former on October 31, 1855, the latter on April 2, 1864. Both educated
at Eastbourne and in France. The former has written and edited various
English educational works and periodicals. The latter, resident in New
York since 1891, has since become supervisor of the editorial work,
and secretary of the editorial board of the "Jewish Encyclopædia,"
and associate editor of the "Standard Dictionary," besides helping
to produce several other well-known works of reference. In 1901,
the Governor of Bermuda having given him special access to the Boer
prisoners, he wrote several papers on their condition. He has also
written on Zola in American periodicals.
[8] Edward Henry Vizetelly, born at Chiswick, January 1, 1847, educated
at Eastbourne and St. Omer, war and special correspondent, editor of
"The Times of Egypt," Cairo, and afterwards on "Le Journal," Paris. He
came to London about 1893, worked there as an author and journalist,
and translated some of Zola's novels. He died in 1903. He had been
orderly officer to General Garibaldi in 1870, and later an officer of
Bashi-bazouks under Mouktar Pasha. While in the East he had assumed the
pseudonym of "Bertie Clere," by which he was generally known there.
[9] Ernest Alfred Vizetelly, born at Kensington, November 29, 1853.
Educated at Eastbourne and at the Lycée Impérial Bonaparte, Paris.
Became a war correspondent (youngest on record) in 1870. Was in
Paris during part of the siege; passed through the German lines to
Versailles; subsequently joined Chanzy's army and described his
overthrow at Le Mans and retreat on Laval ("Pall Mall Gazette"). Was in
Paris throughout the Commune, and remained on the Continent for many
years, chiefly as an English newspaper correspondent, but from time to
time co-operated with his father in the latter's studies on wines in
France and other countries.
[10] "The Lover's Progress," by E. A. Vizetelly, London, Chatto; New
York, Brentano, 1901, Book II, Chap. V. In that novel the Folies
Bergère is called the "Paradis Parisien," Zola "Rota," and his book
"L'Assommoir," "La Matraque."
[11] Vizetelly & Co. published the first fifteen volumes of this
series, which on the firm going into liquidation was acquired by Mr.
Fisher Unwin.
[12] The edition in five volumes with the Freudenberg and Duncker
plates, known as that of the "Society of English Bibliophilists," but
really issued by Mr. J. C. Nimmo after Vizetelly & Co. had gone into
liquidation. Professor Saintsbury wrote for this edition an essay on
the French work; but the actual translation of the tales was made by
Mr. J. S. Chartres, and the present writer supplied the annotation, the
memoir of Queen Margaret, etc.
[13] See _ante_, p. 231.
[14] About this time Vizetelly & Co. were selling no fewer than
eighteen of Zola's books. And a sale of one thousand copies a week,
representing one of fifty-two thousand a year, would not really be
large in a publisher's estimation. It would represent an average of
less than three thousand copies a year for each work, but of course the
newer volumes sold more largely than the older ones.
[15] "Truth," September 22, 1898.
[16] "For more than a week, until 'The Daily Telegraph' took the
matter in hand, the sale of 'The Maiden Tribute' converted London into
a pandemonium. None who lived in the vicinity of the Strand at that
time will forget the shouting of the vendors of the obscenity--often
children only twelve years of age."--George Moore, on the "New
Censorship of Literature," in "The New York Herald," London edition,
July 28, 1889.
[17] "Notts Daily Express," May 10, 1888.
[18] "Pall Mall Gazette," May 9, 1888.
[19] That passage is not given in a reprint of the speech issued by the
"National Vigilants," but it is inconceivable that a reporter should
have invented it. Besides, virtually the same words as those given
above appeared in an account of the speech in "The Birmingham Daily
Mail," May 9, 1888.
[20] "The Scotsman," May 10, 1888.
[21] "Extracts principally from English Classics," etc., 4to. London,
1888. (Printed for private circulation.)
[22] "The Poetical Works of Robert Burns," Aldine Edition, Vol. II, p.
225.
[23] "The Queen _v._ Henry Vizetelly." Transcript from the shorthand
notes of Messrs. Barnett and Buckler, of Rolls Chambers, Chancery Lane.
[24] Sir Thos. Chambers remarked that the books were not of a seductive
character, but "repulsive and revolting," and of course that was what
Zola, in a sense, had tried to make them.
[25] On consulting the "Bibliographie de la France" some years ago, for
particulars concerning English fiction in France, the writer found that
in 1886 French publishers issued translations of fifty-four English
novels; in 1887, translations of sixty-one; and in 1888, thirty-nine.
The total number of English (and American) works of all classes
published in French in 1888 was one hundred and twenty-three, but of
these forty-two were merely new editions, leaving the number of the
translations first issued in that year at eighty-one.
[26] This is perhaps the earliest reference to Naturalism in English
literature.
[27] In various instances Vizetelly & Co. had acquired its interest
in Zola's works from third parties who had bought the rights direct
from the author. In some cases, under the law of that time, the
copyrights had lapsed; and anybody could issue translations of the
books so circumstanced. This will explain the circulation of several
of the American versions in England. However Vizetelly & Co., as soon
as practicable, put things on such a basis as to protect all Zola's
new books, purchasing the sole British rights from him or from his
assigns. At the outset Zola received moderate sums; later, after Ernest
Vizetelly and Messrs. Chatto had taken his interests in hand, the
payments rose considerably. In America a royalty of fifteen per cent
was usually paid, Zola taking two-thirds and E. Vizetelly one-third of
it.
[28] The same course was taken with the summonses for "L'Assommoir,"
"Germinal," and "The Fortune of the Rougons." And that against Thomson
with regard to "The Heptameron" was withdrawn because the prosecution
had mislaid its copy of the work.
[29] "The New Censorship of Literature," by George Moore, "New York
Herald," London edition, July 28, 1889.
[30] _Ibid._ and "Daily Chronicle," January 12, 13, and 16, 1894. In
the latter journal (January 13) Coote denied that "threats were used to
induce the girl to confess crimes"; Mr. Moore retorted (January 16) by
giving the report of the case.
[31] Frank Vizetelly, on whom as one of the managers of the business
the summons was actually served, had offered to take full liability for
the sales, but his father would not allow it.
[32] At the risk of offending some readers by plain speaking the writer
feels he may mention that his father was suffering from a stricture.
All medical men will know the torture that ensues when the sufferer is
placed under such conditions that he cannot obtain relief. The trial
having suddenly collapsed, no medical man was in attendance to give
evidence. Had medical evidence been given it is possible that Sir T.
Chambers might have hesitated to pass a sentence of imprisonment.
[33] He had the usual privileges of a first-class misdemeanant. His
food was sent him from outside, he had some books and periodicals at
his disposal, and a few articles of furniture were sent from his home.
X
THE LAST ROUGON-MACQUARTS--THE FRENCH ACADEMY--A VISIT TO LONDON
1888-1893
"Le Rêve"--How Zola rid himself of his obesity--"Germinal" as a
play--"La Bête Humaine"--Zola longs to stagger the world--He becomes a
candidate for the Academy--Why he failed to secure election--His novels
"L'Argent" and "La Débâcle"--Ernest Vizetelly's position--He resolves
to revive Zola in England--Translation of "La Débâcle"--Its reception
in England--English opinion and Zola--French attacks on him--He visits
Genoa--He writes "Le Docteur Pascal"--Conclusion of the Rougon-Macquart
series--A few figures respecting it--Zola is made an Officer of the
Legion of Honour--A reception in the Bois de Boulogne--An address to
the Paris students--Zola and the Société des Gens de Lettres--He is
invited to London by the Institute of Journalists--He hesitates to
accept the invitation--Correspondence with Vizetelly--His reception
in London--His paper on "Anonymity in Journalism"--At the Crystal
Palace, the Imperial Institute, and the Guildhall--The Authors' Club
dinner--Visits to Westminster Abbey, the National Gallery, and the
British Museum--Some general impressions of London--The English visit
and the French Academy.
In 1888, while Zola was being attacked so virulently in England he
produced his story "Le Rêve," which some people regarded as indicating
not only a new departure on his part but an endeavour to conciliate
his enemies. In the first place, however, with regard to literary
style, "Le Rêve" was merely a return to the idyllic manner of "Les
Contes à Ninon," and "La Faute de l'Abbé Mouret"; and secondly it has
been shown[1] that the idea of this work occurred to the novelist
even before he had finished "La Terre," and that he started on it
immediately his book on the peasantry was completed. It seems certain,
therefore, that "Le Rêve" was not the forced outcome of any outcry,
as many have supposed,--as a matter of fact Zola never yielded to any
outcries,--but came from him spontaneously, as part of his general
scheme. Beginning the book in August, 1887, he finished it in August
the following year, when it ran serially (from April till October) in a
publication called "La Revue Illustrée."
About the time when Vizetelly's difficulties with his English
translations were just beginning, the British rights in "Le Rêve"
were purchased by others, who issued a version of the story in a
few newspapers under their control, and subsequently offered the
book-rights at a somewhat high figure to Vizetelly. He--the proceedings
against him having now commenced--declined them, without troubling even
to look at the book; and this was very unfortunate, for whatever may
have been Zola's purpose in writing "Le Rêve," it was a work to make
even Pecksniffs reflect that this much-abused French author might not
really be so pornographically inclined as they imagined. In any case,
if the translation of "Le Rêve," instead of running merely through
sundry provincial newspapers, had appeared in volume form in London
during the agitation raised by the "Vigilants," it might well have
proved a useful auxiliary to the defence.
If it were a mistake to regard "Le Rêve" as the outcome of any
transformation of Zola's literary views, there occurred about this time
a change in his personal appearance of the reality of which there could
be no doubt. One evening, in the winter of 1887-1888, when he was at
the Théâtre Libre,[2] he found, while walking down a passage, that
his corpulence, which after steadily increasing for several years had
now become extreme, made it difficult for him to get past Raffaelli,
the artist, who happened to be standing there. "It's a horrid nuisance
to have such a corporation," said Zola, apologising to Raffaelli,
whom he had involuntarily squeezed. "But it's easily got rid of," the
other answered. "If you wish to reduce your figure, you will merely
have to cease drinking while you eat." And forthwith he gave some
particulars concerning a form of treatment,[3] which he himself had
followed, for ridding oneself of obesity. On the following morning
Zola told his wife of it, but she laughed at him, declaring there was
no sense in such a story. Besides, she said, he would never be able to
abstain from drinking while he ate. Zola contended the contrary, and
at last both husband and wife became impatient, and without exactly
quarrelling, had, as the saying goes, "a few words together." But
at last the morning roll and coffee, to which the first breakfast
is usually limited in Paris, was served, and Zola thereupon took up
his roll and began to eat. As for the coffee, in spite of all his
wife's expostulations, he would not touch it; and for three months he
persevered with this new treatment, drinking very sparingly and never
at meals. Moreover, after a week or two he eschewed bread altogether.
One Sunday in March (1888) when he arrived at M. Charpentier's house to
dine there, Goncourt, who was present, could scarcely recognise him.
He had lost over thirty pounds in weight, and his face, so round and
flabby of recent years, once more recalled the portrait which Manet had
painted of him in his early manhood. After marvelling at this great
change Goncourt lost sight of Zola for another eight months or so, and
when he met him again in November he did not recognise him at all. Zola
no longer resembled even the Manet portrait; he was quite emaciated,
his cheekbones projected, and under his hair, which he now wore rather
long and brushed back, his forehead showed forth like a lofty tower.
The same energy and determination which he brought to bear in his
literary undertakings had enabled him to effect this great change.
He was then about eight and forty, and although, in later years, he
broadened and put on additional flesh, he never again became obese.
After a time he allowed himself a draught of water at his meals, but
for the remainder of his life he ate very little bread.
It was in 1888 (April 21) that "Germinal," the play based on his
novel, was at last produced at the Théâtre du Châtelet in Paris. There
was then a lull in the political unrest of France; nevertheless the
Censorship had insisted on multitudinous alterations in the piece,
for fear lest "revolutionary passions" should be aroused. To all the
changes and suppressions suggested by timorous politicians one may
largely attribute the failure of the play. The expenses were one
hundred and twenty pounds[4] a night, and at the fifth performance the
receipts had fallen to one hundred and twelve pounds. Thus a change
of programme soon became imperative. Zola naturally was vexed. "It is
largely the fault of the newspapers," said he to Edmond de Goncourt;
"they din into their readers' ears that only amusing plays are worth
seeing. But the misfortune is that on account of this piece I have had
to put my novel 'Le Rêve' on one side and have thus lost time."
"Le Rêve" appeared in volume form in the autumn of 1888,[5] and
subsequently, in conjunction with M. Louis Gallet, Zola drew from his
story a libretto for his friend M. Alfred Bruneau, the composer, from
whom the much-discussed opera "Le Rêve" came three years later.[6]
Meantime Zola had written his novel, "La Bête Humaine," which was
suggested in part, undoubtedly, by "Jack the Ripper" and the theory of
"homicidal mania," and in part by the mysterious death of a certain
French prefect, named Barrême, who had been found assassinated in a
railway carriage. We know that Zola had contemplated a book on the
railway world for several years, but had been at a loss how to utilize
such a subject in fiction. The Barrême affair extricated him from
his difficulty, and was clearly indicated as one of his sources of
inspiration in the "puff preliminary" which "La Vie Populaire" printed
before beginning to publish the story in November, 1889: "The principal
episode of 'La Bête Humaine,'" said this announcement, "is a murder in
a railway train; and there are so many points of similarity between the
terrible scene depicted by Zola and the mysterious death of Prefect
Barrême, that one may well inquire if the novelist, with an intuition
superior to that of the police, has not supplied the most probable
explanation of that dark affair."
In a letter addressed to M. Charpentier in August, 1889, while he was
writing "La Bête Humaine," at Médan, Zola said:
"I am working on my novel passionately and shall certainly
have finished it by December 1.... I hope to take
Fasquelle[7] the first seven chapters on September 15, in
order that they may be immediately set in type.... I have
a desperate desire to finish my Rougon-Macquart series as
soon as possible. I should like to be rid of it in January,
'92. This may be managed, but I shall have to work very
hard. I am fortunately in a good condition for work, I enjoy
the most perfect health, and feel again as I did when I was
twenty.[8]... We shall return to Paris on September 10, and
settle quietly in our new quarters.[9] That will take us
quite six weeks, and we should like to be settled before the
cold weather comes. There is a great deal to be done, but we
shall do it leisurely, even if we have to postpone furnishing
the place completely until later. In December we shall return
to Médan to kill the pig, and, if it suits you, you shall
come with us.[10] The weather here is horrible.... I hope
you will have some sunshine as you have gone yonder [to the
Riviera] in search of it.... Ah! my friend if I were only
thirty, you should see what I would do! I would stagger the
world!"
It was in the spring of 1890 that "La Bête Humaine" appeared in volume
form; and to some readers it might seem that Zola showed great boldness
in coming forward as a candidate for the French Academy at the very
time of issuing such a work,[11] one of his most audacious. That
however, would be in some degree an error, as we propose to show.
A great deal has been written on the subject of the Academy and the
failure of eminent men to secure admission to its ranks. Various
considerations have influenced it at different times, but it has
generally shown a marked dislike for innovators, men of independent
character, and pushing proclivities. To have presented oneself for
election, even repeatedly, and to have failed to find acceptance,
can be counted no dishonour. Victor Hugo came forward four times in
succession, but only on the fourth did he secure the necessary number
of votes. In the old days, to quote only a few instances, the doors of
the Academy were shut to great men like Descartes and Molière, and even
to men of high standing, like La Rochefoucauld, the moralist. In our
days Balzac was several times an unsuccessful candidate; while if Dumas
_fils_ found favour with the Immortals his father was always rigidly
excluded from their midst. And apropos of the authors of "Eugénie
Grandet" and "Les Trois Mousquetaires," as of Zola also, one may point
out that it is only of recent years that novelists have figured, in any
number, among the Academicians. Even at this time (1903) one can find
merely four men who are essentially novelists among the forty.
It has been mentioned above that the Academy has shown no liking for
innovators and men of independent and self-assertive character; now
Zola was all that, and from the outset, therefore, difficulties beset
him. His views on matters of religion were not at first the great
obstacle which they subsequently became. There had always been a
Voltairean element in the Academy; and Littré and Renan had eventually
secured election in spite of all the bitter hostility of Monseigneur
Dupanloup, the "Eagle of Orleans." True it is that Dupanloup had failed
to keep them out by the very violence of his opposition, and since
1882 the Church had been represented in the Academy by a prelate of a
different character, an unctuous man, Cardinal Perraud, who did not
bluster like Dupanloup but exerted his influence in a stealthy way,
after the fashion usually ascribed to the Jesuits. To him and his
gradually acquired ascendancy, Zola's final defeat in the struggle
for Academical honours was largely due. In that respect "Lourdes"
and "Rome" sealed his fate, as he himself freely acknowledged to his
friends. But when he first came forward as a candidate he had written
nothing irretrievable from the Catholic standpoint. Though he had "The
Conquest of Plassans" and "Abbé Mouret's Transgression" behind him,
the former dealt only with the political and worldly intrigues of a
priest, and the latter, if it questioned the vow of perpetual chastity,
at least ended with the repentance and submission of the offender.
Besides, "The Dream," with all its mysticism and religiosity, was of a
nature to propitiate rather than offend the clericals.
On the other hand, however, Zola's political and social views gave
great offence to conservatives generally, and in the eighties the
Dukes de Broglie and d'Audiffret-Pasquier were very powerful in
the Academy. They and those who followed them regarded the author
of "Les Rougon-Macquart" as a revolutionist. His turbulence and
self-assertiveness alarmed them, and it is indeed quite likely that
if he had been elected he would have disturbed their quietude in
many ways and possibly have seized the lion's share in the control
of the Academy's labours. There was also, of course, the question
of the outspokenness of Naturalism, which weighed considerably with
one section of the Academy;[12] though it was never--as some English
writers have assumed it to be--the chief cause of Zola's failure. Their
error sprang from their ignorance of the French character. If among
those who voted against Zola there were half a dozen Academicians who
firmly objected to his bluntness of expression, the majority was not
disposed to magnify molehills into mountains, particularly as the
Rabelaisian sense is common to many Frenchmen. But there were a score
of Academicians who hated what they called the "revolutionary spirit"
of Zola's writings, and who feared, too, that this pushing, energetic
man who had been called "the Shark," as he himself admitted with a
chuckle, might swallow them up if he became a member of their body. At
all events such is the explanation given privately to the writer by
some who supported Zola's earlier candidatures, and they ought to know
the truth. Later, as already indicated, the religious question arose,
and the opposition to Zola then became the more determined owing to the
influence which Cardinal Perraud and his first lieutenant, the Count
de Mun, exerted at every opportunity.
Zola's earliest Academical patrons were his friends, François Coppée
and Ludovic Halévy. Dumas _fils_ likewise supported him, as mentioned
in a previous chapter. So did Jules Claretie, to the very end. Over a
term of years he presented himself nearly a score of times, and on each
occasion the votes cast for him dwindled, until at last only Claretie's
was left. His other friends shrewdly regarded the struggle as hopeless.
Some people have thought that if Zola had lived a few years longer he
might have proved successful, but the writer does not share that view.
For the last thirty years--to go back no farther--the Academy has been
essentially conservative in its political and social views. To preserve
a kind of reputation for fairness it has elected, now and again, a
man of more or less advanced opinions; but the majority has always
remained much the same, the "liberal" members never being more than ten
or twelve in number. On consulting the list for 1903 one can only find
nine who by some possibility might have combined together to vote for
a man like Zola. On the other hand, it is not unlikely that time will
bring certain revenges. Comparatively few years ago the Academy, which
had repeatedly closed its doors to the author of "La Comédie Humaine,"
selected the "Eulogy of Honoré de Balzac" as the subject of its "Prize
for Eloquence"; and at some future date the "Eulogy of Émile Zola" may
be similarly chosen.
Zola was in nowise cast down when, at his first attempt to gain
admittance (1890), M. Charles de Freycinet, a clever man, who did some
good work during the war of 1870, but who afterwards degenerated
into one of the hack politicians of the Third Republic, was chosen in
preference to himself.[13] He had anticipated it, but he was resolved
to offer himself for election at each fresh opportunity "I am making
history, literary history," he would say after one and another rebuff.
"So much the worse for the Academy! Our grandnephews will learn that it
refused me admittance twenty or thirty times in succession."