves reconstruction bill (1864)

unsigned, 269;

plans of opposed in Congress, 270;

makes public statement of views on reconstruction, 271;

assassination of, 271;

summary of political achievements of, 272.

Literature, growth of Southern, 380 ff.

Longfellow, Henry W., work of, 145.

Longstreet, Gen., advises acceptance of inevitable, acts with

Republicans, denounced and ostracized, 318.

Louisiana, admitted as free State, 23;

secedes, 226;

emancipation in, 260;

new Constitution and State govt. in, 271;

provisional govt. established in, 269, 275;

applies for admission of U. S. Senators (1864-5), 270;

reconstructed, 310;

negro votes in majority in, 311;

Presidential vote of contested (1876), 348 ff;

State vote of contested, 349;

"carpet-bag" rule in, 341 ff;

"Conservatives" organize opposition in, struggle over governorship

in, 341;

cruelty and corruption in, 342;

Federal intervention in, 343;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 83.

Louisiana purchase, 2, 24.

Lovejoy, Elijah P., 74.

Lowell, attacks slavery and war in "Biglow Papers," 77;

labors of for freedom; edits _Atlantic_, 144;

upbraids Lincoln in "Biglow Papers," 254;

war poems of, 265.

Lundy, Benjamin, sketch of, 38 ff.

Lynch, John R., speaker of the House, 336.

Lyon, Mary, founds Mt. Holyoke Seminary, 362.

McClellan, George B. (Gen.), leader of Conservatives, warns Lincoln

not to move against slavery, 255;

success of against Lee, 258;

Democrats nominate for President.

McCrary, George W., Secy. of War under Hayes, 353.

McEnery, John, claims governorship of Louisiana, 341, 342.

McLean, Justice, dissents from Dred Scott decision, 148.

Madison, James, against strengthening slave power, 11;

as President, 21.

Mails, U. S., circulation of anti-slavery documents through, 72.

Marcy, William L., Secretary of State, 128.

Maryland, forbids importation of slaves, 9;

stops importation, 20;

elects anti-slavery members to House of Delegates, 36;

irregular secession convention in, 227;

remains in Union, 235;

Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union, 252;

rejects amendment against negro suffrage (1905), 383 note;

rejects 15th amendment, 385.

Mason, George, opposes strengthening of slave power, 11, 12.

Mason, James M., 89;

with Buchanan and Soulé issues Ostend manifesto, 128.

Massachusetts, slaves freed in, 9;

negroes granted suffrage in, number of negroes in, 1780; in

slave trade, 9;

aids extreme South to prolong slave trade, 13;

indifferent to slave trade, 20;

"Know-nothings" carry election of 1854 in, 115;

leads North in opposing secession, 229;

Republicans in fail to indorse Pres. Johnson, 276.

May, Samuel J. (Rev.), 44;

conversation with Dr. Channing on anti-slavery, 61 ff.

Mexico, war with, 76 ff;

ends, 79;

proposal to annex, Calif. taken from, 79.

Middle States, in slave trade, 9;

slavery abolished in, 20.

Mississippi, admitted as slave State, 23;

considers secession (1860), 221;

secedes, 225;

emancipation in, 260;

gives qualified assent to 13th amendment, 262;

provisional gov't formed in, 275;

delays her return to Union, 310;

negro voters outnumber white in, 311;

under martial law, 316;

"carpet-bag" rule in, 333 ff;

statistics on misgovernment in, 334 ff;

misgovt. and corruption in exaggerated, 338;

Democrats organize opposition and practice intimidation in, 339 ff;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 383.

Missouri, bill to organize as State, 23;

geographical relation of to free States, 24;

debate on admission, 24 ff;

Compromise, 25 ff;

admitted as slave State, 27;

mobs form in struggle for Kansas, 116;

votes not to secede, 227;

remains in Union, 235;

Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union; Republican party breaks

up in, 327.

Morgan, Edwin P. (ex-Gov.), supports Pres. Johnson, 204.

Morton, Oliver P., party leader, 331;

favors "Force bill" in Senate, 345;

Presidential candidate, 346.

Moses, F. J., Jr., governor of So. Carolina, 332.

Mott, Lucretia, 56.

Mount Holyoke Seminary, founded, plan for students to earn expenses

fails at, 362.

Murphy, Edgar G., "The Present South," 388;

on negro problem, 408.

Nashville convention, to promote interests of South, 90, 138.

_Nation_, The, supports Independent Republicans, 327;

refuses to support Greeley, 329.

Nat Turner insurrection, 41.

Nebraska, 112.

Negroes (see also SLAVES, SLAVERY, EDUCATION),

superiority of over Indians as slaves, 5;

advantages and disadvantages of slavery to, 5;

granted suffrage in Mass. and other States, 9;

number of in Mass. in 1780, 9;

number of in other States, see SLAVES;

condition of in North before the war, 37;

(for condition of in South, see SLAVERY, SLAVES);

proposed college for, 37;

violence against in North, 74;

status of in America defined by Dred Scott decision, 147, 148;

citizenship rights of declared in New York, 149;

U. S. army and navy opened to enlistment of, 260;

enlist in Union armies, martial qualities of, 261;

good qualities of displayed in war, 263;

Pres. Johnson favors qualified suffrage for, 276;

Henry Ward Beecher's views on suffrage for, 278;

education of urged by Beecher, 279;

South's estimate of after war, 280, 287;

behavior of after emancipation, 287;

repressive laws against, following war, 287, 288;

their misconception of freedom, 289;

laws governing labor of after war, 290 ff;

law against association of whites with, 290;

abuse of by Southern whites, 292;

their necessities force them to labor, 293;

leaders in Georgia plead for rights of, 301;

suffrage for in South the central feature of Reconstruction bill, 308;

suffrage for favored by North, 308, 309;

broad conception of, 309;

number of voters among in Southern States compared to white

voters, 311;

many Northern States refuse suffrage to, 314;

unfitness of in South for suffrage, choose delegates to const.

conventions, 317;

sudden political power of doubtful benefit to, 318;

as a body lack independence; affiliate with Republican party; become

estranged from old masters, 319;

in high political offices, 321, 333, 336;

not guilty of physical violence, 323;

national education of neglected, 325, 326;

manner of toward whites, 338;

organized resistance to voting of in South, 340;

intimidated at polls, 352;

problem of disposition of, 355;

views on in North and South, 356;

condition and needs of after war, 357, 358;

beginnings of higher education for, 358;

religion of, 359;

Gen. Armstrong's labors in behalf of, see ARMSTRONG, SAMUEL;

problem of disappears as central feature in national politics, 371;

polit. preponderance of in South ended, 371;

suffrage of practically nullified in South, but large degree of civil

rights secured to, 372;

Southern whites undertake education of with energy and success, 373;

refused social equality at South, and often at North, 373 ff;

improved social conditions, and increased numbers of, 374 ff;

present wealth, skill, intelligence, and moral status of, 375 ff;

development of leadership among, 376 ff., 379;

legal limitation of suffrage of in South, 382 ff;

practical disfranchisement of, 384, 388;

threatened narrowing of industrial opportunities the greatest

danger to, 385;

unfortunate social position of, 386;

hopes of future betterment, 387;

estimated amt. paid out for education of to date; better industrial

education for, 388;

necessity for all to face the problem of; great responsibility on

leaders of, 392 ff;

present phase of problem, necessity of abolishing caste spirit, 393;

industrial position of, 394 ff;

attitude of trade unions toward, 385, 395;

dangers consequent upon exclusion from unions, 396;

need of higher education for, 398;

present polit. status of, 400;

attitude of toward suffrage, 401;

should have fair share of public offices, 403;

government aid in education advocated, 404;

growing recognition of in North, 406 ff;

results of social ostracism on, suggested means to avoid, 408.

_Negro Problem_, The, by Booker Washington and others, 379;

New England (See also NORTH, MASSACHUSETTS,)

Washington's opinion of, 2;

slave labor unprofitable in; industries in, 6;

negroes granted suffrage in, 9;

aids extreme South in extension of slave trade, 13.

New England Anti-slavery Society, founded, 44.

New England Emigrant Aid Society, formed, 116.

New Hampshire, number of slaves in in 1790, 9;

slavery abolished in, 21.

New Haven, labors in for negroes, 36.

New Jersey, votes against extension of slave trade, 13;

passes emancipation law, 22;

counted as free State, 23;

declares for emancipation, 35;

rejects 15th amendment, 315.

New Mexico, South demands permission of slavery in, 84.

New Orleans, riot in, 303.

New York _Evening Post_, supports Independent Republicans, 327;

refuses support to Greeley, 329.

New York _Herald_, 141, 164, 193.

New York _Times_, 141, 347.

New York _Tribune_, influence of, 140, 141;

against forcible repression of secession movement, 228;

criticises Lincoln, 255;

supports Independent Republicans, 328;

unearths Hayes-Tilden telegrams, 352.

New York State, number of slaves in in 1790, 9;

passes emancipation law, 22;

counted as free State, 23;

delegation of to "Free Soil" convention (1848), 82;

declares right of citizenship for negroes, 149.

Nicholls, Francis T., claims governorship of Louisiana, 349;

becomes governor, 353.

North, the (see also NEW ENGLAND),

slavery unprofitable in, 5;

aids extreme South in extending slave trade, 13;

slavery abolished in, 20;

surpasses South in population and wealth; increased representation

in House, 24;

its economic advantages over South, 69 ff;

violence against negroes in, 74;

disputes with South over new territory, 80;

dissatisfaction in over Compromise measures of 1850; passes "Personal

Liberty Laws," 91;

outstrips South in industrial, literary, and religious growth,

advantages of South over, 94;

growth of anti-slavery feeling in, 113 ff;

best intelligence of in early Republican party, 127;

resents polit. aggression of South more than slavery, 128;

leaders of (1850-60), 132;

leaders of, 140 ff;

attitude of clergy in toward slavery, 141;

economic conditions in compared with those of South, 156;

John Brown's raid intensifies conviction against slavery in, 167;

growing distrust of South in, 169;

position of on secession, etc., 200 ff;

underlying divergences from South in sentiment and character

of, 205 ff;

religious life in, 206;

inflamed against South;

sources of misunderstanding, 207;

varied occupations in, 208;

secession movement causes consternation in, 209;

strongly inclined to peace; disbelieves in Southern courage, 210;

grounds for resistance of secession in; impatient of Southern

political dominance, 212;

reasons for failure of disunion movement in, 218 ff;

disinclination in to use force against secession movement, 228;

Mass. becomes leader in, 229;

united in resistance to secession, 235;

views on Civil war in, 237;

bitter feeling against South in, 241;

moral effect of war on, 244;

Unionism the absorbing issue in, 248;

party divisions in, 253;

growing sentiment in against slavery, 254;

courage of in war, 262;

advantages of over South, 264;

joy in over prospect of success, 268;

opposes Johnson's reconstruction plans, 288;

current opinion in on cause of secession, 300;

hatred of Jefferson Davis in, 301;

general temper in hostile to Pres. Johnson, 312;

feeling of relief in after Grant's election, 315;

resumption of business in, 316;

immigration from into South, 319;

growing tendency in to accord social equality to negroes, 373 ff, 406.

North Carolina, emancipation favored in, 36;

right of free speech vindicated in, 129;

votes against secession convention, 229;

secedes, 235;

emancipation in, 260;

provisional govt. formed in, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

relative number of negro voters in, 311;

Democrats regain, 323;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 383.

Northwestern Territory, slavery prohibited in, 10.

Nullification, So. Carolina claims right of, 32;

denounced by Jackson, 33;

opposed in "Force bill" of 1833, 33;

question dropped, 34, 214.

Oberlin College, becomes anti-slavery stronghold, 37;

plan for students to earn expenses fails at, 362.

O'Conor, Charles, nominated for President, 329.

Ohio, admitted as free State, 23;

declares for emancipation, 35.

Olmsted, Frederic Law, on condition of slaves in South before

the war, 49;

volumes of travels in the slave States, 107 ff.

Ordinance of 1784, fails to limit slave territory, 10.

Ordinance of 1787, limits slave territory, 10.

Oregon, boundary dispute, 80;

rejects 15th amendment, 315;

double returns from in Hayes-Tilden election, 351.

Ostend manifesto, 128.

Packard, S. B., in govt. of Louisiana, 341;

claims governorship, 349.

Paine, Thomas, 8.

Parker, Theodore, influence of in church and state, 143;

supports John Brown, 160, 168.

Peace Congress, proposed, to find means to preserve the Union, 228.

Pendleton, George H., candidate for Presidential nomination, 313.

Pennsylvania, number of slaves in in 1790, 9;

votes against extension of slave trade, 13;

passes emancipation law, 21;

counted as free State, 23;

declares for emancipation, 35;

Republicans fail to indorse Pres. Johnson, 276.

Peonage cases, prosecution of, 388.

Personal Liberty Laws, passed in North, 91.

Petigru, James L., 223.

Petitions to Congress, anti-slavery, 71 ff.

Pettus, Gov., of Mississippi, 221.

Philadelphia, convention in behalf of Pres. Johnson at, 303.

Phillips, Wendell, becomes ally of Garrison, 54;

scorns Republican party, 127;

declares all war un-Christian, 210;

favors disunion, 217, 228;

abuses Lincoln, 254.

Pierce, Franklin, nominated for, and elected President, 93;

recognizes usurpers in Kansas struggle, 117.

Pierce, Henry L., in House, 331;

vote of in Hayes-Tilden contest, 352.

Pinckneys, Charles and Thomas, demand freedom of slave trade, 12 ff.

Pittsburg, counter convention at, 303.

Platte country, the, 112.

Polk, James K., nominated for President, 75;

elected;

declares war with Mexico, 76.

Poor whites, evil effects of slavery on, 110.

"Present South, The," by E. G. Murphy, 388, 408.

Pottawatomie massacre, 120;

results of, 121.

Presbyterian church, condemns slavery, 35.

Prisons, military, terrors of, 245 ff.

Protection. See TARIFF, PROTECTIVE.

Quakers, relation of to slavery, 7.

Randall, Samuel J., in House, 284;

speaker, 346.

Randolph, John, his opinion of slavery, 47.

Randolph, Thos. Jefferson, his scheme of emancipation, 43.

Rankin, John, 38.

Rantoul, Robert, joins "Free Soil" party, 81.

Raymond, Henry J., 141;

in House, 284;

supports Pres. Johnson's plan of reconstruction, 285, 303.

Reconstruction, 267 ff;

Lincoln's plans for and views on, 268 ff;

congressional bill (1864), rejected by Lincoln, 269;

Lincoln's plans for opposed by Congress, 270;

first Congressional plan of, 274 ff;

President Johnson's plan of, 275;

Henry Ward Beecher's plan of, 277 ff;

John A. Andrew's plan of, 280;

both latter plans too advanced for the time, 280;

action taken on by Congress (1865-6), 281 ff;

Pres. Johnson's plan of opposed in Congress, 285;

second Congressional plan of, 294 ff;

difficulties of question increased by lack of statesmen to handle, 302;

two policies of before the country, South indorses Pres. Johnson's

plan of, 303;

final plan of, 306 ff; bill passed, 306;

results of bill, 307, 310;

verdict of country on work of, 312 ff;

the working out of, 316 ff;

the last act, 344 ff.

"Reconstruction and the Constitution," by Prof. J. W. Burgess, 290.

Reeder, Governor, of Kansas, 117.

Republican party (see also REPUBLICANS),

beginnings of, 114 ff;

components of, 115;

first Presidential convention of, 124 ff;

principles, leaders, constituency, successes, and failures of in first

(1856) campaign of, 127;

opposition to in first campaign, 128;

weakness of in South, 129;

composition of opposition to, and causes of defeat of in first

campaign, 130;

stand of on negro question (1860), 186;

origin of protectionist character of, 190;

geographical lines of in 1860 campaign, 192;

denounced in 1860 campaign, 193 ff;

restriction of slavery the supreme principle of, 212;

Sumner's belief in, 319;

freedmen instinctively turn to, 319;

leaders of in Grant's second term, 331.

Republicans, hold first (1856) Presidential convention, 124 ff;

nominate John C. Fremont for President, 126;

Wm. L. Dayton for Vice-President, 129;

platform, 126;

denounce Ostend manifesto, 129;

dissent from Dred Scott decision, 148, 149;

gain in numbers, name Lincoln for U. S. Senator, 153;

first Illinois convention of, 179;

campaign, 180 ff;

not in John Brown's raid, 183;

hold convention (1860), 189 ff;

platform, 190;

struggle bet. Seward and Lincoln men in, 190, 191;

nominate Lincoln and Hamlin, 192;

elect candidates (1860), 194;

results of success of, 221;

oppose secession, 223, 224, 225;

oppose schemes for extension of slavery, 228;

vainly concede many points to South, 229;

divide over war questions, 253;

reaction against in elections of 1862, 261;

success of in 1864, 262, 265;

indorse President Johnson, 276;

assert right of Congress to direct reconstruction, leaders oppose

Pres. Johnson's plan of, 286;

opinion of turns against Johnson, 294;

increased strength of in Congress (1866-7), 306;

in Senate vote to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312;

adopt moderate platform, nominate and elect Grant (1868), 314;

in temporary control of South, 323, 327;

change attitude tword South, independent movement among, 327;

Independents hold convention (1872), 328;

in gov't of South, 332 ff;

lose heavily in Congressional elections of 1874, suspected of

maladministration, 344;

many oppose Force bill of 1875, 345;

hold convention (1876), 346;

nominate Hayes, campaign, 347;

claim election of Hayes, 348 ff.

"Residence on a Georgia Plantation, A.", 103.

Rhett, Senator, proposes secession, 89.

Rhode Island, in slave trade, 9;

passes emancipation law, 21.

Rhodes, "History of the U. S.," quoted, 301, 302.

Robinson, Chas. S., gov. of Kansas, 117 ff;

his house burned, 119.

Roosevelt, President, South criticises for entertainment of Booker

Washington, 386.

Ross, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312.

Sanborn, Franklin B., supports John Brown, 160.

San Domingo, proposed annexation of, 328.

"Scalawags," the, 318.

Schurz, Carl, on conditions in South after war, 286 ff, 292;

favors negro suffrage, 309;

in Republican convention (1868), 314;

leads Independent Republicans in Missouri, 327;

in U. S. Senate, 328;

Sec'y of Interior under Hayes, 353;

on peonage cases in South, 388;

on future of negro question, 389.

Scott, R. K., governor of S. Carolina, 332.

Scott, Winfield (Gen.), nominated for President, 92;

against armed repression of secession, 228.

Secession, Clay denies right of, 86;

Webster declares impossible with peace, 87;

threats of in Congress denounced by Taylor and Clay, 89;

open threats of in South, 193;

not taken seriously at North, 194;

denounced by Douglas, 194;

Southern position on defined, 197 ff;

Northern position on defined, 200 ff;

slavery question the real basis of 211;

grounds for resistance of at North, 212;

extreme abolitionists not opposed to, 212;

arguments for and against, 212 ff, 226;

reasons for success of movement in South and failure of in

North, 218 ff;

sources of movement in South, 219;

action of Southern States on following Lincoln's election, 221 ff;

discussed in Congress (1860), 223;

advised by Southern leaders in Congress, 225;

triumph of movement, 226;

movement halts, 227;

various Southern States take action on;

general sentiment in South against armed

repression of, 227;

disinclination in North to use force against, 228;

West strongly against movement, 228;

Mass. takes strong stand against, 229 ff;

plea of Lincoln against, 232;

current Northern opinion of causes of, 300.

Secessionists (see SECESSION),

propose disunion, and formation of Southern Confederacy, 215.

Seelye, Julius H., vote of in Hayes-Tilden contest, 352.

Senate, State representation in determined, 11;

South strives to keep up numbers in, 24;

stronghold of South, 81.

Sewall, Samuel, protests against slavery, 7.

Seward, William H., votes for Taylor, 82;

influence and strength of, 82;

his plan of emancipation, 83;

speaks in Senate against extension of slavery, 89 ff;

helps prolong Whig organization in New York, 115;

in Republican party, 127;

opinion of on Dred Scott decision, 149;

opinion of on future labor conditions in Union, 154;

logical candidate for Presidency (1860), 190;

in Lincoln's cabinet, 233, 249;

Lincoln adopts advice of to delay issuance of emancipation

proclamation, 257;

in Johnson's cabinet, his influence on the President, 274;

supports Pres. Johnson, 303.

Seymour, Horatio, nominated for President, characterized, 313;

defeated, States carried by, 314.

Shadrach, fugitive slave, rescued, 91.

Shaffer, President, urges admission of capable negroes to trade

unions, 395.

Shannon, Wilson, gov. of Kansas, 117.

Shaw, Robert Gould, 264.

Shellabarger, Samuel, in House, 284, 286.

Sheridan, Gen'l, sent to investigate Louisiana election scandals, 343.

Sherman, John, in U. S. Senate, 283, 285;

endeavors to stem tide against Pres. Johnson, 296;

defeats Stevens's reconstruction bill, 306;

superiority of over Blaine, 307;

Sec'y of Treasury under Hayes, 353.

Sherman, William T. (Gen.), his opinion of war, 244, 245.

Slaveholders, numbers of, characteristics, 95.

_Slave Laws_, compiled and published by Stroud, 110.

Slavery. (See also SLAVES, SLAVE TRADE.)

Washington's opinion of, 3;

origin, growth, regulation and defense of, 3 ff;

legally recognized in Judea, Greece, and Rome, by Jesus and the

early church, 4;

supplants free peasantry in Italy, 4;

influence of Christianity on, 4;

absolute, abolished throughout Christendom, supplanted by serfdom, 4;

recrudescence of in 17th and 18th centuries, 4;

economic conditions determine location of in America, 5;

unprofitable in North, 5, 6;

need of in South, 5;

casuistical defense of by church, 5;

advantages and disadvantages of to negro, 5;

responsibility for denied by North and South, 6;

commercial demand for overrides humanity, 6;

unprofitable in New England, 6;

social conscience unawakened to enormity of, 7;

Sewall and Woolman protest against, 7;

relation of Quakers to, 7;

awakening to wrongs of, 8;

abolished in Mass., 9;

Jefferson strives to limit territory of, 9;

limited, 10;

impossible for convention of 1787 to prohibit, 14;

compromised, 14 ff;

views of Washington and other leaders on, 15;

Patrick Henry's views on, Franklin labors against, 19;

early anti-slavery sentiment, 20;

abol. in Northern and Middle States, 20;

question temporarily eclipsed, 21;

estab. in Kentucky, abol. in Spanish America, 22;

question again to the front (1819), 23;

defended in Congress, all ideas of abolishing dropped in South, growth

of sentiment against in North, 24;

Jefferson supports, 25;

Clay supports, 26; growth of question from 1832, 28;

South fully accepts and defends, 46 ff;

views of Jos. LeConte, Frederic Law Olmsted, and C. C. Jones on, 49;

theory of adopted by slave-holders, 50;

abolished in West Indies, 51;

Garrison's fight against, 51 ff;

defense of strengthened in South, 54;

underlying principles of;

tide of public opinion sets against, 70;

question grows in prominence, 71 ff;

freedom of speech on denied in South, 73;

Calhoun's claim for nationalization of, 80;

excluded from new territory acquired by purchase, 80;

opposition of Seward and Chase to, 83;

as it was, depicted by Mrs. Burton Harrison, 100;

depicted in biography of Thomas Dabney, 100 ff;

described by Fanny Kemble, 103 ff;

pictured by Frederic Law Olmsted, 107 ff;

Harriet Beecher Stowe's opinion of embodied in "Uncle Tom's

Cabin," 109;

general view of in South, 133;

attitude of clergy toward, 141;

hostility toward in South, 170;

the great cause of difference between North and South, 207, 211;

restriction of the supreme principle of Republican party, 212;

measures upon during Civil war, 249, 250;

Lincoln's attitude toward, 250;

abolished in Dist. of Columbia, 251;

finally and forever abolished in U. S., 276.

Slaves (See also NEGROES, SLAVERY, SOUTH, SLAVE TRADE),

Africa source of, 5;

indolence and unthrift of, 5;

Virginia taxes, 6;

foundation of aristocracy in Virginia and Carolinas, 6;

unprofitable as laborers in New Eng., 6;

Virginia and Maryland forbid importation of, 9;

Jefferson proposes plan for gradual emancipation of, 9;

Virginia passes law regulating manumission of, 9;

numbers of in various States in 1790, 9;

counted in determining representation in Congress, 11, 12;

Jefferson's schemes for emancipation and disposition of, 17 ff;

value of increased by invention of cotton gin, 23;

fugitive, overtures made to England for treaty on, 28;

instruction of denied in Virginia, 44;

physical and moral condition of, 48.

Slave States, 23.

Slave trade, begun by Europe, brutality of, 5;

maintained by Eng. trading companies, colonists attempt to check, 5;

New Eng. in, 6;

Virginia remonstrates against, 8;

clause in Declaration of Independence denouncing, suppressed;

Mass., R. I., and Middle States in;

denounced by Dr. Hopkins, 9;

Congress refused power to forbid until 1808; North aids extreme South

in fight to prolong;

champions of defend only as necessary evil, 13;

stopped in Virginia and Maryland, 20;

made piracy by Congress (1800), 22;

revival of between Africa and Cuba, 158;

checked, 159.

Slave-trading companies, English, 5;

oppose tax on slaves, 6.

Smith, Caleb B., supports Lincoln, 191.

Smith, Gerritt, characterized by Andrew D. White, 55 ff;

supports John Brown, 160, 168.

Smith, Wilfred H., 379.

Soulé, Pierre, in Congress, 89;

with Buchanan and Mason issues Ostend manifesto, 128.

"Souls of Black Folk, The," an appeal for higher education of negro, 398.

South. (See also VIRGINIA, etc., SLAVERY, etc.)

Economic conditions in favor slavery, 5;

demands Congress be refused right to forbid slave trade, 12;

all ideas of abolishing slave trade dropped in, 24;

aggrieved by protective tariff, 32;

leadership of passes to So. Carolina, 44, 229;

fully accepts slavery as estab. institution, 46 ff;

strengthens defense of slavery, 54;

economic disadvantages of, 69 ff;

disputes new territory with North, attempts to nationalize slavery, 80;

opposes admission of Calif. as free State, demands allowance of

slavery in Utah and New Mexico, 84;

demands fugitive slave law, 85;

leaders of in Congress (1850), threatens disunion, 89;

denounces "Personal Liberty Laws," 91;

North outstrips in industrial growth;

advantages of over North, 94;

master class in analyzed by Fanny Kemble, 105 ff;

surprised by Kansas-Nebraska bill, 113;

anti-slavery sentiment completely ostracized in, 129;

suppression of free speech in, 130;

leaders of (1850-60), 132;

magnifies State rights;

general view of slavery in, 133;

apprehensive of growing hostility in North, 134;

clergy in united in defense of slavery, 141;

economic conditions in compared with North in _Impending Crisis_, 156;

hostility in toward North increased by Brown's raid, 167, 169-70;

misconceived by abolitionists, 168;

renewed outbreaks in against anti-slavery men, 169;

antagonism toward slave power in, 170;

solidarity against North created by Brown's raid, 170;

presents ultimatum in Senate (1859), 184;

demands protection of slave-holding right in all territories, 185;

power of in democracy and state, 185;

growing hostility in, expulsion of anti-slavery men, 186;

extreme, breaks up Democratic party, conjectural reasons for move, 187;

Alex. H. Stephens explains move, 189;

open threats of secession in, 193;

position of on secession, etc., defined, 197 ff;

underlying divergences North in sentiment and character, 205 ff;

ideal of society in, 205;

religious life and literature in, 206;

inflamed against North, sources of misunderstanding, 207;

plantation life in at best, 208;

concentration of interest in on national politics, 208;

concentrates on secession movement, 209;

duelling and street affrays common in, 209;

men of in Texas, in Mexican war, and as "filibusters," 209-10;

believes all war-spirit extinct in North, 210;

causes of united action in, 211;

North impatient of political dominance of, 212;

patriotic sentiment still powerful in, 214;

disunion sentiment strongest in Gulf and Cotton States, 214;

reasons for success of secession movement in, 218 ff;

leaders of resign from Buchanan's cabinet, 224;

leaders of in Congress favor secession, last formal presentation of

ultimatum of in Senate, 225;

general sentiment in against armed repression of secession, 227;

So. Carolina leader of, 229;

views on Civil war in, 237;

bitterness against North in, 241;

moral effect of war on, 244;

courage of in war, 262;

advantages of North over, 264;

social conditions in after war, 275;

State legislatures and conventions resumed in, 275, 276;

13th amendment ratified in 276;

Senators from refused admission to Congress, 218;

reports of Gen. Grant and Carl Schurz on conditions in after

war, 286 ff;

views of on negro labor, 287;

laws governing negro labor in after war, association of whites and

negroes forbidden in, 290;

Congressional represent. of conditioned on negro suffrage by 14th

amendment, 298;

proposed to refuse suffrage to leaders of, 299;

mistake of such course, 301;

excepting Tennessee, rejects 14th amendment, 304;

reconstruction of, see Reconstruction; government of under

reconstruction bill begins, 307, 310;

number of negro voters in various States of, 311;

trials and struggles of under new conditions, under martial law,

restored to self-government, 316;

unfitness of negroes in for suffrage, whites refuse to vote,

constitutional conventions held and negro delegates chosen, 317;

typical attitude of whites in;

under "carpet bag" rule, 318, 332;

Northern immigration into, 319;

Northern teachers insulted or disdained in; Northerners in politics in;

legislation in during reconstruction, 320;

extravagance, waste and corruption in under Republican governments;

exaggeration of, 321;

negro rule in, 319, 321;

resumption of white leadership in, 322 ff;

continued interference of Congress in, 326;

growth of Republican opposition to Federal interference in;

repudiation in, 332;

Democrats organize resistance to Republican rule in and practice

intimidation, 339 ff;

Federal troops withdrawn from, 353;

regeneration of, 354;

whites in driven to labor, 355;

end of Federal interference in, 371, 402;

negro suffrage practically nullified in, civil rights secured to

negroes, 372, 382, 388;

refuses social equality to negro, 373, 407-8;

fear of race mixture in, 374, 407;

development of industrial democracy in, 379;

present condition of politics in, 379 ff;

why "solid," 380;

life in diversifying, growth of literature in, 380;

growth of standard of education in, 381;

widening gulf between the races in, 382;

legal and practical limitation of suffrage in, 382 ff, 388;

efforts in to restrict negro education, 385;

negro still has industrial freedom in, 385, 395;

pronounced attitude of on social inferiority of negro, 386;

hopes for better conditions, growth of good-will and confidence

in, 389;

amount spent by for negro education, 397;

educational and industrial problems of, 397 ff;

suffrage laws in, 400;

politics in, no longer a struggle between whites and blacks, 401;

scheme to reduce representation of under 14th amendment, 403;

government aid to education in advocated, 404;

disproportionate share of national expense borne by, 405;

problem of social equal. of races in, 406 ff.

South Carolina (see also CAROLINAS, THE),

demands representation based on slave numbers, 11;

refuses to join Union if slave trade forbidden, 12;

revolts over tariff, claims right of nullification, 32;

passes law against negro seamen, 73;

considers secession, 221;

passes ordinance of secession, 223;

occupies Ft. Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, 224;

leads South, 229;

emancipation in, 260;

provisional government formed in, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

negro voters in majority in, 311;

under "carpet-bag," rule, 332 ff;

Presidential and State vote of contested (1876), 348 ff;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 383.

Southern Democracy, asserts universal right of slave-holding, 186.

"Southern Planter, A," 100.

"Southern Statesmen of the Old

Régime," 137.

Speed, Joshua F., 178; resigns

from cabinet, 303.

Springfield _Republican_, 124 and note, 127;

its opinion of John Brown, 162;

state's issue between Democrats and Republicans in 1864, 265;

favors educational test for suffrage, 308, 310;

prophesies slave-holding class will regain power, 322;

supports Independent Republicans, 328;

on Hayes-Tilden contest, 351.

Stanton, Edwin M., Attorney-General, 224;

in Lincoln's cabinet, 249;

attitude of on emancipation proclamation, 257;

in Johnson's cabinet, 274;

supports Johnson in reconstruction plans, 276;

becomes bitterly opposed to Johnson, 303;

removed by Johnson, 311.

"Star of the West," sent with supplies to Anderson, driven from

Charleston harbor, 224.

State rights, theory of, 133.

States, relative power of in Congress determined, 11.

Stearns, George L., supports John Brown, 160.

Stephens, Alexander H., sketch of his life and views, 137 ff;

political activity of, 138;

in Congress, and Vice-President of Confederacy, 139, 227;

explains defection of Southern Democrats, 189;

supports Douglas in 1860 campaign, 193;

opposes secession, 211, 215;

labors against secession, 219, 221, 225;

Vice-President of Southern Confederacy, 227;

pleads for negro rights, 302.

Stevens, Thaddeus, Republican leader in Penn., 276;

leader of House, 281;

sketch of, 282;

opposes Pres. Johnson's reconstruction plan, 285;

his drastic reconstruction bill defeated, 306;

House prosecutor of Johnson, 311;

death of, 331.

Story, Judge, on taxes in Miss., 336.

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, publishes "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 97;

her views of slavery as pictured therein, 109;

publishes "Dred," 123.

Suffrage, manhood, adopted, 21;

equal, without test passed in North, 308;

negro, representation of South conditioned on, 298;

proposal to refuse to leaders of South, 299

see also AMENDMENTS, CONSTITUTIONAL;

Springfield _Republican_ favors educational test for, 308, 310;

unfitness of negroes in South for after war, 317;

of negroes practically nullified in South, 372;

legal limitation of in South, 382 ff; 388.

Sumner, Charles, opinion of abolitionists, 54;

joins "Free Soil" party, 81;

in Senate, 92;

denounces slavery in Congress, assaulted by Brooks, 122;

in Republican party, 127;

opposes admission of Senators from Confederate States, 270;

Lincoln refuses to quarrel with, 270;

Republican leader in Mass., 276;

sketch of, 282;

in Senate, 284;

opposes Pres. Johnson's reconstruction plan, 286;

belief of in Republican party, 309;

quarrels with Grant, 328;

death of, 331.

Sumner, Colonel, in Kansas, 118.

Taney, Chief Justice, in Dred Scott case, 147.

Tappan, Arthur, 40, 44.

Tappan, Lewis, 44.

Tariff, of abominations, 32;

protective, 31 ff;

compromise on, 33 ff;

supported in Georgia, 21;

adopted by Republican party, 190;

burden of to South, 405.

Taylor, Zachary (Gen.), 76;

nominated by Whigs, 81;

elected, 82;

denounces threats of disunion as treason, 89;

favors admission of Calif. as free State, 90;

death of, 90;

in North, 208.

Tennessee, added as slave State, 23;

votes against holding secession convention, 227;

secedes, 235;

provisional govt. estab. in, 267, 275;

rights of negro conserved in, 302;

readmitted under 14th amendment, 303.

Tenure of office law, passed; Pres. Johnson accused of violating, 311.

Territories, power of Congress over, 149.

Texas, annexation of, 74 ff;

slavery re-estab. in, 75;

becomes a state, 76;

emancipation in, 260;

silent on 13th amendment, 262;

provisional govt. of, 275;

reconstructed, 310;

relative number of negro voters in, 311;

under martial law, 316;

becomes Democratic, 323.

Thayer, Eli, originates New Eng. Emigrant Aid Society, 116.

Thomas, Lorenzo (Gen.), Sec'y of War, 311.

Thompson, George, aids Garrison, 51.

Thompson, Richard W., Sec'y of Navy under Hayes, 353.

Tilden, Samuel J., leader of Democrats, 313;

nominated for President;

characterized; apparently elected, 347;

election contested, 348 ff.

Tomlinson, Reuben, Repub. candidate for governor of S. Carolina, 332.

Toombs, Robert, sketch of, 136 ff;

political activity of, 138;

gives moral support to Preston Brooks, 138;

in Confederate cabinet and army, 139, 227;

supports Breckinridge in 1860 campaign, 193;

advocates secession in Georgia legislature, 211;

supports secession movement, 221;

states South's ultimatum in Congress, 225;

in Confederate cabinet, 227.

Trade unions, attitude of toward negroes, 385, 395;

danger of excluding negroes from, 396.

Trumbull, Lyman, elected Senator, 177;

favors admission of Senators from Louisiana, 270;

in Senate, 283, 284, 285;

favors Freedmen's Bureau bill, 294;

votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312;

in opposition to administration, 331.

Tuskegee Institute, 378; function of, 398.

Truth, Sojourner, 96.

"Twenty Years of Congress," Blaine's, quoted, 307, 310.

Tyler, John, becomes President, 71.

"Uncle Tom's Cabin," 97 ff;

reception, 98;

"Key to," 99;

criticism of, 99.

Underground railroad, the, 85.

Unionism, spirit of strong in white laboring class of South, 214;

strength of at North, 218, 248.

Unitarians, 143.

"Up from Slavery," Booker Washington's personal story told in, 378.

Utah, South demands permission of slavery in, 84.

Van Buren, Martin, 30;

becomes President, 71;

receives "Free Soil" nomination, 82.

Van Winkle, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, 312.

Vardaman, Gov., of Mississippi, 388.

Virginia, tries to discourage slave trade by tax;

slave labor foundation of aristocracy in, 6;

remonstrates against continuance of slave trade, 8;

forbids importation of slaves, passes law regarding manumission of

slaves, number of slaves in 1790, 9;

against strengthening the slave power, 11;

protests against restraint of Congress to forbid slave trade, 12;

consents (1778) to abolish slave trade, 18;

stops importing slaves, 20;

convention for revis. of constitution, 41;

general emancipation debated, 42 ff;

plans for fail, 43;

passes severe laws against incitement to rebel, instruction of slaves,

etc., loses leadership of South, 44;

Mrs. Burton Harrison's personal reminiscences of before the war, 100;

calls convention to consider secession, 222;

calls peace congress, 228;

secedes, 235;

emancipation in, 260;

loyal State govt. in recognized, 275;

delays her final restoration to Union, 310;

relative number of negro voters in, 311;

under martial law, 316: Democrats regain, 323;

legal limitation of suffrage in, 383;

co-operation of whites and negroes for good govt. in, 401.

Wade, Benjamin, in Senate, 114;

in Republican party, 127;

favors radical reconstruction, 270;

in U. S. Senate, 283, 285.

Walker, Boston negro, issues Appeal, 41.

Walker, Robert J., 117;

appointed governor of Kansas, 150;

defeats fraud in ballot, and is deserted by Buchanan, 152.

War, terrors of. See CIVIL WAR, 237 ff.

"War Between the States," by Alex. H. Stephens, 189.

"War Democrats," 194, 253.

Warmouth, Henry C., in govt. of Louisiana, 341.

Warner, Col., in govt. of Miss., 336.

Warren, Henry W., in govt. of Miss., 336, 337;

on conditions and experiences in Miss. during reconstruction, 337 ff.

Washburn, Israel, Jr., helps organize Republican party, 114.

Washington, city of, threatened by Confederates, 237.

Washington, George, 2;

opinion of New Englanders, 2;

conception of liberty and of slavery, 3;

favors Revolution, 8;

against strengthening slave power, 11;

views of on slavery, 15;

private life and character of, 15 ff;

his treatment of his slaves, frees them, 16;

on necessity of abolishing slavery, 391.

Washington, Booker T., pupil of and successor to Gen. Armstrong;

his aims and methods;

personal story of, 378;

entertained by Pres. Roosevelt, 386.

Watterson, Henry, in Hayes-Tilden contest, 352.

Webster, Daniel, defends protective tariff, 32;

debate with Hayne, 33;

his public life characterized, 64 ff;

7th of March speech on slavery questions, 87;

defects of speech, 88;

political and moral characteristics of, 88;

in Fillmore's cabinet, 90;

allied with upper classes, 92;

as Pres. candidate defeated in Whig convention (1852), 92;

death of, 93.

Weed, Thurlow, votes for Taylor, 82;

helps prolong Whig organization in N. Y., 115;

supports Pres. Johnson, 303.

Weld, Theodore D., 37.

Whig party (see also WHIGS),

beginnings of, 31;

on verge of dissolution, 93;

end of, 153.

Whigs, nominate Clay, 75;

gain majority in House, 79;

nominate Taylor, 81;

nominate Gen. Winfield Scott;

defeated by combined Democrats and "Free Soilers," 92;

vote against Kansas-Nebraska bill, 114;

unite with "Free Soilers" to form Republican party;

organization prolonged in N. Y., 115;

in Republican party, 127.

Whitman, Walt, volunteer nurse, pen picture of war, 247.

Whitney, Eli, 23.

Whittier, John G., joins anti-slavery movement, 44, 56;

criticises Webster in poem "Ichabod," 88;

poem on settlement of West, 116;

in first Republican campaign, 130;

his labors for freedom, 144.

Wilmot proviso, 80.

Wilson, Henry, joins "Free Soil" party, 81;

elected Senator, 115; sketch of, 283;

opposes Pres. Johnson's plan of reconstruction, 286;

against exclusion clauses in 14th amendment, 302.

Wilson, Woodrow, "History of the American People," criticised, 334.

Wise, Henry A., opinion of John Brown, 164.

Wise, John S., shows effects of John Brown's raid in South, 169;

criticises Bourbonism in Southern politics, 388.

Women's rights, 56;

cause advanced, 94.

Wood, Fernando, 352.

Woolman, John, protests against slavery, 7.

Woolsey, Theodore D., 36.

Wright, Elizur, 44.

THE END

End of Project Gutenberg's The Negro and the Nation, by George S. Merriam