In his preface Mr. W. M. Rossetti says:—

“I have not attempted to write a biographical account of my brother,

nor to estimate the range or value of his powers and performances in

fine art and in literature. I agree with those who think that a

brother is not the proper person to undertake a work of this sort.

An outsider can do it dispassionately, though with imperfect

knowledge of the facts; a friend can do it with mastery, and without

much undue bias; but a brother, however equitably he may address

himself to the task, cannot perform it so as to secure the prompt and

cordial assent of his readers.”

These words will serve as a good example of the dignified modesty which

is a characteristic of Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s, and is one of the best

features of this volume. {77} In these days of empty pretence it is

always refreshing to come upon a page written in the spirit of scholarly

self-suppression which informs every line this patient and admirable

critic writes. And as to the interesting question glanced at in the

passage above quoted, though the contents of this volume will, no doubt,

form valuable material for the future biography of Rossetti, we wonder

whether the time is even yet at hand when that biography, whether written

by brother, by friend, or by outsider, is needed. That mysterious entity

“the public,” would, no doubt, like to get one; but we have always shared

Rossetti’s own opinion that a man of genius is no more the property of

the “public” than is any private gentleman; and we have always felt with

him that the prevalence in our time of the opposite opinion has fashioned

so intolerable a yoke for the neck of any one who has had the misfortune

to pass from the sweet paradise of obscurity into the vulgar purgatory of

Fame, that it almost behoves a man of genius to avoid, if he can, passing

into that purgatory at all.

Can any biography, by whomsoever written, be other than inchoate and

illusory—nay, can it fail to be fraught with danger to the memory of the

dead, with danger to the peace of the living, until years have fully

calmed the air around the dead man’s grave? So long as the man to be

portrayed cannot be separated from his surroundings, so long as his

portrait cannot be fully and honestly limned without peril to the peace

of those among whom he moved—in a word, so long as there remains any

throb of vitality in those delicate filaments of social life by which he

was enlinked to those with whom he played his part—that brother, or that

friend, or that outsider who shall attempt the portraiture must feel what

heavy responsibilities are his—must not forget that with him to trip is

to sin against the head. And how shall he decide when the time has at

last come for making the attempt? Before the incidents of a man’s life

can be exploited without any risk of mischief, how much time should

elapse? “A month,” say the publishers, each one of whom runs his own

special “biographical series,” and keeps his own special bevy of

recording angels writing against time and against each other. “Thirty

years,” said one whose life-wisdom was so perfect as to be in a world

like ours almost an adequate substitute for the morality he

lacked—Talleyrand.

Of all forms of literary art biography demands from the artist not only

the greatest courage, but also the happiest combination of the highest

gifts. To succeed in painting the portrait of Achilles or of Priam, of

Hamlet or of Othello, may be difficult, but is it as difficult as to

succeed in painting the portrait of Browning or Rossetti? Surely not.

In the one case an intense dramatic imagination is needed, and nothing

more. If Homer’s Achaian and Trojan heroes were falsely limned, not

they, but Homer’s art, would suffer the injury. If for the purposes of

art the poet unduly exalted this one or unduly abased that—if he misread

one incident in the mythical life of Achilles, and another in the

mythical life of Hector—he did wrong to his art undoubtedly, but none to

the memory of a dead man, and none to the peace of a living one. But

with him who would paint the portrait of Browning or Rossetti how

different is the case! Although he requires the poet’s vision before he

can paint a living picture of his subject, the task he has set himself to

do is something more than artistic: before everything else it is

fiduciary.

A trustee whose trust fund is biographical truth, he has, after

collecting and marshalling all the facts that come to his hand, to decide

what is truth as indicated by those generalized facts. But having done

this, he has to decide what is the proper time for giving the world the

truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth—what is the proper

time? In the biographer’s relation to the dead man on the one-hand and

to the public on the other should he be so unhappy as to forget that time

is of the very “essence of the contract”—should he forget that so inwoven

is human life that truth spoken at the wrong moment may be a greater

mischief-worker than error—he may, if conscientious, have to remember

that forgetfulness of his during the remainder of his days. He who

thinks that truth may not be sometimes as mischievous as a pestilence

knows but little of this mysterious and wonderful net of human life. But

if this is so with regard to truth, how much more is it so with regard to

mere matter of fact? Fact-worship, document-worship, is at once the

crowning folly and the crowning vice of our time. To mistake a fact for

a truth, and to give the world that; to throw facts about and documents

about heedless of the mischief they may work—wronging the dead and

wronging the living—this is actually paraded as a virtue in these days.

Here is a case in point. Down to the very last moment of his life

Rossetti’s feeling towards his great contemporary Tennyson was that of

the deepest admiration, and yet what says the documentary evidence as

given to the world by Rossetti’s brother? It shows that Rossetti used an

extremely unpleasant phrase concerning a letter from Tennyson

acknowledging the receipt of Rossetti’s first volume of poems in 1870.

Those who have heard Tennyson speak of Rossetti know that to use this

phrase in relation to any letter of his dealing with Rossetti’s poetry

was to misunderstand it. Yet here are the unpleasant words of a hasty

mood, “rather shabby,” in print. And why? Because the public has become

so demoralized that its feast of facts, its feast of documents it must

have, come what will. But even supposing that the public had any rights

whatsoever in regard to a man of genius, which we deny, what are letters

as indications of a man’s character? Of all modes of expression is not

the epistolary mode that in which man’s instinct for using language “to

disguise his thought” is most likely to exercise itself? There is likely

to be far more deep sincerity in a sonnet than in a letter. It is no

exaggeration to say that the common courtesies of life demand a certain

amount of what is called “blarney” in a letter—especially in an eminent

man’s letter—which would ruin a sonnet. And this must be steadily borne

in mind at a time like ours, when private letters are bought and sold

like any other article of merchandise, not only immediately after a man’s

death, but during his lifetime.

With regard to literary men, their letters in former times were simply

artistic compositions; hence as indications of character they must be

judged by the same canons as literary essays would be judged. In both

cases the writer had full space and full time to qualify his statements

of opinion; in both cases he was without excuse for throwing out anything

heedlessly. Not only in Walpole’s case and Gray’s, but also in Charles

Lamb’s, we apply the same rules of criticism to the letters as we apply

to the published utterances that appeared in the writer’s lifetime. But

now, when letters are just the hurried expression of the moment, when

ill-considered things—often rash things—are said which either in literary

compositions or in conversation would have been, if said at all, greatly

qualified—the greatest injustice that can be done to a writer is to print

his letters indiscriminately. Especially is this the case with Rossetti.

All who knew him speak of him as being a superb critic, and a superb

critic he was. But his printed letters show nothing of the kind. On

literary subjects they are often full of over-statement and of biased

judgment. Here is the explanation: in conversation he had a way of

perpetrating a brilliant critical paradox for the very purpose of

qualifying it, turning it about, colouring it by the lights of his

wonderful fancy, until at last it became something quite different from

the original paradox, and full of truth and wisdom. But when such a

paradox went off in a letter, there it remained unqualified; and they

who, not having known him, scoff at his friends who claim for him the

honours of a great critic, seem to scoff with reason.

No one was more conscious of the treachery of letters than was Rossetti

himself. Comparatively late in his life he realized what all eminent men

would do well to realize, that owing to the degradation of public taste,

which cries out for more personal gossip and still more every day, the

time has fully come when every man of mark must consider the rights of

his friends—when it behoves every man who has had the misfortune to pass

into fame to burn all letters; and he began the holocaust that duty to

friendship demanded of him. But the work of reading through such a

correspondence as his in order to see what letters must be preserved from

the burning took more time and more patience than he had contemplated,

and the destruction did not progress further than to include the letters

of the early sixties. Business letters it was, of course, necessary to

preserve, and very properly it is from these that Mr. W. M. Rossetti has

mainly quoted.

The volume is divided into two parts: first, documents relating to the

production of certain of Rossetti’s pictures and poems; and second, a

prose paraphrase of ‘The House of Life.’

The documents consist of abstracts of and extracts from such portions of

Rossetti’s correspondence as have fallen into his brother’s hands as

executor. Dealing as they necessarily do with those complications of

prices and those involved commissions for which Rossetti’s artistic

career was remarkable, there is a commercial air about the first portion

of the book which some will think out of harmony with their conception of

the painter, about whom there used to be such a mysterious interest until

much writing about him had brought him into the light of common day. In

future years a summary so accurate and so judicious as this will seem

better worth making than it, perhaps, seems at the present moment; for

Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s love of facts is accompanied by an equally strong

love of making an honest statement of facts—a tabulated statement, if

possible; and no one writing of Rossetti need hesitate about following

his brother to the last letter and to the last figure.

To be precise and perspicuous is, he hints in his preface, better than to

be graphic and entertaining; and we entirely agree with him, especially

when the subject discussed is Rossetti, about whom so many fancies that

are neither precise nor perspicuous are current. Still, to read about

this picture being offered to one buyer and that to another, and rejected

or accepted at a greatly reduced price after much chaffering, is not, we

will confess, exhilarating reading to those to whom Rossetti’s pictures

are also poems. It does not conduce to the happiness of his admirers to

think of such works being produced under such prosaic conditions. One

buyer—a most worthy man, to be sure, and a true friend of Rossetti’s, but

full of that British superstition about the saving grace of clothes which

is so wonderful a revelation to the pensive foreigner—had to be humoured

in his craze against the nude. After having painted a beautiful

partly-draped Gretchen (which, we may remark in passing, had no relation,

as Mr. W. M. Rossetti supposes, to the Marguerite alluded to in a letter

to Mr. Graham in 1870) from a new model whose characteristics were a

superb bosom and arms, he, Rossetti, was obliged to consent to conceal

the best portions of the picture under drapery.

That this was a matter of great and peculiar vexation to him may be

supposed when it is remembered that unequalled as had been his good

fortune in finding fine face-models (ladies of position and culture, and

often of extraordinary beauty), he had in the matter of figure-models

been most unlucky. And this, added to his slight knowledge of anatomy,

made all his nude pictures undesirable save those few painted from the

beautiful girl who stood for ‘The Spirit of the Rainbow’ and ‘Forced

Music.’ What his work from the nude suffered from this is incalculable,

as may be seen in the crayon called ‘Ligeia Siren,’ a naked siren playing

on a kind of lute, which Rossetti described as “certainly one of his best

things.” The beauty and value of a crayon which for weird

poetry—especially in the eyes—must be among Rossetti’s masterpieces are

ruined by the drawing of the breasts.

The most interesting feature of the book, however, is not that which

deals with the prices Rossetti got for his pictures, but that which tells

the reader the place where and the conditions under which they were

painted; and no portion of the book is more interesting than that which

relates to the work done at Kelmscott:—

“At the beginning of this year 1874 Rossetti was again occupied with

the picture which he had commenced in the preceding spring, entitled,

‘The Bower Maiden’—a girl in a room with a pot of marigolds and a

black cat. It was painted from ‘little Annie’ (a cottage-girl and

house assistant at Kelmscott), and it ‘goes on’ (to quote the words

of one of his letters) ‘like a house on fire. This is the only kind

of picture one ought to do—just copying the materials, and no more:

all others are too much trouble.’ It is not difficult to understand

that the painter of a ‘Proserpine’ and a ‘Ghirlandata’ would

occasionally feel the luxury of a mood intellectually lazy, and would

be minded to give voice to it—as in this instance—in terms wilfully

extreme; keeping his mental eye none the less steadily directed to a

‘Roman Widow’ or a ‘Blessed Damozel’ in the near future. As a matter

of fact, my brother painted very few things, at any stage of his

career, as mere representations of reality, unimbued by some

inventive or ideal meaning: in the rare instances when he did so, he

naturally felt an indolent comfort, and made no scruple of putting

the feeling into words—highly suitable for being taken _cum grano

salis_. Nothing was more alien from his nature or habit than ‘tall

talk’ of any kind about his aims, aspirations, or performances. It

was into his work—not into his utterances about his work—that he

infused the higher and deeper elements of his spirit. ‘The Bower

Maiden’ was finished early in February, and sold to Mr. Graham for

682_l._, after it had been offered to Mr. Leyland at a rather higher

figure, and declined. It has also passed under the names of ‘Fleurs

de Marie,’ ‘Marigolds,’ and ‘The Gardener’s Daughter.’ After ‘The

Bower Maiden’ had been disposed of, other work was taken up—more

especially ‘The Roman Widow,’ bearing the alternative title of ‘Dîs

Manibus,’ which was in an advanced stage by the month of May, and was

completed in June or July. It was finished with little or no

glazing. The Roman widow is a lady still youthful, in a grey

fawn-tinted drapery, with a musical instrument in each hand; she is

in the sepulchral chamber of her husband, whose stone urn appears in

the background. I possess the antique urn which my brother procured,

and which he used for the painting. For graceful simplicity, and for

depth of earnest but not strained sentiment, he never, I think,

exceeded ‘The Roman Widow.’ The two instruments seem to repeat the

two mottoes on the urn, ‘Ave Domine—Vale Domine.’ The head was

painted from Miss Wilding, already mentioned; but it seems to me

partly associated with the type of Mrs. Stillman’s face as well.

There are many roses in this picture—both wild and garden roses; they

kept the artist waiting a little after the work was otherwise

finished. ‘I really think it looks well,’ he wrote on one occasion;

‘its fair luminous colour seems to melt into the gold frame (which

has only just come) like a part of it.’ He feared that the picture

might be ‘too severe and tragic’ for some tastes; but could add (not,

perhaps, with undue confidence), ‘I don’t think Géricault or Régnault

would have quite scorned it.’”

The magnificent design here alluded to, ‘Dîs Manibus,’ entirely suggested

by the urn, which had somewhat come into his possession (probably through

Howell), and also ‘The Bower Maiden,’ suggested by his accidentally

seeing a pretty cottage-child lifting some marigolds to a shelf, formed

part of the superb work produced by Rossetti during his long retirement

at Kelmscott Manor—that period never before recorded, which has at this

very moment been brought into prominence by his friend Dr. Hake’s

sonnet-sequence ‘The New Day,’ just published. As far as literary and

artistic work goes, it was, perhaps, the richest period of his life; and

that it was also one of the happiest is clear not only from his own

words, but also from the following testimony of Dr. Hake, who saw much of

him there:—

O, happy days with him who once so loved us!

We loved as brothers, with a single heart,

The man whose iris-woven pictures moved us

From nature to her blazoned shadow—Art.

How often did we trace the nestling Thames

From humblest waters on his course of might,

Down where the weir the bursting current stems—

There sat till evening grew to balmy night,

Veiling the weir whose roar recalled the Strand

Where we had listened to the wave-lipped sea,

That seemed to utter plaudits while we planned

Triumphal labours of the day to be.

It was at Kelmscott, in the famous tapestried room, that besides painting

the ‘Proserpine,’ ‘The Roman Widow,’ &c., he wrote many of his later

poems, including ‘Rose Mary.’

Considering how deep is Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s affection for his brother’s

memory, and how great is his admiration for his brother’s work, it is

remarkable how judicial is his mind when writing about him. This is what

he says about the much discussed ‘Venus Astarte’:—

“Into the ‘Venus Astarte’ he had put his utmost intensity of

thinking, feeling, and method—he had aimed to make it equally strong

in abstract sentiment and in physical grandeur—an ideal of the

mystery of beauty, offering a sort of combined quintessence of what

he had endeavoured in earlier years to embody in the two several

types of ‘Sibylla Palmifera’ and ‘Lilith,’ or (as he ultimately named

them in the respective sonnets) ‘Soul’s Beauty’ and ‘Body’s Beauty.’

It may be well to remark that, by the time when he completed the

‘Venus Astarte,’ or ‘Astarte Syriaca,’ he had got into a more austere

feeling than of old with regard to colour and chiaroscuro; and the

charm of the picture has, I am aware, been less, to many critics and

spectators of the work, than he would have deemed to be its due, as

compared with some of his other performances of more obvious and

ostensible attraction.”

Though Mr. W. M. Rossetti is right in saying that it was not till the

beginning of 1877 that this remarkable picture was brought to a

conclusion, the main portions were done during that long sojourn at

Bognor in 1876–7, which those who have written about Rossetti have

hitherto left unrecorded. Having fallen into ill health after his return

to London from Kelmscott, he was advised to go to the seaside, and a

large house at Bognor was finally selected. No doubt one reason why the

preference was given to Bognor was the fact that Blake’s cottage at

Felpham was close by, for businesslike and unbusiness-like qualities were

strangely mingled in Rossetti’s temperament, and it was generally some

sentiment or unpractical fancy of this kind that brought about Rossetti’s

final decision upon anything. Blake’s name was with him still a word to

charm with, and he was surprised to find, on the first pilgrimage of

himself and his friends to the cottage, that scarcely a person in the

neighbourhood knew what Blake it was that “the Londoners” were inquiring

about.

To the secluded house at Bognor—a house so surrounded by trees and shrubs

that the murmur of the waves mingling with the whispers of the leaves

seemed at one moment the sea’s voice, and at another the voice of the

earth—Rossetti took not only the cartoon of the ‘Astarte Syriaca,’ but

also the most peculiar of all his pictures, ‘The Blessed Damozel,’ which

had long lain in an incomplete state. But it was not much painting that

he did at Bognor. From a cause he tried in vain to understand, and tried

in vain to conquer, his thoughts ran upon poetry, and refused to fix

themselves upon art. Partly this might have been owing to the fact that

now, comparatively late in life, he to whom, as his brother well says,

“such words as _sea_, _ship_, and _boat_ were generic terms admitting of

little specific and still less of any individual and detailed

distinction,” awoke to the fascination that the sea sooner or later

exercises upon all truly romantic souls. For deep as is the poetry of

the inland woods, the Spirit of Romance, if there at all, is there in

hiding. In order for that Spirit to come forth and take captive the soul

something else is wanted; howsoever thick and green the trees—howsoever

bright and winding the streams—a magical glimmer of sea-light far or near

must shine through the branches as they wave.

That this should be a new experience to so fine a poet as Rossetti was no

doubt strange, but so it chanced to be. He whose talk at Kelmscott had

been of ‘Blessed Damozels’ and ‘Roman Widows’ and the like, talked now of

the wanderings of Ulysses, of ‘The Ancient Mariner,’ of ‘Sir Patrick

Spens,’ and even of ‘Arthur Gordon Pym’ and ‘Allan Gordon.’ And on

hearing a friend recite some tentative verses on a great naval battle, he

looked about for sea subjects too; and it was now, and not later, as is

generally supposed, that he really thought of the subject of ‘The White

Ship,’ a subject apparently so alien from his genius. Every evening he

used to take walks on the beach for miles and miles, delighted with a

beauty that before had had no charms for him. Still, the ‘Astarte

Syriaca’ did progress, though slowly, and became the masterpiece that Mr.

W. M. Rossetti sets so high among his brother’s work.

“From Bognor my brother returned to his house in Cheyne Walk; and in

the summer he paid a visit to two of his kindest and most considerate

friends, Lord and Lady Mount-Temple, at their seat of Broadlands in

Hampshire. He executed there a portrait in chalks of Lady

Mount-Temple. He went on also with the picture of ‘The Blessed

Damozel.’ For the head of an infant angel which appears in the front

of this picture he made drawings from two children—one being the baby

of the Rev. H. C. Hawtrey, and the other a workhouse infant. The

former sketch was presented to the parents of the child and the

latter to Lady Mount-Temple; and the head with its wings, was painted

on to the canvas at Broadlands.”

Mr. W. M. Rossetti omits to mention that the landscape which forms the

predella to ‘The Blessed Damozel,’ a river winding in a peculiarly

tortuous course through the cedars and other wide-spread trees of an

English park, was taken from the scenery of Broadlands—that fairyland of

soft beauty which lived in his memory as it must needs live in the memory

of every one who has once known it. But the wonder is that such a mass

of solid material has been compressed into so small a space.

Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s paraphrase of ‘The House of Life’—done with so much

admiration of his brother’s genius and affection for his memory—touches

upon a question relating to poetic art which has been raised

before—raised in connexion with prose renderings of Homer, Sophocles, and

Dante: Are poetry and prose so closely related in method that one can

ever be adequately turned into the other? Schiller no doubt wrote his

dramas in prose and then turned them into rhetorical verse; but then

there are those who affirm that Schiller’s rhetorical verse is scarcely

poetry. The importance of the question will be seen when we call to mind

that if such a transmutation of form were possible, translations of

poetry would be possible; for though, owing to the tyrannous demands of

form, the verse of one language can never be translated into the verse of

another, it can always be rendered in the prose of another, only it then

ceases to be poetry.

That the intellectual, and even to some extent the emotional, substance

of a poem can be seized and covered by a prose translation is seen in

Prof. Jebb’s rendering of the ‘Œdipus Rex’; but, as we have before

remarked, the fundamental difference between imaginative prose and poetry

is that, while the one must be informed with intellectual life and

emotional life, the other has to be informed with both these kinds of

life, and with another life beyond these—rhythmic life. Now, if we

wished to show that rhythmic life is in poetry the most important of all,

our example would, we think, be Mr. W. M. Rossetti’s prose paraphrase of

his brother’s sonnets. The obstacles against the adequate turning of

poetry into prose can be best understood by considering the obstacles

against the adequate turning of prose into poetry. Prose notes tracing

out the course of the future poem may, no doubt, be made, and usefully

made, by the poet (as Wordsworth said in an admirable letter to Gillies),

unless, indeed, the notes form too elaborate an attempt at a full prose

expression of the subject-matter, in which case, so soon as the poet

tries to rise on his winged words, his wingless words are likely to act

as a dead weight. For this reason, when Wordsworth said that the prose

notes should be brief, he might almost as well have gone on to say that

in expression they should be slovenly. This at least may be said, that

the moment the language of the prose note is so “adequate” and rich that

it seems to be what Wordsworth would call the natural “incarnation of the

thought,” the poet’s imagination, if it escapes at all from the chains of

the prose expression, escapes with great difficulty. An instance of this

occurred in Rossetti’s own experience.

During one of those seaside rambles alluded to above, while he was

watching with some friends the billows tumbling in beneath the wintry

moon, some one, perhaps Rossetti himself, directed attention to the

peculiar effect of the moon’s disc reflected in the white surf, and

compared it to fire in snow. Rossetti, struck with the picturesqueness

of the comparison, made there and then an elaborate prose note of it in

one of the diminutive pocket-books that he was in the habit of carrying

in the capacious pocket of his waistcoat. Years afterwards—shortly

before his death, in fact—when he came to write ‘The King’s Tragedy,’

remembering this note, he thought he could find an excellent place for it

in the scene where the king meets the Spae wife on the seashore and

listens to her prophecies of doom. But he was at once confronted by this

obstacle: so elaborately had the image of the moon reflected in the surf

been rendered in the prose note—so entirely did the prose matter seem to

be the inevitable and the final incarnation of the thought—that it

appeared impossible to escape from it into the movement and the diction

proper to poetry. It was only after much labour—a labour greater than he

had given to all the previous stanzas combined—that he succeeded in

freeing himself from the fetters of the prose, and in painting the

picture in these words:—

That eve was clenched for a boding storm

’Neath a toilsome moon half seen;

The cloud stooped low and the surf rose high;

And where there was a line of sky,

Wild wings loomed dark between.

* * * *

’Twas then the moon sailed clear of the rack

On high on her hollow dome;

And still as aloft with hoary crest

Each clamorous wave rang home,

Like fire in snow the moonlight blazed

Amid the champing foam.

And the remark was then made to him with regard to Coleridge’s

‘Wanderings of Cain,’ that it is not unlikely the matchless fragment

given in Coleridge’s poems might have passed nearer towards completion,

or at least towards the completion of the first part, had it not been for

those elaborate and beautiful prose notes which he has left behind.

And if the attempt to turn prose into poetry is hopeless, the attempt to

turn poetry into prose is no less so, and for a like reason—that of the

immense difficulty of passing from the movement natural to one mood into

the movement natural to another. And this criticism applies especially

to the poetry of Rossetti, which produces so many of its best effects by

means not of logical statement, but of the music and suggestive richness

of rhythmical language. That Rossetti did on some occasions, when told

that his sonnets were unintelligible, talk about making such a paraphrase

himself is indisputable, because Mr. Fairfax Murray say that he heard him

say so. But indisputable also is many another saying of Rossetti’s,

equally ill-considered and equally impracticable. That he ever seriously

thought of doing so is most unlikely.

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