CHAPTER VIII.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND IN 1700.

74. References.

Bibliographies.--Same as §§ 47 and 63, above; Channing and Hart, _Guide_, §

130.

Historical Maps.--Same as § 47, above.

General Accounts.--Osgood, _Colonies_; Doyle, _Colonies_, III. ch. ix.;

Lodge, _Colonies_, ch. xxii.; W. Weeden, _Economic and Social History_; J.

Bishop, _History of American Manufactures_; American Statistical

Association _Publications_, No. 1.

Special Histories.--Manners and customs: Earle, _Costumes of Colonial

Times_, _Customs and Fashions in Old New England, Sabbath in Puritan New

England_, and _Stage Coach and Tavern Days_; W. Bliss, _Colonial Times on

Buzzard's Bay_, and _Old Colony Town_; F. Child, _Colonial Parsons of New

England_; J. Felt, _Customs of New England_; Fisher, _Men, Women, and

Manners_, I. chs. ii.-v.; Howe, _Puritan Republic_, chs. v.-ix.; W. Love,

_Fast and Thanksgiving Days_; M. Ward, _Old Colony Days_; Wharton,

_Colonial Days and Dames_.--Education: C. Johnson, _Old Time Schools and

School Books_; E. Brown, _Making of our Middle Schools_.--Theology: B.

Adams, _Emancipation of Massachusetts_; F. Foster, _New England Theology_;

M. Greene, _Development of Religious Liberty in Connecticut_; C. F. Adams,

_Antinomianism_.--Press: C. Duniway, _Freedom of Press in Massachusetts_;

G. Littlefield, _Early Massachusetts Press_; R. Roden, _Cambridge

Press_.--Slavery: G. Moore, _Slavery in Massachusetts_; G. Williams, _Negro

Race in America, 1619-1880_; W. Dubois, _Suppression of Slave Trade_.--On

the witchcraft delusion: C. Upham, _Salem Witchcraft_; S. Drake, _Annals of

Witchcraft_; J. Taylor, _Witchcraft Delusion in Connecticut_.--Medical

practice: O. Holmes, _Medical Profession in Massachusetts_. See also,

biographies of prominent men.

Contemporary Accounts.--Same as § 63, above.

75. Land and People.

Sidenote: Geography.

North of Cape Cod the shores of New England are rugged and forbidding,

though the coast-line is indented by numerous inlets from the sea,

affording safe anchorage. To the south of the cape there are also abundant

harbors; but the mountains nowhere approach the shore, and the beach is

wide, with a sand strip extending for some distance inland, while

treacherous shoals are not uncommon. The rivers, except those in Maine and

the Merrimac and the Connecticut, are small, and have their sources in

innumerable small lakes; the upper streams fall in successions of

picturesque cascades, the water-power of which is often profitably utilized

in manufacturing; and the larger rivers are held back by great dams, about

which have grown up the manufacturing towns of Manchester, Nashua, Lowell,

Lawrence, Holyoke, and many others.

Two ranges of mountains traverse New England: the Green Mountains and their

continuation, the Berkshire Hills, run nearly north and south from Canada

to Connecticut; the White Mountains form a group, rather than a chain,

nearer the coast. In the eastern half of Maine the low watershed comes down

to within one hundred and forty miles of the sea-shore, and the

Atlantic-coast region may be said practically to end there. The highest

elevation in the Appalachian system north of North Carolina is Mount

Washington (six thousand two hundred and ninety feet), in the White

Mountain range. The soil of New England is for the most part thin, and

interspersed with rocks and gravel. The banks of some of the principal

rivers are enriched by alluvial deposits left by overflows; there are fair

pasturage lands in Vermont and New Hampshire, while Maine, back from the

shore, has much good soil. The New England hills are rich in quarries of

fine building stone. Their mineral wealth is not great; iron and manganese

have been found in considerable quantities, together with some anthracite

coal, lead, and copper. Originally New England was one vast forest, and the

trees had to be cleared away in order to prepare the soil for cultivation.

The climate is subject to rapid variations, being generally accounted

superb in the summer and autumn; but the winters are long and severe, and

the springs late and brief.

The natural obstacles to human welfare in New England were great; but the

English settlers were men of tough fibre and rare determination. They were

not daunted by rugged hills, gloomy forest, harsh climate, and niggardly

soil. With courageous toil they built up thrifty towns along the narrow

slope, and erected enduring commonwealths, in which the English

institutions to which they had been accustomed were reproduced, and often

improved upon.

Sidenote: The population.

The population of New England in 1700, by which time a second generation of

Englishmen had arisen in America, is roughly estimated at about a hundred

and five thousand souls, of whom seventy thousand were in Massachusetts and

Maine, five thousand in New Hampshire, six thousand in Rhode Island, and

twenty-five thousand in Connecticut. The people were almost wholly of pure

English stock. Up to 1640, when the first great Puritan exodus ceased, full

twenty thousand English Dissenters, mainly from the eastern counties of

England, came to New England; thenceforth the population, says Palfrey,

"continued to multiply on its own soil for a century and a half, in

remarkable seclusion from other communities." During this time there was a

small infusion of Normans from the Channel Islands, Welsh, Scotch-Irish

(chiefly in 1652 and 1719), and Huguenots (1685). It is computed that at

the opening of the Revolutionary War ninety-eight per cent of New England

people were English or unmixed descendants of Englishmen. Nowhere else in

the American colonies was there so homogeneous a population, or one of such

uniformly high quality. As said Stoughton, lieutenant-governor of

Massachusetts (1692-1701): "God sifted a whole nation, that he might send

choice grain over into this wilderness."

76. Social Classes and Professions.

Sidenote: Classes.

Social distinctions were almost as sharply drawn in New England as in the

South. There was a powerful and much-respected aristocratic class,

beginning with the village "squire" and ending with the Crown officials in

the capital towns. "The foundations of rank," says Lodge, "were birth,

ancestral or individual service to the State, ability, education, and to

some extent wealth." The recognized classes were, in order of precedence,

gentlemen, yeomen, merchants, and mechanics; and at church the people were

punctiliously seated according to station. Down to 1772 the students in

Harvard College were carefully arranged in the catalogue in the order of

their social rank, the Hutchinsons, Saltonstalls, Winthrops, and Quincys

near the head. There was also a distinction between new-comers and

old-comers, the "old family" class laying some pretensions to social

superiority. The aristocrats were not men of leisure,--everybody in New

England worked; but the public offices and the professions were reserved

for gentlemen. Now and then some of them conducted large estates, although

aristocracy was not, as in England, supported on landed possessions and

primogeniture. The force of public opinion alone separated the classes;

with the growth of the democratic idea, social barriers ultimately

weakened, although they continued to appear in the politics of the

commonwealth down to the middle of the present century.

Sidenote: Slavery.

Slaves were comparatively few in number, the greater part of them being

house and body servants, and they were not harshly treated; travellers have

left record of the fact that some of the humbler farmers ate at table with

their human chattels. The race was, however, generally despised, and in one

of the old churches in Boston is still to be seen the lofty "slaves'

gallery." Judge Samuel Sewall issued the first public denunciation of

slavery in Massachusetts, in a pamphlet issued in 1700, wherein he

denounced "the wicked practice." For many years this distinguished jurist

and diarist followed up his assaults, allowing no opportunity to escape

wherein he might espouse the cause of the oppressed "blackamores" and

mitigate the severity of the laws against them. But the colonists in

general saw nothing in the system to shock their moral sense, and it was

not until the Revolution that anti-slavery ideas began, in New England, to

spread beyond a narrow circle of humanitarians.

Sidenote: The legal profession.

There was a full system of courts, ranging from the colonial judges down to

the justices of the peace and "commissioners of small causes," appointed by

colonial authority in each town. The magistrates were uniformly men of good

character, of the upper, well-educated class, and rendered substantial

justice, although not specially trained in the law. The legal profession

was practically neglected throughout the seventeenth century, doubtless

owing in great part to lack of facilities for study and to the overtowering

importance of the ministry; we do not read of a professional barrister in

Massachusetts until 1688. There was, however, no lack of litigation;

personal disputes were rife in Rhode Island, and in Connecticut there were

frequent legal contests between towns regarding lands. Between the

colonies, also, there were complicated and hotly-contested boundary

disputes. The bar gained strength, but it was not till about the middle of

the eighteenth century that it stood beside the ministry.

Sidenote: The ministry.

We have had frequent evidences, in preceding chapters, of the large

influence of the clergy in the temporal affairs of New England. The ranks

of the Puritan ministry contained men of the best ability and station; they

were pre-eminently the strongest class, and as the popular leaders, deeply

impressed their character upon the laws and institutions of the community.

They were held in great affection and reverence; but in a body of sturdy,

intelligent parishioners they could maintain their supremacy only by the

exercise of superior mental gifts: their calling was one offering rich

rewards for excellence, and attracted to it men of the finest calibre, like

the Mathers and Hooker. The sloth or the dullard was soon taught by his

people that he had mistaken his calling. Jonathan Edwards, although of a

later period than that of which we are treating, was a fair type, and his

early resolution "to live with all my might while I do live," was an

expression of the spirit which dominated his order.

Sidenote: Medicine.

It was an age in which quackery flourished. The regular physicians, though

excellent men and highly regarded by the people, depended upon nostrums,

and had little medical knowledge; they were in the main "herb-doctors" and

"blood-letters." Many of the practitioners were barbers, and others

clergymen. "This relation between medicine and theology," writes Dr.

Holmes, "has existed from a very early period; from the Egyptian priest to

the Indian medicine-man, the alliance has been maintained in one form or

another. The partnership was very common among our British ancestors."

There were few facilities for the study of medicine in the colonies until

after the Revolution. The first medical school in America was established

in Philadelphia, about 1760.

77. Occupations.

Sidenote: Domestic manufactures.

Unlike the Southern colonists, New Englanders were dependent on England

only for the most important manufactures. Mechanics were sufficiently

numerous in every community. The lumber industry was important, and in

Connecticut and Massachusetts there was profitable iron mining, which gave

rise to several kindred pursuits. There being abundant water-power, small

saw and grist mills were numerous; there were many tanneries and

distilleries; the Scotch-Irish in Massachusetts and New Hampshire made

linens and coarse woollens, and beaver hats and paper were manufactured on

a small scale. The people were largely dressed in homespun cloth, and a

spinning-wheel was to be found in every farm-house. It was not until after

the Revolution, however, that New England manufacturing interests attained

much magnitude; the home government, through the Acts of Navigation and

Trade (page 104, § 44), had discouraged, as far as possible, American

efforts in this direction.

Sidenote: Fisheries.

The fisheries, particularly whale and cod, were an important source of

income, those of Massachusetts being estimated, in 1750, at £250,000 per

year. Fishers' hamlets, with their great net-reels and drying stages, were

strung along the shores. The men engaged in the traffic were hardy and

bold, no weather deterring them from long voyages to Newfoundland and

Labrador, while whale-fishers ventured into the Arctic seas. From their

ranks were largely recruited the superb sailors who made the American navy

famous in the two wars with England.

Sidenote: Shipbuilding.

A pinnace, called the "Virginia," was constructed by the Popham colonists

in 1607,--the first ocean-going vessel built in New England. Shipbuilding

was first undertaken at Plymouth in 1625, and in Massachusetts six years

later (1631). By 1650 New England vessels were to be seen all along the

coast, and carried the bulk of the export cargoes. Before 1724 English ship

carpenters complained of American competition. In 1760 ships to the extent

of twenty thousand tons a year were being turned out of American

shipyards,--chiefly in New England; and most of them found a market in the

mother-country.

Sidenote: Commerce.

Dried fish was the chief commodity carried out of New England, and was

exported in American bottoms to Spain, Portugal, and the West Indies.

Fish-oil and timber were also sent out of Maine and Massachusetts to

foreign countries; hay, grain, and cattle were taken to New York,

Philadelphia, and the West Indies. There was an active longshore coasting

service by small craft, which ascended the rivers and gathered produce from

the farmers; these they took to neighboring ports, and brought back other

colonial products in exchange. Larger vessels went with miscellaneous

cargoes to the West Indies, and returned with slaves and sugar. New

Englanders manufactured rum from West India sugar and molasses, and

exported the finished product. There are instances of New England ships

taking rum to Africa, where it was exchanged for slaves; these slaves were

then transported to the West Indies, to be bartered for sugar and molasses,

which was carried home and converted into rum. It was a day when kegs of

rum and wines were given to ministers at donation parties, and ministers

themselves made brandy by the barrel for domestic use, and sold it to their

parishioners. Wines were imported from Madeira and Malaga, and manufactured

goods from England and the Continent. A very large and profitable business

was done in the general carrying trade, which was developed by enterprising

New England men in all the sister colonies. Boston alone employed, by the

middle of the eighteenth century, about six hundred vessels in her foreign

commerce, and a thousand in her fisheries and coast-trade.

Sidenote: Distribution of occupations.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century the population was in about

equal degree engaged in trade and agriculture. Trade was the chief calling

in Rhode Island, and agriculture in Connecticut and New Hampshire, while in

Maine and Massachusetts both flourished. All of the colonies were also much

interested in the fisheries.

78. Social Conditions.

Sidenote: The towns.

Boston, Newport, and New Haven were the chief towns; the former was at this

time the centre of political and mercantile life on the North American

continent, and there were external evidences of considerable wealth and

some luxury. New Haven was famed for its prosperous appearance, and the

houses of its rich men were of a better style of architecture than commonly

seen in the colonies. Small villages, neighborhood centres of the several

townships, abounded everywhere. The houses of the minister and the

school-teacher, with the little shops of tradesmen and artisans, formed the

nucleus around which the farm-houses were grouped with more or less

density. The village streets, overhung with arching elms, were kept in

tolerable order by the "hog-reeves," "fence-viewers," and other town

officials. The quaint, roomy, gambrel-roofed houses were scrupulously plain

and clean, and were presided over by model housewives.

Sidenote: Life and manners.

The people in these rural communities were in moderate financial

circumstances, neat in habit, intelligent, and fairly educated; both sexes,

young and old, worked hard, were frugal, thrifty, and as a rule rigid in

morals. While coldly reserved towards strangers, they were kind and

hospitable, and noted far and wide for their acute inquisitiveness. They

wore sober-colored garments except on Sunday, the important day of the

week, when there was a general display of quaint finery of a sombre

character. The men wore long stockings and knee-breeches, with buckled

shoes; workmen had breeches and jackets of leather, buckskin, or coarse

canvas, while those of higher degree were generally dressed in coarse

homespun,--only the richest could afford imported cloths. Their great open

fireplaces were ill-adapted to withstand the winter's rigor. Their churches

were wholly unprovided with heating accommodations. Their diet was spare.

The well-to-do prided themselves on their old silver tableware, and New

England kitchens were noted for their displays of brightly burnished pewter

and brasses. Cider and New England rum were favorite beverages; but

drunkenness was less prevalent than in the other colonies: the New England

temperament was not inclined to excesses and roistering. The general tone

of life was sedate, even gloomy; the Puritans had "a lurking inherited

distrust for enjoyment," yet they cultivated a certain dry humor, and for

the young people there was not lacking a round of simple amusements, such

as house-raisings, dancing parties, and husking, spinning, quilting, and

apple-paring bees, into which the neighborhoods entered with great zest. In

the towns there was more pretension and ceremonial; but taking changed

conditions into account, the life of the townspeople and their habits of

thought differed but little from those of their rural cousins.

Sidenote: Roads and travel.

The highways were generally of fair character, but the larger streams were

unbridged. Outside of the neighborhoods of the large towns wheeled

vehicles, except for heavy loads, were not common until the time of the

Revolution. Horseback was the ordinary mode of travel. A tavern kept by

some leading citizen could be found in every town, with good lodgings at

reasonable rates, although there was general complaint of the cookery.

Nowhere else in the colonies was there so much intercommunication as in New

England.

79. Moral and Religious Conditions.

Sidenote: Education.

A system of public education was among the first institutions established

by the Puritans. Each town had its school; by 1649 there was no New England

colony, except Rhode Island, in which some degree of education was not

compulsory. Deep learning was rare, but the people were well drilled in the

rudiments; except on the far-off borders of Maine there was no illiteracy

in New England when the Revolution broke out. Latin schools and academies

soon supplemented parental instruction and the common schools. We have seen

that Boston was but six years old when Harvard College was established

(1636); and Yale College was opened at New Haven in the year 1700.

Sidenote: Crime.

Crime appears to have been less frequent in New England than in the

Southern or the middle colonies; the highways were safe after the close of

King Philip's war and the Tarratine trouble; doors and windows were seldom

barred in the country, and young women could travel anywhere with perfect

safety. The list of capital crimes was a long one in that day, as well in

the mother-land as in the colonies, and hangings, particularly of the

pirates who infested the coast, were spectacles frequently seen in New

England. A more cruel form of punishment was reserved for the negro race.

There were several cases of negroes being burned at the stake for murder or

arson. Great publicity was given to all manner of punishments; gibbets,

stocks, ducking-stools, pillories, and whipping-posts were familiar objects

in nearly every town. Criminals might also be branded, mutilated, or

compelled to wear, conspicuously sewed to their garments, colored letters

indicative of the offences committed. Hawthorne's romance of the "Scarlet

Letter" is based on this last-named custom.

Sidenote: Religion.

Organized on the Independent, or Congregational, form, each religious

congregation was a law unto itself, electing its own deacons and minister,

and was but little influenced by the occasional synods, or councils of

churches, which at last fell into disuse. At first the Church was bitterly

intolerant; but this spirit gradually softened as it became more and more

separated from the State. By the close of the seventeenth century John

Eliot complained that religion had declined; in 1749 Douglass was able to

write, "At present the Congregationalists of New England may be esteemed

among the most moderate and charitable of Christian professions." The

introduction of the Church of England under Andros aroused bitter

opposition. Episcopalianism was vigorously preached against until the

Revolution; but there was no great cause for complaint, as it was not

sought to foist it upon the people, but to gain for it a hearing. The name

"Bishop's palace," still applied to a house in Cambridge which was supposed

when built to have been intended for an imported bishop, bears testimony to

the popular feeling against the system. It had no success except among the

Tory element in Boston and Portsmouth,--and later (1736-1750) in New Haven.

In Rhode Island perfect tolerance made the colony a harboring place for all

manner of despised sects and factious disturbers driven out of other

communities, and the spirit of turbulence long reigned there.

Sidenote: "The great awakening."

A "great awakening" of religious fervor affected New England between 1713

and 1744. Originating in Northampton, Mass., in revivals under Solomon

Stoddard, the popular excitement became almost frenzied under Jonathan

Edwards, beginning in 1734. A visit from George Whitefield, the English

revivalist, in 1740 caused a great fervor of religious interest, and it is

estimated that twenty-five thousand converts were made by the great

agitator throughout his New England pilgrimage. By 1744, when Whitefield

again visited the scene of his triumphs, the excitement had greatly

subsided.

80. The Witchcraft Delusion.

Sidenote: The witchcraft craze.

The witchcraft craze at Salem is commonly thought to have been a legitimate

outgrowth of the gloomy religion of the Puritans. It was, however, but one

of those panics of fear which during several centuries periodically swept

over civilized lands. In the twelfth century thousands of persons in Europe

were sacrificed because the people believed them to be witches, in league

with the devil, and with the power to ride through the air and vex humanity

in many occult ways. Pope Innocent VIII. commanded (1484) that witches be

arrested, and hundreds of odd and repulsive old women were burned or hanged

in consequence. From King John down to 1712, innocent lives were constantly

sacrificed in England on this charge; in the year 1661 alone, one hundred

and twenty were hanged there. It was therefore no new frenzy that broke out

in Massachusetts. In 1648 Margaret Jones was hanged as a witch at

Charlestown; in 1656 the sister of Deputy-Governor Bellingham, for being

"too subtle in her perception of what was occurring around her," suffered

the same fate; in 1688 an Irish washerwoman named Glover went to the

gallows because a spiteful child said she had been bewitched by the poor

creature.

Sidenote: The trials.

There was general despondency in Massachusetts in 1692, the result of four

small-pox epidemics which had quickly followed each other, the loss of the

old charter, a temporary increase in crime, financial depression, and

general dread of another Indian outbreak. The time was ripe for an epidemic

of superstitious fear. All at once it broke out with great fury in the old

town of Salem. Despite the protest of Cotton Mather and other prominent

clergymen, who, though believers in witches, condemned unjust methods of

procedure, a special court of oyer and terminer was hastily organized

(1692) by the governor and council for the trial of the accused.

Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, who presided over this extraordinary

tribunal, was in active sympathy with the fanatics who conducted the

prosecution. The witnesses were chiefly children, and the testimony the

flimsiest ever seriously received in an American court of justice. But the

judges, although sober and respectable citizens, were as deluded as the

people; while the frenzy lasted, nineteen persons were hanged for having

bewitched children in the neighborhood, and one was pressed to death

because he would not plead. Of the hundreds of others who were arrested,

two died while in prison.

Sidenote: Sewall's repentance.

By the following year the craze had exhausted itself, and there was a

general jail-delivery. Many of the children afterwards confessed to the

falsity of their testimony. Samuel Sewall was one of the trial judges. He

afterwards, while standing in his pew in the Old South Church at Boston,

had read at the desk at public declaration expressing his deep repentance

that he had been in such grievous error, and asking the congregation to

unite with him in praying for the forgiveness of God. Cotton Mather,

however, endeavored to vindicate himself by the statement, "I know not that

ever I have advanced any opinion in the matter of witchcraft but what all

the ministers of the Lord that I know of in the world, whether English or

Scotch, or French or Dutch, are of the same opinion with me."

Sidenote: The witchcraft delusion elsewhere in the colonies.

Belief in witchcraft was not confined to Massachusetts. Evidence of this

superstition--childish to us of to-day, but a stern reality in the

strongest minds of Cotton Mather's time--was noticeable throughout most of

the colonies until the middle of the eighteenth century. In 1705 a witch

was "ducked" in Virginia. There were trials for witchcraft in Maryland

during the last quarter of the seventeenth century, but there is no

evidence extant of an execution. In Pennsylvania in 1683 a woman was tried

as a witch, and bound to good behavior. In 1779, during a similar panic

among the French creoles at Cahokia, Ill., two negro slaves were condemned

to be hanged, and another to be burned alive while chained to a post, on

the charge of practising sorcery; there is, however, no evidence that the

sentence was carried out.

81. Political Conditions.

Sidenote: Administration.

The town was in New England the political unit. The town-meeting was a

primary assembly, at which were transacted all local affairs,--those which

came nearest to the individual. The colonial government dealt with general

interests; the colonial machinery of administration might break down, and

yet the immediate needs of the people would have been for a time subserved

by the town governments. This was the case at the beginning of the

Revolution. But the indispensable function of legislation upon property and

contracts, the definition of crimes, and all the judicial affairs of the

people, were from the first carried out by the colony. In the

town-meetings--and in church congregations, which were for a long period

scarcely distinguishable from them--the people were trained in

self-government; their intellects were sharpened, and there was bred a

stout spirit of political self-sufficiency. By the beginning of the

eighteenth century a freehold test for suffrage was common in New England,

as in most of the American colonies. Taxes raised on land, polls, and

personal property were not onerous, as public expenditures were carefully

watched and criticised by a frugal people. The introduction of royal

governors opened the door to bickerings between the executive and the

legislature,--so prominent a feature in eighteenth-century colonial history

prior to the Revolution. Up to 1700, with a few exceptions, the political

machinery had run quite smoothly, when not subjected to outside

interference. The several colonial governments in New England varied in

detail, but they were alike in being largely independent of England, in

being administered in a spirit of simplicity and economy, and in the extent

to which the body of the people were enabled to influence the conduct of

affairs.

Sidenote: Summary.

New England men were brave and liberty-loving, stoutly withstanding any

attempt on the part of the home government to curtail their rights as

Englishmen or hamper their progress. They were not always successful in

their resistance, but were vastly more independent than their French and

Spanish neighbors; and the principles of popular government were nowhere

else, even in the English colonies, so successfully put in practice. They

were hard-working, frugal, God-fearing, educated, and virtuous men. They

sprang from a high quality of pure English stock, and they had raised

indeed "choice grain." They founded an enduring empire amid obstacles that

two and a half centuries ago might well have seemed appalling. The creed of

the Puritans was harsh, their view of life gloomy, and their church

intolerant; but their mission, as they conceived it, was a serious one, and

the stormy experience of Rhode Island was not calculated elsewhere to

encourage looseness in religious thinking. They were enterprising and

thrifty to a high degree. In commerce, domestic trade, manufactures, and

political sagacity, for nearly two centuries New England easily led all the

American colonies. The nation owes much to the wisdom, the energy, and the

fortitude of New England colonial statesmen; and New England institutions

are to-day in large measure characteristics of the American commonwealth.

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