RURAL RIDE: FROM KENSINGTON, ACROSS SURREY, AND ALONG THAT COUNTY.

_Reigate, Wednesday Evening, 19th October, 1825._

Having some business at Hartswood, near Reigate, I intended to come off

this morning on horseback, along with my son Richard, but it rained so

furiously the last night, that we gave up the horse project for to-day,

being, by appointment, to be at Reigate by ten o'clock to-day: so that

we came off this morning at five o'clock, in a post-chaise, intending to

return home and take our horses. Finding, however, that we cannot quit

this place till Friday, we have now sent for our horses, though the

weather is dreadfully wet. But we are under a farmhouse roof, and the

wind may whistle and the rain fall as much as they like.

_Reigate, Thursday Evening, 20th October._

Having done my business at Hartswood to-day about eleven o'clock, I went

to a sale at a farm, which the farmer is quitting. Here I had a view of

what has long been going on all over the country. The farm, which

belongs to _Christ's Hospital_, has been held by a man of the name of

Charington, in whose family the lease has been, I hear, a great number

of years. The house is hidden by trees. It stands in the Weald of

Surrey, close by the _River Mole_, which is here a mere rivulet, though

just below this house the rivulet supplies the very prettiest flour-mill

I ever saw in my life.

Everything about this farmhouse was formerly the scene of _plain

manners_ and _plentiful living_. Oak clothes-chests, oak bedsteads, oak

chests of drawers, and oak tables to eat on, long, strong, and well

supplied with joint stools. Some of the things were many hundreds of

years old. But all appeared to be in a state of decay and nearly of

_disuse_. There appeared to have been hardly any _family_ in that house,

where formerly there were, in all probability, from ten to fifteen men,

boys, and maids: and, which was the worst of all, there was a _parlour_.

Aye, and a _carpet_ and _bell-pull_ too! One end of the front of this

once plain and substantial house had been moulded into a "_parlour_;"

and there was the mahogany table, and the fine chairs, and the fine

glass, and all as bare-faced upstart as any stock-jobber in the kingdom

can boast of. And there were the decanters, the glasses, the

"dinner-set" of crockery-ware, and all just in the true stock-jobber

style. And I dare say it has been _'Squire_ Charington and the _Miss_

Charington's; and not plain Master Charington, and his son Hodge, and

his daughter Betty Charington, all of whom this accursed system has, in

all likelihood, transmuted into a species of mock gentlefolks, while it

has ground the labourers down into real slaves. Why do not farmers now

_feed_ and _lodge_ their work-people, as they did formerly? Because they

cannot keep them _upon so little_ as they give them in wages. This is

the real cause of the change. There needs no more to prove that the lot

of the working classes has become worse than it formerly was. This fact

alone is quite sufficient to settle this point. All the world knows,

that a number of people, boarded in the same house, and at the same

table, can, with as good food, be boarded much cheaper than those

persons divided into twos, threes, or fours, can be boarded. This is a

well-known truth: therefore, if the farmer now shuts his pantry against

his labourers, and pays them wholly in money, is it not clear, that he

does it because he thereby gives them a living _cheaper_ to him; that is

to say, a _worse_ living than formerly? Mind, he has _a house_ for them;

a kitchen for them to sit in, bed rooms for them to sleep in, tables,

and stools, and benches, of everlasting duration. All these he has: all

these _cost him nothing_; and yet so much does he gain by pinching them

in wages, that he lets all these things remain as of no use, rather than

feed labourers in the house. Judge, then, of the _change_ that has taken

place in the condition of these labourers! And be astonished, if you

can, at the _pauperism_ and the _crimes_ that now disgrace this once

happy and moral England.

The land produces, on an average, what it always produced; but there is

a new distribution of the produce. This 'Squire Charington's father

used, I dare say, to sit at the head of the oak-table along with his

men, say grace to them, and cut up the meat and the pudding. He might

take a cup of _strong beer_ to himself, when they had none; but that was

pretty nearly all the difference in their manner of living. So that

_all_ lived well. But the _'Squire_ had many _wine-decanters_ and

_wine-glasses_ and "a _dinner set_" and a "_breakfast set_," and

"_desert knives_:" and these evidently imply carryings on and a

consumption that must of necessity have greatly robbed the long oak

table if it had remained fully tenanted. That long table could not share

in the work of the decanters and the dinner set. Therefore, it became

almost untenanted; the labourers retreated to hovels, called cottages;

and, instead of board and lodging, they got money; so little of it as to

enable the employer to drink wine; but, then, that he might not reduce

them to _quite starvation_, they were enabled to come to him, in the

_king's name_, and demand food _as paupers_. And, now, mind, that which

a man receives in the _king's name_, he knows well he has _by force_;

and it is not in nature that he should _thank_ anybody for it, and least

of all the party _from whom it is forced_. Then, if this sort of force

be insufficient to obtain him enough to eat and to keep him warm, is it

surprising, if he think it no great offence against God (who created no

man to starve) to use another sort of FORCE more within his own control?

Is it, in short, surprising, if he resort to _theft_ and _robbery_?

This is not only the _natural_ progress, but it _has been_ the progress

in England. The blame is not justly imputed to 'Squire Charington and

his like: the blame belongs to the infernal stock-jobbing system. There

was no reason to expect, that farmers would not endeavour to keep pace,

in point of show and luxury, with fund-holders, and with all the tribes

that _war_ and _taxes_ created. Farmers were not the authors of the

mischief; and _now_ they are compelled to shut the labourers out of

their houses, and to pinch them in their wages in order to be able to

pay their own taxes; and, besides this, the manners and the principles

of the working class are so changed, that a sort of self-preservation

bids the farmer (especially in some counties) to keep them from beneath

his roof.

I could not quit this farmhouse without reflecting on the thousands of

scores of bacon and thousands of bushels of bread that had been eaten

from the long oak-table which, I said to myself, is now perhaps, going

at last, to the bottom of a bridge that some stock-jobber will stick up

over an artificial river in his cockney garden. "_By ---- it shan't_,"

said I, almost in a real passion: and so I requested a friend to buy it

for me; and if he do so, I will take it to Kensington, or to

Fleet-street, and keep it for the good it has done in the world.

When the old farmhouses are down (and down they must come in time) what

a miserable thing the country will be! Those that are now erected are

mere painted shells, with a Mistress within, who is stuck up in a place

she calls a _parlour_, with, if she have children, the "young ladies and

gentlemen" about her: some showy chairs and a sofa (a _sofa_ by all

means): half a dozen prints in gilt frames hanging up: some swinging

book-shelves with novels and tracts upon them: a dinner brought in by a

girl that is perhaps better "educated" than she: two or three nick-nacks

to eat instead of a piece of bacon and a pudding: the house too neat for

a dirty-shoed carter to be allowed to come into; and everything

proclaiming to every sensible beholder, that there is here a constant

anxiety to make a _show_ not warranted by the reality. The children

(which is the worst part of it) are all too clever to _work_: they are

all to be _gentlefolks_. Go to plough! Good God! What, "young gentlemen"

go to plough! They become _clerks_, or some skimmy-dish thing or other.

They flee from the dirty _work_ as cunning horses do from the bridle.

What misery is all this! What a mass of materials for producing that

general and _dreadful convulsion_ that must, first or last, come and

blow this funding and jobbing and enslaving and starving system to

atoms!

I was going, to-day, by the side of a plat of ground, where there was a

very fine flock of _turkeys_. I stopped to admire them, and observed to

the owner how fine they were, when he answered, "We owe them entirely

_to you_, Sir, for we never raised one till we read your _Cottage

Economy_." I then told him, that we had, this year, raised two broods at

Kensington, one black and one white, one of nine and one of eight; but,

that, about three weeks back, they appeared to become dull and pale

about the head; and, that, therefore, I sent them to a farmhouse, where

they recovered instantly, and the broods being such a contrast to each

other in point of colour, they were now, when prowling over a grass

field amongst the most agreeable sights that I had ever seen. I intended

of course, to let them get their full growth at Kensington, where they

were in a grass plat about fifteen yards square, and where I thought

that the feeding of them, in great abundance, with lettuces and other

greens from the garden, together with grain, would carry them on to

perfection. But I found that I was wrong; and that, though you may raise

them to a certain size, in a small place and with such management, they

then, if so much confined, begin to be sickly. Several of mine began

actually to droop: and, the very day they were sent into the country,

they became as gay as ever, and, in three days, all the colour about

their heads came back to them.

This town of Reigate had, in former times, a Priory, which had

considerable estates in the neighbourhood; and this is brought to my

recollection by a circumstance which has recently taken place in this

very town. We all know how long it has been the fashion for us to take

it for _granted_, that the monasteries were _bad things_; but, of late,

I have made some hundreds of thousands of very good Protestants begin to

suspect, that monasteries were better than _poor-rates_, and that monks

and nuns, who _fed the poor_, were better than sinecure and pension men

and women, who _feed upon the poor_. But, how came the monasteries! How

came this that was at Reigate, for instance? Why, it was, if I recollect

correctly, _founded by a Surrey gentleman_, who gave this spot and other

estates to it, and who, as was usual, provided that masses were to be

said in it for his soul and those of others, and that it should, as

usual, give aid to the poor and needy.

Now, upon the face of the transaction, what _harm_ could this do the

community? On the contrary, it must, one would think, do it _good_; for

here was this estate given to a set of landlords who never could quit

the spot; who could have no families; who could save no money; who could

hold no private property; who could make no will; who must spend all

their income at Reigate and near it; who as was the custom, fed the

poor, administered to the sick, and taught some, at least, of the

people, _gratis_. This, upon the face of the thing, seems to be a very

good way of disposing of a rich man's estate.

"Aye, but," it is said, "he left his estate away from his relations."

That is not _sure_, by any means. The contrary is fairly to be presumed.

Doubtless, it was the custom for Catholic Priests, before they took

their leave of a dying rich man, to advise him to think of the _Church

and the Poor_; that is to say to exhort him to bequeath something to

them; and this has been made a monstrous charge against that Church. It

is surprising how blind men are, when they have a mind to be blind; what

despicable dolts they are, when they desire to be cheated. We, of the

Church of England, must have a special deal of good sense and of

modesty, to be sure, to rail against the Catholic Church on this

account, when our Common Prayer Book, copied from an Act of Parliament,

_commands our Parsons to do just the same thing_!

Ah! say the Dissenters, and particularly the Unitarians; that queer

sect, who will have all the wisdom in the world to themselves; who will

believe and won't believe; who will be Christians and who won't have a

_Christ_; who will laugh at you, if you believe in the Trinity, and who

would (if they could) boil you in oil if you do not believe in the

Resurrection: "Oh!" say the Dissenters, "we know very well, that your

_Church Parsons_ are commanded to get, if they can, dying people to

give their money and estates to the Church and _the poor_, as they call

the concern, though the _poor_, we believe, come in for very little

which is got in this way. But what is _your Church_? We are the real

Christians; and we, upon our souls, never play such tricks; never, no

never, terrify old women out of their stockings full of guineas." "And,

as to us," say the Unitarians, "we, the most _liberal_ creatures upon

earth; we, whose virtue is indignant at the tricks by which the Monks

and Nuns got legacies from dying people to the injury of heirs and other

relations; we, who are the really enlightened, the truly consistent, the

benevolent, the disinterested, the exclusive patentees of the _salt of

the earth_, which is sold only at, or by express permission from our old

and original warehouse and manufactory, Essex-street, in the Strand,

first street on the left, going from Temple Bar towards Charing Cross;

we defy you to show that Unitarian Parsons...."

Stop your protestations and hear my Reigate anecdote, which, as I said

above, brought the recollection of the Old Priory into my head. The

readers of the Register heard me, several times, some years ago, mention

Mr. Baron Maseres, who was, for a great many years, what they call

Cursitor Baron of the Exchequer. He lived partly in London and partly at

Reigate, for more, I believe, than half a century; and he died, about

two years ago, or less, leaving, I am told, _more than a quarter of a

million of money_. The Baron came to see me, in Pall Mall, in 1800. He

always came frequently to see me, wherever I was in London; not by any

means omitting to _come to see me in Newgate_, where I was imprisoned

for two years, with a thousand pounds fine and seven years heavy bail,

for having expressed my indignation at the flogging of Englishmen, in

the heart of England, under a guard of German bayonets; and to Newgate

he always came in _his wig and gown_, in order, as he said, to show his

abhorrence of the sentence. I several times passed a week, or more, with

the Baron at his house, at Reigate, and might have passed many more, if

my time and taste would have permitted me to accept of his invitations.

Therefore, I knew the Baron well. He was a most conscientious man; he

was when I first knew him, still a very clever man; he retained all his

faculties to a very great age; in 1815, I think it was, I got a letter

from him, written in a firm hand, correctly as to grammar, and ably as

to matter, and he must then have been little short of ninety. He never

was a bright man; but had always been a very sensible, just and humane

man, and a man too who always cared a great deal for the public good;

and he was the only man that I ever heard of, who refused to have his

salary augmented, when an augmentation was offered, and when all other

such salaries were augmented. I had heard of this: I asked him about it

when I saw him again; and he said: "There was no _work_ to be added, and

I saw no justice in adding to the salary. It must," added he, "be _paid

by somebody_, and the more I take, the less that somebody must have."

He did not save money for money's sake. He saved it because his habits

would not let him spend it. He kept a house in Rathbone Place, chambers

in the Temple, and his very pretty place at Reigate. He was by no means

stingy, but his scale and habits were cheap. Then, consider, too, a

bachelor of nearly a hundred years old. His father left him a fortune,

his brother (who also died a very old bachelor), left him another; and

the money lay in the funds, and it went on doubling itself over and over

again, till it became that immense mass which we have seen above, and

which, when the Baron was making his will, he had neither Catholic

priest nor Protestant parson to exhort him to leave to the church and

the poor, instead of his relations; though, as we shall presently see,

he had somebody else to whom to leave his great heap of money.

The Baron was a most implacable enemy of the Catholics, as Catholics.

There was rather a peculiar reason for this, his grand-father having

been a _French Hugonot_ and having fled with his children to England, at

the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantz. The Baron was a very

humane man; his humanity made him assist to support the French emigrant

priests; but, at the same time, he caused Sir Richard Musgrave's book

against the Irish Catholics to be published at his own expense. He and I

never agreed upon this subject; and this subject was, with him, a

_vital_ one. He had no asperity in his nature; he was naturally all

gentleness and benevolence; and, therefore, he never _resented_ what I

said to him on this subject (and which nobody else ever, I believe,

ventured to say to him): but he did not like it; and he liked it less

because I certainly beat him in the argument. However, this was long

before he visited me in Newgate: and it never produced (though the

dispute was frequently revived) any difference in his conduct towards

me, which was uniformly friendly to the last time I saw him before his

memory was gone.

There was great excuse for the Baron. From his very birth he had been

taught to hate and abhor the Catholic religion. He had been told, that

his father and mother had been driven out of France by the Catholics:

and there was _that mother_ dinning this in his ears, and all manner of

horrible stories along with it, during all the tender years of his life.

In short, the prejudice made part of his very frame. In the year 1803,

in August, I think it was, I had gone down to his house on a Friday,

and was there on a Sunday. After dinner he and I and his brother walked

to the Priory, as is still called the mansion house, in the dell at

Reigate, which is now occupied by Lord Eastnor, and in which a Mr.

Birket, I think, then lived. After coming away from the Priory, the

Baron (whose native place was Betchworth, about two or three miles from

Reigate) who knew the history of every house and every thing else in

this part of the country, began to tell me why the place was called _the

Priory_. From this he came to the _superstition_ and _dark ignorance_

that induced people to found monasteries; and he dwelt particularly on

the _injustice to heirs and relations_; and he went on, in the usual

Protestant strain, and with all the bitterness of which he was capable,

against those _crafty priests_, who thus _plundered families_ by means

of the influence which they had over people in their dotage, or who were

naturally weak-minded.

Alas! poor Baron! he does not seem to have at all foreseen what was to

become of his own money! What would he have said to me, if I had

answered his observations by predicting, that _he_ would give his great

mass of money to a little parson for that parson's own private use;

leave only a mere pittance to his own relations; leave the little parson

his house in which we were then sitting (along with all his other real

property); that the little parson would come into the house and take

possession; and that his own relations (two nieces) would walk out! Yet,

all this has actually taken place, and that, too, after the poor old

Baron's four score years of jokes about the tricks of _Popish_ priests,

practised, in the _dark ages_, upon the _ignorant_ and _superstitious_

people of Reigate.

When I first knew the Baron he was a staunch _Church of England man_. He

went to church every Sunday once, at least. He used to take me to

Reigate church; and I observed, that he was very well versed in his

prayer book. But a decisive proof of his zeal as a Church of England man

is, that he settled an annual sum on the incumbent of Reigate, in order

to induce him to preach, or pray (I forget which), in the church, twice

on a Sunday, instead of once; and, in case this additional preaching, or

praying, were not performed in Reigate church, the annuity was to go

(and sometimes it does now go) to the poor of an adjoining parish, and

not to those of Reigate, lest I suppose, the parson, the overseers, and

other rate-payers, might happen to think that the Baron's annuity would

be better laid out in food for the bodies than for the souls of the

poor; or, in other words, lest the money should be taken annually and

added to the poor-rates to ease the purses of the farmers.

It did not, I dare say, occur to the poor Baron (when he was making

this settlement), that he was now giving money to make a church parson

put up additional prayers, though he had, all his lifetime, been

laughing at those, who, in the _dark_ ages, gave money, for this

purpose, to Catholic priests. Nor did it, I dare say, occur, to the

Baron, that, in his contingent settlement of the annuity on the poor of

an adjoining parish, he as good as declared his opinion, that he

distrusted the piety of the parson, the overseers, the churchwardens,

and, indeed, of all the people of Reigate: yes, at the very moment that

he was providing additional prayers for them, he in the very same

parchment, put a provision, which clearly showed that he was thoroughly

convinced that they, overseers, churchwardens, people, parson and all,

loved money better than prayers.

What was this, then? Was it hypocrisy; was it ostentation? No: mistake.

The Baron thought that those who could not go to church in the morning

ought to have an opportunity of going in the afternoon. He was aware of

the power of money; but, when he came to make his obligatory clause, he

was compelled to do that which reflected great discredit on the very

church and religion, which it was his object to honour and uphold.

However, the Baron _was_ a staunch churchman as this fact clearly

proves: several years he had become what they call an _Unitarian_. The

first time (I think) that I perceived this, was in 1812. He came to see

me in Newgate, and he soon began to talk about _religion_, which had not

been much his habit. He went on at a great rate, laughing about the

Trinity; and I remember that he repeated the Unitarian distich, which

makes _a joke_ of the idea of there being a devil, and which they all

repeat to you, and at the same time laugh and look as cunning and as

priggish as Jack-daws; just as if they were wiser than all the rest of

the world! I hate to hear the conceited and disgusting prigs, seeming to

take it for granted, that they only are wise, because others _believe_

in the incarnation, without being able to reconcile it to _reason_. The

prigs don't consider, that there is no more _reason_ for the

_resurrection_ than for the _incarnation_; and yet having taken it into

their heads to _come up again_, they would murder you, if they dared, if

you were to deny the _resurrection_. I do most heartily despise this

priggish set for their conceit and impudence; but, seeing that they want

_reason_ for the incarnation; seeing that they will have _effects_,

here, ascribed to none but _usual causes_, let me put a question or two

to them.

1. _Whence_ comes the _white clover_, that comes up and covers all

the ground, in America, where hard-wood trees, after standing for

thousands of years, have been burnt down?

2. _Whence_ come (in similar cases as to self-woods) the

hurtleberries in some places, and the raspberries in others?

3. _Whence_ come fish in new made places where no fish have ever

been put?

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